"Titoism" was a large component of the so-called "Non-Aligned Movement," an informal grouping of countries that considered themselves part of neither the American nor the Soviet camp during the Cold War, and attracted world leaders including India's Jawaharlal Nehru and Egypt's Gamal Abdel Nasser.
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With the 1943, dissolution of Comintern and the subsequent advent of the Cominform came Stalin's dismissal of the previous ideology, and adaptation to the conditions created for Soviet hegemony during the Cold War. Titoism has sometimes been referred to as a form of "national communism", a variant of nationalism. However, Connor Walker says that Titoism is more akin to "state communism", as the loyalty is to a state comprising multiple nations. Nationalism was a threat to Titoism.
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Linking Zionism with Trotskyism and Titoism, as Rajk's prosecutors did, defied logic because both leftist movements were noted for their anti-Zionism.
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Tito led Yugoslavia until his death in 1980. Today, the term "Titoism" is sometimes used to refer to Yugo- nostalgia, a longing for reestablishment or revival of Yugoslavism or Yugoslavia by the citizens of Yugoslavia's successor states.
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P. 74. Đilasism arose as a break from Titoism pursued by the Yugoslav government of Josip Broz Tito. The word was often used as pejorative, including by Tito, while Đilas himself personally denied that such an ideology existed.Milovan Đilas.
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Fred Warner Neal (1958) Titoism in Action: The Reforms in Yugoslavia After 1948 pp222–223 The 282 deputies of the Federal Assembly included 116 from Serbia, 66 from Croatia, 48 from Bosnia and Herzegovina, 24 from Slovenia, 21 from Macedonia and 7 from Montenegro.
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As a result, Yugoslavia fell outside of the Soviet sphere of influence, and the country's brand of communism, with its independence from the Soviet line, was called Titoism by Moscow and considered treasonous. Party purges against suspected "Titoites" were conducted throughout the Eastern Bloc.
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During the Cold War, this line of thought would further result in Mao Zedong Thought, Maoism, Ho Chi Minh Thought, Hoxhaism and Titoism. As industrialisation enabled the rise of colonialism, this was accompanied by the ideology of Imperialism. Later, anti-imperialist ideologies would counter this, such as Gandhism and Nasserism.
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After the liberation, Supek went back to Paris to continue living and studying there. In 1948, after the Informbiro Resolution against Josip Broz Tito's Yugoslavia, the leader of the French Communists Maurice Thorez asked Supek, who was a member of the French Communist Party, to attack Titoism. Supek refused to comply and returned to Yugoslavia. However, he did not become a member of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia.
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A career-threatening development came in 1951, at which point Markov had still done little to modify his reputation as an "unorthodox" thinker. An increasingly nervous party leadership suddenly accused him of "Titoism" and "Objectivism" in January 1951. This may have arisen at least in part out of a reading of his 1949 habilitation dissertation on the complexities of nineteenth and twentieth-century rivalries in the Balkans. Markov was now excluded from the party.
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Titoism is a form of Leninism based on the regime of Marshal Josip Broz Tito post-World War II in Yugoslavia. While formerly heading a Comintern liberation movement, after the war Tito broke with Moscow and insisted Yugoslavia was to be non-aligned with neither NATO nor the Warsaw Pact. Tito called for "national unity" and "self-management" which enabled Yugoslavia to form relationships independent of the superpowers with other governments during the Cold War.
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Guha denounced the post-1956 line of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union as 'revisionist'. He argued that it had its roots in bourgeois nationalism and could be traced to Titoism. After 1969, Guha was a proponent of Marxism- Leninism-Mao Tse-Tung Thought and New Democratic Revolution. After breaking with UCCRI(ML) in 1978, Guha formulated a position that India had become a capitalist country and was thus ripe for socialist revolution.
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Initially removed from his Army position in 1950, at the same time as all cadres who had fought in the International Brigades or the French Resistance,Corlăţan Roman was deposed from government office,Levy, p.161 purged from the PCR and Army on charges of "Titoism" and "espionage", and singled out for a possible show trial (1952).Levy, p.161; Tismăneanu, Stalinism, p.124, 320 He became subject to daily interrogations by the Party Control Commission.
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Josip Broz Tito Titoism is a political philosophy most closely associated with Josip Broz Tito during the Cold War. It is characterized by a broad Yugoslav identity, a political separation from the Soviet Union, and leadership in the Non-Aligned Movement. Tito led the Yugoslav Partisans during World War II. After the war, tensions arose between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union. Although these issues diminished over time, Yugoslavia still remained relatively independent in thought and policy.
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In 1944 he became editor of the Yugoslav communist daily, Borba. He also served as deputy Foreign Minister. Vlahović was essential in organizing the documents for the Programme of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (Program Saveza komunista Jugoslavije, also known as the Ljubljana Programme, which laid the principles of Titoism) and the 10th Congress of the Party, both in 1958. As such, he kept a great authority alongside Josip Broz Tito as an ideological mastermind.
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The party, which was led by Josip Broz Tito from 1937 to 1980, was the first communist party in power in the history of the Eastern Bloc that openly opposed the Soviet Union and thus was expelled from the Cominform in 1948 in what is known as the Tito–Stalin split. After internal purges of pro- Soviet members, the party renamed itself the League of Communists in 1952 and adopted the politics of workers' self-management and independent communism, known as Titoism.
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The NKPJ is strongly against Titoism but is of the opinion that Tito's Yugoslavia was a socialist state until 1990. The NKPJ's goal is the reunification of Yugoslavia as a communist state. The party boycotted the 2007 parliamentary election, because of its position that the electoral law violated fundamental democratic principles and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. In 2010 the party was removed from the list of registered parties after failing to re-register under the new electoral law.
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The ÁVH also assisted the Soviet sphere security apparatus by staging show trials. In two cases, the ÁVH was given the privilege of leading an attack on undesired elements throughout Hungary. In 1948 the Roman Catholic Cardinal József Mindszenty was tried and imprisoned. In 1949, the ÁVH arrested Hungarian Communist Party member László Rajk, who was then tried and executed for nationalism and Titoism in a show trial that signified to the international communist movement that Yugoslavia was now a threat.
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After the war, Novotný returned to Czechoslovakia and resumed his activity in the Czech Communist Party. He was elected a member of the governing Central Committee of the KSČ in 1946. He was promoted to the Secretariat of the Central Committee in September 1951 and became one of the party's top leaders on the CPC's Politburo following the arrest of Rudolf Slánský for alleged "Titoism" in November of that same year. Novotný was formally appointed as Deputy Prime Minister in February 1953.
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The Socialist Republic of Macedonia was a one-party communist state, the ruling political party being the League of Communists of Macedonia (in Macedonian: Сојуз на Комунистите на Македонија, Sojuz na Komunistite na Makedonija, abbreviation: СКМ, SKM). Being a constituent state of Yugoslavia, a leading founder of the Non-Aligned Movement, SR Macedonia pursued a neutral foreign policy and maintained a more liberal communist system compared to other communist states. The ruling ideology was based on Titoism and Workers' self-management (Macedonian: самоуправување, samoupravuvanje).
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Svetozar Vlajković spent a big part of his professional life during Titoism, and he retrospectively describes the cultural atmosphere of this period as follows: Tito was an uneducated man, he became ruler thanks to a group of uneducated people. At the same time, these nations were also people of little faith and needed a strong leader. Tito surrounded himself with rude, arrogant, but obedient people. They chose their audience on the basis of a kinship decision, creating a pyramid of power that conquered the entire population.
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According to Marxism–Leninism, fascism was the "final phase of crisis of bourgeoisie", which "in fascism sought refuge" from "inherent contradictions of capitalism". As a result of this approach, it was almost every Western capitalist country that was fascist, with the Third Reich being just the "most reactionary" one. The international investigation on Katyn massacre was described as "fascist libel"Robert Stiller, "Semantyka zbrodni" and the Warsaw Uprising as "illegal and organised by fascists". Communist Służba Bezpieczeństwa described Trotskyism, Titoism and imperialism as "variants of fascism".
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Such beliefs, however, were considered Titoism by the Polish Government and were therefore kept hidden.Milosz (1953), pages 61–63. # The Ketman of Revolutionary Purity, the secret belief that Joseph Stalin betrayed the teachings of Vladimir Lenin by instituting mass terror, forced collectivisation, the concentration camps of the GULAG, and the smothering of literature and the arts by tolerating only Socialist Realism. Followers of this Ketman believed that, a new literary and artistic flowering would follow the end of World War II and, until then, Stalin must be not only tolerated, but supported.
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After disagreements between Yugoslavian leader Josip Broz Tito and the Soviet Union regarding Greece and the People's Republic of Albania, a Tito–Stalin Split occurred, followed by Yugoslavia being expelled from the Cominform in June 1948 and a brief failed Soviet putsch in Belgrade. The split created two separate communist forces in Europe. A vehement campaign against "Titoism" was immediately started in the Eastern Bloc, describing agents of both the West and Tito in all places engaging in subversive activity. This resulted in the persecution of many major party cadres, including those in East Germany.
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The phrase market socialism has occasionally been used in reference to any attempt by a Soviet-type planned economy to introduce market elements into its economic system. In this sense, market socialism was first attempted during the 1920s in the Soviet Union as the New Economic Policy (NEP) before being abandoned. Later, elements of market socialism were introduced in Hungary (where it was nicknamed goulash communism), Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia (see Titoism) in the 1970s and 1980s. The contemporary Economy of Belarus has been described as a market socialist system.
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After the expulsion of Yugoslavia from the group in June 1948, the seat was moved to Bucharest, Romania. The expulsion of Yugoslavia from the Cominform for Titoism initiated the Informbiro period in that nation's history. The intended purpose of the Cominform was to coordinate actions between Communist parties, and scores of Communist-controlled professional, artistic and intellectual groups under Soviet direction. The Kremlin had set up the Cominform in the early years of the cold war to coordinate the activities of the Cominform acted as a tool of Soviet foreign policy and Stalinism.
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In January 1949, Vafiadis himself was accused of "Titoism" and removed from his political and military positions, to be replaced by Zachariadis. After a year of increasing acrimony, Tito closed the Yugoslav border to the DSE in July 1949, and disbanded its camps inside Yugoslavia. The DSE was still able to use Albanian border territories, a poor alternative. Within the Greek Communist Party, the split with Tito also sparked a witch hunt for "Titoites" that demoralised and disorganised the ranks of the DSE and sapped support for the KKE in urban areas.
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Between 1945 and 1947, Kardelj led the Yugoslav delegation that negotiated peace talks with Italy over the border dispute in the Julian March. After the Tito-Stalin split in 1948, he helped, with Milovan Đilas and Vladimir Bakarić, to devise a new economic policy in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, known as workers' self-management. In the 1950s, especially after Djilas's removal, he rose to become the main theorist of Titoism and Yugoslav workers' self- management. Kardelj was shot and wounded in 1959 by Jovan Veselinov (sl).
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Ulam authored multiple books and articles, and his writings were primarily dedicated to Sovietology, Kremlinology and the Cold War. His best- known book is Expansion and Coexistence: The History of Soviet Foreign Policy, 1917-67 (1968). In his first book, Titoism and the Cominform (1952), based on his doctoral thesis, he argued that Communists' focus on certain goals blinded them to disastrous socioeconomic side effects that had the capacity to weaken their hold on power. His book The Unfinished Revolution: An Essay on the Sources of Influence of Marxism and Communism (1960) explored Marxist thought.
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Communist states are typically administered by a single, centralized party apparatus. Although some provide the impression of multiple political parties, these are all solely in control by that centralized party. These parties are usually Marxist–Leninist or some national variation thereof such as Maoism or Titoism, with the official aim of achieving socialism and progressing toward a communist society. There have been several instances of communist states with functioning political participation processes involving several other non-party organizations such as direct democratic participation, factory committees and trade unions.
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Since one of his first songs "Računajte na nas", Balašević has been politically involved. Together with another early single "Triput sam video Tita" ("I Saw Tito Three Times"), these songs summed up his early political position: yugoslavism, patriotism and Titoism. During the second half of the 1980s, Balašević began to criticize the authorities, and in the early 1990s his songs and stage speeches showed disillusionment and sadness over the fact that bloodshed was possible in the Yugoslavia he once admired. He openly criticised Serbian, Croatian and Slovene nationalism.
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He goes on to describe his memories of storks nesting on the multicoloured chimneys of his childhood village and pelicans going after fish in the Danube Delta. Vasil Strojanov, in his cynical and drunken way, is moved enough to recount his own experience as a partisan and member of the Dimitrov cabinet. Strojanov was the only one to escape hanging under charges of Titoism. Since then, Strojanov has had a recurring nightmare: a hideous monster-beast with sharp teeth, gray, stonelike skin and breasts similar to a female animal's mammaries, rising over a snow-covered landscape along with a red star.
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The former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was not a member of the Eastern Bloc, but a founding member of the Non-Aligned Movement. Maintaining a more liberal communist system, sometimes referred to as Titoism, Yugoslavia was more opened to Western influences comparing to the other communist states. Hence, starting from the 1950s onwards, a well-developed Yugoslav rock scene was able to emerge with all its music genres and subgenres including punk rock, heavy metal and so on. The Yugoslav punk bands were the first punk rock acts ever to emerge in a communist country.
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After disagreements between Yugoslav leader Josip Broz Tito and the Soviet Union regarding Greece and Albania, a Tito–Stalin split occurred, followed by Yugoslavia being expelled from the Cominform in June 1948 and a brief failed Soviet putsch in Belgrade. The split created two separate communist forces in Europe. A vehement campaign against Titoism was immediately started in the Eastern Bloc, describing agents of both the West and Tito in all places as engaging in subversive activity. Stalin ordered the conversion of the Cominform into an instrument to monitor and control the internal affairs of other Eastern Bloc parties.
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After the war, Brus became the head of propaganda for the communist Polish Workers' Party (PPR). He also wrote his doctoral thesis on the Marxist law of value and then started teaching at Warsaw University. In 1952 he wrote a propaganda textbook in which he expressed admiration for Joseph Stalin's work The Economic Problems of Socialism. He also attacked Titoism and Władysław Gomułka's ideas claiming that neither proposed Soviet paths to socialism. In 1955, Brus became the vice-chairman of a council which was to advise the Gomułka government on economic reforms, but, with the economic stabilization that followed the Poznań 1956 uprising, most of the council's proposals were ignored.
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Banu and Banu, p. 19 Claiming to cite a SovRom engineer, Drăghici compared the Soviet treatment of Romanians with the apartheid regime.Banu and Banu, p. 18 Although Romania still condemned "Titoism", the speaker paid tribute to neighboring Yugoslavia's Eastern Bloc dissidence.Banu and Banu, p. 21 The Romanian leadership registered with satisfaction the Declaration's genuine popularity, until Gheorghiu-Dej became aware that regular citizens were airing traditional Russophobia, defined as "bourgeois nationalism" in standard communist rhetoric. According to historian Walter M. Bacon, Jr., Gheorghiu-Dej's attempt "to supplant 'bourgeois nationalist' feelings with 'socialist patriotic' ones" relied on a political program devised by Drăghici, but was "largely unsuccessful."Bacon, p.
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293 The person who took initiative in bringing her to trial was Securitate deputy chief Alexandru Nicolschi.Golpenţia During repeated interrogations by the Securitate, Constante tried to fend off false accusations of "Titoism" and "treason", but, the victim of constant beatings and tortureCesereanu; Golpenţia (much of her hair was torn from the roots), and confronted with Zilber's testimony -- which implicated her --, she eventually gave in and admitted to the charges.Tismăneanu, "Memorie...", Stalinism..., p.294 Throughout the rest of her life, she maintained a highly critical view of Zilber, and expressed her admiration for Pătrăşcanu, who had for long resisted pressures and had been executed in the end.
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Marxist–Leninist communist governments Its leading role in World War II saw the emergence of the Soviet Union as an industrialized superpower, with strong influence over Eastern Europe and parts of Asia. The European and Japanese empires were shattered and communist parties played a leading role in many independence movements. Marxist–Leninist governments modeled on the Soviet Union took power with Soviet assistance in Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, East Germany, Poland, Hungary and Romania. A Marxist–Leninist government was also created under Josip Broz Tito in Yugoslavia, but Tito's independent policies led to the expulsion of Yugoslavia from the Cominform which had replaced the Comintern and Titoism was branded "deviationist".
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Due to the tumultuous sociopolitical conditions in the 1960s, the affirmation of 'authentic' Marxist theory and praxis, and its humanist and dialectical aspects in particular, was an urgent task for philosophers working across the SFRY. There was a need to respond to the kind of modified Marxism–Leninism enforced by the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (see Titoism). To vocalize and therefore begin to satisfy this need, the program of Praxis school was defined in French in the first issue of the International edition of Praxis: A quoi bon Praxis. Predrag Vranicki ("On the problem of Practice") and Danko Grlić ("Practice and Dogma") expanded this program in English in the same issue (Praxis, 1965, 1, pounds.
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Cominform was initially located in Belgrade, Yugoslavia, but after the Tito–Stalin split expelled Yugoslavia from the group in June 1948, the seat was moved to Bucharest, Romania. Officially, Yugoslavia was expelled for "Titoism", based on accusations of deviating from Marxism-Leninism and anti-Sovietism. In reality, Yugoslavia was considered to be heretical for resisting Soviet dominance in its affairs and integration into Eastern Bloc as a Soviet satellite state. One of the most decisive factors that led to the expulsion of Yugoslavia was their commitment to supporting communist insurgents in the Greek Civil War, in violation of the "Percentages agreement" between the Soviet Union and United Kingdom, and their decision to station troops in Albania.
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Ghosts and goblins of the past will cause a permanent rift and endless debate. Anti-fascism is not the foundation of Croatia, but a platitude that has no basis in the constitutional text, not being mentioned anywhere." Deputy Parliament Speaker and professor of constitutional law Robert Podolnjak from the governing Bridge of Independent Lists party, among many others, posited that anti-fascism is founded in the Croatian Constitution. Hasanbegović said that his remarks about anti-fascism were related to the Yugoslav totalitarian legacy and Titoism: "All who abuse the notion of anti-fascism, which can be fluid, as is well-known to historians, know that various meanings can be attributed to that notion.
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In Serbia, the burial of Ranković was the first demonstration by the Serb public against the ideology of Titoism. Abiding by policies of Tito that restricted public sentiments of national division, state authorities and media attempted to sideline the demands of a protest petition and to downplay the nationalist aspects regarding the funeral. The authorities were astounded by the events at the funeral, as they expected people forgot about someone who was in complete media and political isolation for almost two decades. By gathering in such crowds, people showed to the government what they think of it, but also what they think of all the allegations, isolation and silence which surrounded Ranković since 1966.
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Drăgoescu, p.23 His file indicates that the secret police (which was soon to become the Securitate) had been keeping him under surveillance from as early as the summer of 1946.Drăgoescu, p.23 In the fall of 1949, Gheorghiu-Dej (apparently contradicting the committee's conclusions) ordered Pătrășcanu's transfer into the custody of the Secret Service of the Council of Ministers (SSI) under the provisional charge that Pătrășcanu had not reported various political crimes.Drăgoescu, p.24 A report on "Titoism" and collaboration with the maverick Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was presented to the Cominform: it placed Pătrășcanu, the Hungarian Republic's László Rajk, and Bulgaria's Traicho Kostov in the same camp, as "imperialist agents" (see Tito-Stalin split, Informbiro).
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After World War II, he held a number of offices in the government of Poland, one of his first being mayor of Warsaw (18 September 1944 – March 1945), with the war still in progress. Among other posts, he was a long-time member of the Sejm (parliament), a close friend of Władysław Gomułka, and from 1945 to 1948 was both Deputy Minister of Defense and a member of the Politburo of the Polish United Workers' Party. He was removed from his remaining political posts in 1949 and then in 1950 imprisoned as part of the Stalinist purges of social- democrats in 1949–1953,, translated by Karel Kovanda. where he was accused of anti-Soviet tendencies akin to Titoism.
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The meeting was held shortly after Stalin accused Tito of being a nationalist and moving to the right branding his heresy Titoism. This resulted in a break with the Soviet Union known as the Informbiro period. Initially the Yugoslav communists, despite the break with Stalin, remained as hard line as before but soon began to pursue a policy of independent socialism that experimented with the self-management of workers in state-run enterprises, with decentralization and other departures from the Soviet model of a Communist state. Under the influence of reformers such as Boris Kidrič and Milovan Đilas, Yugoslavia experimented with ideas of workers self-management where workers influenced the policies of the factories in which they worked and shared a portion of any surplus revenue.
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According to Aregawi Berhe, the MLLT held its founding congress on 25 July 1985 in the gorge of the Wari River.Aregawi Berhe, A Political history of the Tigray People's Liberation Front (1975-1991) (Los Angeles: Tsehai, 2009), p. 170 Posing as orthodox defenders of Marxism-Leninism and allying itself with the communist current associated with the hard-line Enver Hoxha regime in Albania, the MLLT saw its goals as spreading Marxism-Leninism throughout the world and "engaging in a bitter struggle against all brands of revisionism," which they defined using the parlance of the Albanian Labor Party, as including "Khrushchevism, Titoism, Trotskyism, Euro-Communism and Maoism." The emergence of the MLLT created some rifts with the Eritrean People's Liberation Front with which the TPLF was allied against the ruling Soviet-backed Ethiopian Derg.
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Kalle Jalmari Kauhanen (20 June 1900, Leppävirta - 19 December 1969) was a Finnish bricklayer and politician. He was in prison for political reasons from 1931 to 1934. He was subsequently elected to the Parliament of Finland, where he represented the Finnish People's Democratic League (SKDL) from 1945 to 1949 and the Social Democratic Party of Finland (SDP) from 1949 to 1951 and again from 1954 to 1958. Kauhanen was originally a member of the Communist Party of Finland (SKP), but after he refused in October 1948 to join in a motion of no confidence presented by the SKDL parliamentary group to the Social Democratic cabinet led by Karl-August Fagerholm, he was accused of titoism and excluded from the SKP, after which he joined the Social Democratic Party.
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Izet Fazlinović (Mustafa Nadarević) - Izet is a widower in his mid sixties, who was orphaned as a child. He is a staunch communist with Titoism leanings, as he always asks President Josip Broz Tito for help while looking at his picture, but is nonetheless greedy and unwilling to work for money, preferring to run scams. Izet often threatens to kill people "like rabbits" (which he did when he mistakenly believed that Damir was gay or when Faruk spilled his prized and highly alcohol, "Maksuzija" which is a rakija made in Popovo Polje by Izet's old war friend. It is revealed that Ante, Izet's provider of Maksuzija actually switches it out for a worse alcoholic drink, so that he can keep the Maksuzija for himself, and the other's he is providing) Izet is constantly yelling and browbeating everyone around him to great comic effect.
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At first, the Communist Party of Yugoslavia and the regime it established through the successful war of liberation against the Axis invaders by the partizans was modeled on that of Soviet Union, and Tito was considered to be "Stalin's most faithful pupil". However, in 1948, the two leaders broke apart and Tito's aides (most notably Edvard Kardelj, Milovan Đilas, and Moša Pijade) began a theoretical effort to develop a new brand of Socialism that would be both Marxist–Leninist in nature and anti-Stalinist in practice. The result was the Yugoslav system of socialist workers' self-management, also known as Titoism, based on the organizing of every productive activities of society into "self- managed units". Đilas, particularly, wrote extensively against Stalinism and was radically critical of the bureaucratic apparatus built by Bolshevism in the Soviet Union.
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Elements of Titoism are characterized by policies and practices based on the principle that in each country the means of attaining ultimate communist goals must be dictated by the conditions of that particular country, rather than by a pattern set in another country. It is distinct from Joseph Stalin's socialism in one country theory as Tito advocated cooperation between nations through the Non-Aligned Movement while at the same time pursuing socialism in whatever ways best suited particular nations. On the other hand, socialism in one country focused on fast industrialisation and modernisation in order to compete with what Stalin perceived as the more advanced nations of the West. During Tito's era, his ideas specifically meant that the communist goal should be pursued independently of (and often in opposition to) what he referred to as the Stalinist and imperialist policies of the Soviet Union.
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In 1948, circumstance and cultural personality aggravated the matter into the Yugoslav–Soviet split (1948–1955) that resulted from Tito's rejection of Stalin's demand to subordinate the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia to the geopolitical agenda (economic and military) of the Soviet Union, i.e. Tito at Stalin's disposal. Stalin punished Tito's refusal by denouncing him as an ideological revisionist of Marxism–Leninism; by denouncing Yugoslavia's practice of Titoism as socialism deviated from the cause of world communism; and by expelling the Communist Party of Yugoslavia from the Communist Information Bureau (Cominform). The break from the Eastern Bloc allowed the development of a socialism with Yugoslav characteristics which allowed doing business with the capitalist West to develop the socialist economy and the establishment of Yugoslavia's diplomatic and commercial relations with countries of the Eastern Bloc and the Western Bloc. Yugoslavia's international relations matured into the Non-Aligned Movement (1961) of countries without political allegiance to any power bloc.
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During the Cold War, Marxism–Leninism was the ideology of the most clearly visible communist movement and is the most prominent ideology associated with communism. According to their proponents, Marxist–Leninist ideologies have been adapted to the material conditions of their respective countries and include Castroism (Cuba), Ceaușism (Romania), Gonzalo Thought (Peru), Guevarism (Cuba), Ho Chi Minh Thought (Vietnam), Hoxhaism (anti-revisionist Albania), Husakism (Czechoslovakia), Juche (North Korea), Kadarism (Hungary), Khmer Rouge (Cambodia), Khrushchevism (Soviet Union), Prachanda Path (Nepal), Shining Path (Peru) and Titoism (anti-Stalinist Yugoslavia). Within Marxism–Leninism, anti- revisionism is a position which emerged in the 1950s in opposition to the reforms of Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev. Where Khrushchev pursued an interpretation that differed from Stalin, the anti-revisionists within the international communist movement remained dedicated to Stalin's ideological legacy and criticized the Soviet Union under Khrushchev and his successors as state capitalist and social imperialist due to its hopes of achieving peace with the United States.
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Stankovic, "Yugoslav-Soviet Bloc Relations—Sidelights", Radio Free Europe Research, June 19, 1958, at the Open Society Archives, retrieved November 20, 2007 This subject drew attention in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, a country which, under Josip Broz Tito, had engaged on an independent path and was criticizing the Eastern Bloc countries for their commitment to Stalinism (see Titoism). In an article he contributed to Borba, Yugoslav writer Marko Ristić, who spoke of the Romanian as "my friend [...], the nostalgic, gifted and loyal Geo Bogza", took the Scînteia campaign as proof that the Gheorghiu-Dej regime was still reminiscent of Joseph Stalin's. Ristić, who feared the purpose and effect such attacks had on Romanian culture, noted that Bogza had "in vain, done his utmost, by trying to adapt himself to the circumstances, not to betray himself, even in the period when Stalin alone [...] was solving esthetic problems, appraising artistic works and giving the tone in his well-known method." In February 1965, as Gheorghiu-Dej was succumbing to cancer, the Writers' Union Conference facilitated an unprecedented attack on Socialist Realism.
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Emblem of the Party of Labour of Albania highlighting Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels, Vladimir Lenin and Joseph Stalin, on which Hoxhaism and its anti-revisionism is based Hoxhaism demarcates itself by a strict defense of the legacy of Joseph Stalin, the organization of the Soviet Union under Stalinism, and fierce criticism of virtually all other communist groupings as "revisionist"—it defines currents such as Eurocommunism as anti-communist movements. Critical of the United States, the Soviet Union, China, and Yugoslavia, Enver Hoxha labeled the latter three "social imperialist" and condemned the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968, before withdrawing Albania from the Warsaw Pact in response. Hoxhaism asserts the right of nations to pursue socialism by different paths, dictated by the conditions in those countries, although Hoxha personally held the view that Titoism was "anti-Marxist" in overall practice. The Albanians succeeded in ideologically winning over a large share of Maoists, mainly in Latin America (such as the Popular Liberation Army and the Marxist-Leninist Communist Party of Ecuador as well as the Revolutionary Communist Party of Brazil), but they also had a significant international following in general.
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