Moscow News, a propaganda sheet published in a dozen languages, ran an article headlined "A Poisoned Cloud of Anti-Sovietism".
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" A few days afterwards, Moscow News, an authorised publication of the politburo, ran an article with the headline: "A Poisoned Cloud of Anti-Sovietism.
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Post-Sovietism has no vision of the future – even the Communist Party of the Russian Federation has abandoned communist ideas, and Orthodox fundamentalism has taken the place of ideology.
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According to assistant editor Pavel Tikhomirov of , the Russian world for politicized Ukrainians, whose number constantly increases, nowadays is "simply 'neo-Sovietism' masked by new names". He reconciled that with the conflation of the Russian world and the Soviet Union within Russian society itself.
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Although Luzin was alleged to plagiarize in science and indulge in anti-Sovietism by some of his students in 1936, Lavrentiev did not participate in the notorious political persecution of his teacher which is known as the Luzin case or Luzin affair. In fact Luzin was a friend of his father.
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Neo-Stalinism () is the promotion of positive views of Joseph Stalin's role in history, the partial re-establishing of Stalin's policies on certain issues and nostalgia for the Stalin period. Neo-Stalinism overlaps significantly with neo-Sovietism and Soviet nostalgia. Various definitions of the term have been given over the years.
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He was a founding member of the Russian Imperial Union Order. Brasol had an extensive publishing career in the United States. He published "Socialism vs. Civilization" (1920), "The World at the Cross Roads" (1921), "The Balance Sheet of Sovietism" (1922), "Elements of Crime" (1927), and "The Mighty Three: Poushkin, Gogol, Dostoievsky" (1934).
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Due to his success in that office, two years later Walton was elected as the mayor of Oklahoma City, a post he served in until 1923. Before his term as mayor ended, Walton entered his name in the Democratic primary as a candidate for Governor of Oklahoma to succeed James B. A. Robertson. After winning the Democratic nomination Walton travelled around the state giving the most colorful and liveliest speeches and campaign platforms in Oklahoma's history until that point. In the general election, Walton was successful in his bid (despite an advertising campaign by conservative Democrats accusing him of "Sovietism" and "state Socialism"),"A Democratic Vote For Fields Is A Protest —Against 'The March of the Iron Battalions of Sovietism'" full-page advertisement The Morning Tulsa Daily World, November 05, 1922, Society Section p.
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Reprimand for Berkut officer who detained journalist Mustafa Nayem. The Ukrainian Helsinki Human Rights Union. 20 December 2010 In August 2014 Danylenko became surprised by the level of Russian propaganda when she spoke with several people of Belarusian background who appeared very pro-Soviet (see Neo-Sovietism) and describing them as Sovok.Channel 5 Journalist: Belarusians zombyfied by Russian TV through and through.
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Many considered the novel as a disguised criticism of the USSR, though the later researchers proved it wrong. The novel mostly showed the dead-end presprectives of Maoism and gangster capitalism. The government accused the novel of Anti-Sovietism and banned it from publishing up to the end of the 1980s. Yefremov's last novel was Thais of Athens, published in 1972.
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Sergei Dolgov, also transliterated as Sergey or Serhiy, (ca. 1964), was a Ukrainian journalist from Russia who served as editor for the Vestnik Pryazovya and Khochu v SSSR in Mariupol, Ukraine before he went missing. He was notorious for promoting neo-Sovietism and cancellation of the state of Ukraine for the lost Soviet Union. Media supporting the Russian government declared his disappearance a murder.
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Following the invasion, Stalin adopted particularly hardline, centralist policies towards Soviet Georgia, which included severe repression of opposition to the Bolsheviks, and to opposition within the local Communist Party (e.g., the Georgian Affair of 1922), not to mention any manifestations of anti-Sovietism (the August Uprising of 1924).Knight, Ami W. (1991), Beria and the Cult of Stalin: Rewriting Transcaucasian Party History. Soviet Studies, Vol.
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From 1977 to 1985, the band experimented while trying to find their own musical style, resulting in songs from pop to heavy rock. Throughout this period, however, the band espoused patriotism and anti-Sovietism. After the death of Ķiģelis in 1986, Ainars Virga joined the band, leading to a new era of anthemic ballads, heavy rock, and rebellious themes. Virga went on to compose some of the best- known Latvian hard rock songs.
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Cominform Journal specifically dealt with communism and was used to teach and spread the ideology all over the world and what were the right things to do under communism. In regards to the political sector, to suppress the prevalent anti-communism and anti-Sovietism at that time, communist regime implemented many censorships everywhere in Romania, e.g. military force was mobilized to dismantle anti-communist movement. The people who were involved in resistance movements were hunted down by the authorities and usually incarcerated.
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He traveled freely to the West, but, as reported by exile author Sanda Stolojan, spoke admiringly of Ceaușescu's anti-Sovietism, and claimed that the anticommunist Radio Free Europe interested nobody but Romania's "old age pensioners". Stolojan wrote: "I found his cowardice fascinating. He no longer believes in anything, at his very core he just plays the regime's card."Sanda Stolojan, Au balcon de l'exil roumain à Paris. Avec Cioran, Eugène Ionesco, Mircea Eliade, Vintila Horia, L'Harmattan, Paris, 1999, p.26.
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His programme for Dunedin included work for the unemployed and for adequate housing for all citizens, although not all his proposals were accepted by the Council. In 1938 he again stood for mayor and was defeated, partly as no previous Dunedin mayor had stood three times. The opposition Citizens Association and the Otago Daily Times attacked him in a vitriolic campaign, with references to "municipal sovietism". After losing the Mayoralty Cox unsuccessfully stood for the Taranaki seat of in the .
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Zinoviev did not consider the reforms of the 1990s the building of a market economy or Western democracy. Reforms, on the contrary, collapsed the economy, destroying the basis of everyday life – labor collectives; there was only the conversion of informal asset management into formal property. The western component of post-Sovietism is incompatible with human material, natural conditions and historical traditions of Russia; Western democracy is imitated, but not implemented. The economy has lost sovereignty, because the West is interested in the destruction of Russia.
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At this stage, Cromie, Boyce, Reilly, Lockhart, and other Allied agents allegedly planned a full- scale coup against the Bolshevik government and drew up a list of Soviet military leaders ready to assume responsibilities on its demise. Their objective was to capture or kill Lenin and Trotsky, to establish a provisional government, and to extinguish Bolshevism. Lenin and Trotsky, they reasoned, "were Bolshevism", and nothing else in their movement had "substance or permanence". Consequently, "if he could get them into [their] hands there would be nothing of consequence left of Sovietism".
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In the late 1930s, Allen Lane, the founder of Penguin Books, wished to create a new line, to be called "Pelican" books, which would be dedicated to publishing clear expositions of current social debates. He desired that Shaw's Intelligent Woman's Guide should become the first in that series. Shaw wrote to Lane that since almost 10 years had elapsed the book's title needed to be changed to The Intelligent Woman's Guide to Socialism, Capitalism, Sovietism, and Fascism, and under that title the book became the first Pelican in two paperbound volumes in 1937.
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Initially, the non-fascist trade unions and later (less forcefully) the fascist trade unions were nationalized by Mussolini's administration and placed under state ownership, conforming to Vladimir Lenin's earlier policies to eliminate independent labor unions in the Soviet Union.Samuel Gompers and William English Walling, Out of Their Own Mouths: A Revelation and an Indictment of Sovietism, New York: NY, E.P Dutton and Company, 1921, p. 76.Edmund Clingan, Introduction to Modern Western Civilization, Bloomington: IN, iUnivere, 2011, p. 207 Under this labor policy, Fascist Italy enacted laws to make union membership compulsory for all workers.
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Nevertheless, Cavendish and Hill are an amalgamation of the three spies; despite the old man's denigration of the trio as 'drunks, queers and lefties,' Cavendish and Hill are both represented as heavy drinkers, Hill's faith in Sovietism is said to be bordering on fanaticism by the disillusioned Cavendish and the friendship between the two men is presented with a distinctly homoerotic undertone (most notably in their joint recitation of "The Eton Boating Song"). Director Richard Loncraine claimed he heavily rewrote several scenes in Potter's original script because they were unusable.
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This was the beginning of Beria's alliance with Malenkov, which later became of central importance. In 1944, as the Germans were driven from Soviet soil, Beria was in charge of dealing with the various ethnic minorities accused of anti-sovietism and/or collaboration with the invaders, including the Balkars, Karachays, Chechens, Ingush, Crimean Tatars, Kalmyks, Pontic Greeks, and Volga Germans. All these groups were deported to Soviet Central Asia (see "Population transfer in the Soviet Union"). In December 1944, Beria's NKVD was assigned to supervise the Soviet atomic bomb project ("Task No. 1"), which built and tested a bomb by 29 August 1949.
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The Soviet party had thus, at least in theory, conceded to the Eurocommunist demands for the principle of non- interference in the affairs of other parties. The document carried no mention of Marxism-Leninism, instead there was a reference to the 'great ideas' of Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels and V. I. Lenin. References to 'proletarian internationalism' were substituted with the term 'international solidarity'. Moreover, the document stated that fraternal criticism between communist parties would not constitute anti-communism (implying that criticism of Soviet policies would not be considered as 'anti-Sovietism', as the official Soviet discourse had argued).
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His political experience in the U.S., rooted in observation of the Populists of the 1890s, led him to believe that the social friction caused by such a third party would lead to the destruction, through splintering of the farmers movements in general. Wood argued the Canadian farmers' movement should remain a grassroots democratic organization, or "economic solidarity group". Philosophically, he advocated for cooperative democracy against the autocratic and corrupting tendencies of competitive party politics. Wood's theory of group government was considered revolutionary at the time, with critics accusing his collectivism as introducing "Sovietism" to Westminster responsible government.
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The Patriotic Guards had to defend the national infrastructure during wartime. The Patriotic Guards were formed in 1968, after the 21 August Bucharest speech through which Romanian Communist Party General Secretary and State Council President Nicolae Ceaușescu condemned the suppression of the Prague Spring by Soviet and Warsaw Pact forces. Ceaușescu appealed to anti-Sovietism within the general population to ask for resistance against the perceived threat of a similar Soviet invasion against Romania itself. The nationalist themes he used had their immediate effect in rallying large portions of the public, who began organizing and arming themselves under the direction of the Romanian Communist Party (PCR).
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In June 1979, President Carter and Soviet General Secretary Leonid Brezhnev signed the treaty in Vienna's Hofburg Imperial Palace, in front of the international press, but the Senate ultimately did not ratify it. After the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan on December 27, 1979, Vance's opposition to what he had called "visceral anti-Sovietism" led to a rapid reduction of his stature. His attempt to surreptitiously negotiate a solution to the Iran hostage crisis with Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini through the Palestine Liberation Organization failed badly. Believing that diplomatic initiatives could see the hostages safely returned home, Vance initially fought off attempts by Brzezinski to pursue a military solution.
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The ex- president Julio Acosta was temporarily pre-candidate but finally renounces his aspirations by lack of support, and Alberto Echandi declines to participate as a candidate against Cortés, citing questions of honor, since he was in debt to him. Nor is it possible to convince Alfredo González Flores or Dr. Moreno Cañas to launch their candidacies. This leads the opponent Carlos María Jiménez Ortiz to assure that in said election it was necessary to choose between; "Cortesism or communism, the extreme right and the extreme left, fascism and sovietism." But finally the diplomat and former president of the Supreme Court Octavio Beeche Argüello accepts being a candidate for the National Party.
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Cominform was initially located in Belgrade, Yugoslavia, but after the Tito–Stalin split expelled Yugoslavia from the group in June 1948, the seat was moved to Bucharest, Romania. Officially, Yugoslavia was expelled for "Titoism", based on accusations of deviating from Marxism-Leninism and anti-Sovietism. In reality, Yugoslavia was considered to be heretical for resisting Soviet dominance in its affairs and integration into Eastern Bloc as a Soviet satellite state. One of the most decisive factors that led to the expulsion of Yugoslavia was their commitment to supporting communist insurgents in the Greek Civil War, in violation of the "Percentages agreement" between the Soviet Union and United Kingdom, and their decision to station troops in Albania.
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It also encouraged anti-Sovietism among the local populace. However, the Nazis never reached Grozny and the only town in the Chechen-Ingush ASSR they briefly occupied was Malgobek, which was inhabited by Russians. Various historians, including Moshe Gammer, Ben Fowkes and Tony Wood, refute the Chechens' ties with the Germans, some pointing out that the Nazis stopped at the northwest outskirts of the Chechen-Ingush ASSR, near Mozdok, in Northern Ossetia, and that a majority of the Vainakh never even came into contact with the German army. While there were secret negotiations with the Germans near this border, the Chechen rebels pointed out that they did not favor a rule from Berlin nor from Moscow.
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Soon the Soviet government began to put their official anti-Zionism position into practice, supporting the Arabs more than ever. (For example, the 1955 Egyptian-Czechoslovak Arms Deal.) The official position of the Soviet Union and its satellite states and agencies was that Zionism was a tool used by the Jews and Americans for "racist imperialism." The Communist Party of the Soviet Union defined Zionism as "militant chauvinism, racism, anti-Communism and anti-Sovietism ... overt and covert fight against freedom movements and the USSR." Сионизм (Большая советская энциклопедия) (Great Soviet Encyclopedia, 3rd Edition. 1969–1978) The Soviet government was very cautious about the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) (founded in 1964) and the Fatah party (founded in 1958) during the 1960s.
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To counter the accusations made by the Chinese Central Government, Brezhnev condemned the PRC's "frenzied anti-Sovietism", and asked Zhou Enlai to follow up on his word to normalize Sino-Soviet relations. In another speech, this time in Tashkent, Uzbek SSR in 1982, Brezhnev warned First World powers of using the Sino-Soviet split against the Soviet Union, saying it would spark "tension and mistrust". Brezhnev had offered a non-aggression pact to China, but its terms included a renunciation of China's territorial claims, and would have left China defenseless against threats from the USSR. In 1972, US president Richard Nixon visited Beijing to restore relations with the PRC, which only seemed to confirm Soviet fears of Sino-US collusion.
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One reason for this was the pronounced > anti-sovietism [of the party], its extreme hatred of Olof Palme, and its > adherence to anti-semitic jargon and conspiracy theories.Swedish Government > Official Reports 2002:91 After the Olof Palme assassination in 1986, the group was for a time suspected by the police of being connected to the murder, although this theory was soon dropped. Victor Gunnarsson, who had been a member for a year before being kicked out in 1985, was arrested and questioned by police about the assassination before being released. Dean Andromidas, from the LaRouche organisation's Executive Intelligence Review, claims there was a radio broadcast on Swedish National Radio in August 1992 by Herbert Brehmer, former leading operative of the East German Stasi and author of Auftrag: Irreführung.
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The collapse of communism was dangerous for two reasons: first, the communist system was most suitable for Russia due to the peculiarities of the Russian human material; secondly, the defeat of communism cut off the evolutionary branch opposed to Westernism: from now on, humanity will have no alternative organized into a rigid hierarchical structure. At the same time, Abdusalam Huseynov noted, for Zinoviev, the victory of communism in the Cold War and its worldwide expansion would lead to a much worse scenario. The system of post-Soviet Russia Zinoviev considered as a secondary social creation. If Soviet communism was a normal (full-fledged) type of social organization, then "post-Sovietism" – "horned rabbit" – was a particularly "vile" and "disgusting" type of social hybrid from the worst features of Soviet communism, Westernism and fundamentalism in pre-revolutionary Russia.
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The word Kazan is written in Russian (Казань) and Tatar, İske imlâ (قزان). Use of the Arabic script for Tatar was linked to Pan Islam and anti- Sovietism, with the old traditional class promoting Arabic script in opposition to the Soviets. Based on the standard Arabic alphabet, İske imlâ reflected all vowels in the beginning and end of a word and back vowels in the middle of a word with letters, but front vowels in the middle of a word, as in most Arabic alphabets, were optionally reflected using harakat (diacritics on top of or below consonants). Just as in standard Arabic orthography, letters Alif, Yāʼ and Waw were used to represent all vowels in the beginning and end of a word and back vowels in the middle of a word, with various harakat on top or below them and in these cases the letters actually denoted a vowel.
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Daniel's role as KGB assassin means that instead of seeking vengeance for his father's death he is ultimately protecting Cavendish's cover, therefore betraying his father. Political disillusionment is another key theme; the consequences of an individual's cynicism towards an established social order leading them to more prescriptive ideologies. Cavendish reveals to Daniel that he was drawn to the communist fervor at Cambridge in the 1930s as a means of escaping the rigidities of his traditional upper-class English background, only to find himself tarnished by his association with Sovietism. When Christabel attempts to reassure him that their way of life is safe following Thatcher's victory at the general election, Cavendish tells her: > There isn't any sort of England someone of my generation would think he had > inherited [...] Take away the pudding and the baked jam roll and the custard > and there isn't very much left.
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The case highlighted the strong ongoing antipathy between the Australian Railways Union and the dissident unions seeking to form the NUR. Several NUR members gave evidence that they had refused to join the ARU because they saw it as affiliated with Russia and inconsistent with Catholic beliefs. NUR officials had campaigned against the NSW Labor government of Jack Lang at the 1932 election, citing Lang's previous attempts to deregister them and their belief that some of Lang's legislation "bordered on Sovietism"; in return, they claimed during the case that feared that they would lose their jobs if Lang returned to government in the future. They were at times met with a strong response from the existing unions: NSW state MP Abe Landa publicly labelled the NUR a "corrupt organisation" which existed to "satisfy the personal ambitions of certain NUR officials" and described their witnesses as "weak, twisting and vacillating", while alleging that the NUR had violated its own rules. On 30 March 1933, the Industrial Court granted their application for registration, finding that because of their history they had the same rights as the Australian Railways Union and that they had shown that their members could not "conveniently belong" to the ARU.
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