107 Sentences With "Eurocommunism" | Random Sentence Generator

Communist Party of Spain leader Manuel Azcárate wrote in his 1978 tract Eurocommunism.

The fundamentally pro-Soviet P.C.F. nevertheless criticized Moscow for its invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968 and, during the heyday of Eurocommunism in the 1970s, even for its domestic policies.

The administration had loosened its position on Eurocommunism when it sent Dr. Gardner to Italy, but gave him instructions not to be the first one to articulate this new policy.

In return, the longtime party leader, Gus Hall, faithfully supported every Soviet foreign policy initiative, ranging from the U.S.S.R.'s conduct during the Cuban missile crisis to the crushing of the Prague Spring in 1968 and the party's subsequent denunciations of Eurocommunism.

From a Trotskyist point of view in From Stalinism to Eurocommunism: The Bitter Fruits of 'Socialism in One Country' , Ernest Mandel views Eurocommunism as a subsequent development of the decision taken by the Soviet Union in 1924 to abandon the goal of world revolution and concentrate on social and economic development of the Soviet Union, the doctrine of socialism in one country. According to this vision, the Eurocommunists of the Italian and French communist parties are considered to be nationalist movements, who together with the Soviet Union abandoned internationalism. From an anti-revisionist point of view, Enver Hoxha argued in Eurocommunism is Anti-CommunismEurocommunism is Anti- Communism. that Eurocommunism is the result of Nikita Khrushchev's policy of peaceful coexistence.

Austro-Marxism can be seen as the predecessor of Eurocommunism. Both ideologies are conceived as alternatives to Marxism-Leninism.

He later embraced Eurocommunism and democratic socialism, and was a member of the Congress of Deputies from 1977 to 1986.

Boggs, Carl, and David Plotke. The Politics of Eurocommunism: Eclipse of the Bolshevik Legacy in the West. Montreal: Black Rose Books, 1980. pp. 33, 313Urban, Joan Barth.

Giorgio Napolitano, prominent figure of the Italian Communist Party (until 1991) and President of Italy from 2006 to 2015 Some communist parties with strong popular support, notably the PCI and the PCE, adopted Eurocommunism most enthusiastically. The SKP was dominated by Eurocommunists. In the 1980s, the traditional, pro-Soviet faction broke away, calling the main party revisionist. At least one mass party such as the PCF as well as many smaller parties strongly opposed to Eurocommunism and stayed aligned to the positions of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union until the end of the Soviet Union, although the PCF did make a brief turn toward Eurocommunism in the mid-to-late 1970s.

According to Perry Anderson, the main theoretical foundation of Eurocommunism was Antonio Gramsci's writing about Marxist theoryPerry Anderson, 1976. The Antinomies of Antonio Gramsci. New Left Review., pp. 6–7.

Italian President Sandro Pertini at Enrico Berlinguer's funeral in 1984 Eurocommunism was a revisionist trend in the 1970s and 1980s within various Western European communist parties, claiming to develop a theory and practice of social transformation more relevant to their region. Especially prominent in France, Italy and Spain, communists of this nature sought to undermine the influence of the Soviet Union and its communist party during the Cold War.Kingsley, Richard, ed. 1981. In Search of Eurocommunism. Macmillan.

The Politics of Eurocommunism: Eclipse of the Bolshevik Legacy in the West. Montreal: Black Rose Books, 1980. p. 94 The agrarian workers' union of CSUT was the ', led by Gonzalo Sánchez Fernández.El País.

The origin of the term Eurocommunism was subject to great debate in the mid-1970s, being attributed to Zbigniew Brzezinski and Arrigo Levi, among others. Jean-François Revel once wrote that "one of the favourite amusements of 'political scientists' is to search for the author of the term Eurocommunism". In April 1977, Deutschland Archiv decided that the word was first used in the summer of 1975 by Yugoslav journalist Frane Barbieri, former editor of Belgrade's NIN newsmagazine. Outside Western Europe, it is sometimes referred to as neocommunism.

Eurocommunism was a revisionist trend in the 1970s and 1980s within various Western European communist parties which said they had developed a theory and practice of social transformation more relevant for Western Europe. During the Cold War, they sought to undermine the influence of the Soviet Union and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. It was especially prominent in France, Italy and Spain. Since the early 1970s, the term Eurocommunism was used to refer to the ideology of moderate, reformist communist parties in Western Europe.

The SPI supported the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the Moscow Declaration of 1969. The party also advocated Eurocommunism in the 1970s. "Political and Pressure Groups", Magill magazine, 1 October 1977, p.46-7.

Leonhard, Wolfgang. Eurocommunism: Challenge for East and West. New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1978. pp. 146-147 At both of these events Gasperoni voiced criticisms against the policies of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.

Altiero Spinelli, a prominent figure of the Eurocommunism movement and one of the founding fathers of the European Union. Eurocommunism, also referred to as democratic communism or neocommunism, was a revisionist trend in the 1970s and 1980s within various Western European communist parties which said they had developed a theory and practice of social transformation more relevant for Western Europe. During the Cold War, they sought to undermine the influence of the Soviet Union and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. It was especially prominent in Italy, Spain, and France.

Eurocommunism was in many ways only a staging ground for changes in the political structure of the European left. Some, like the Italians, became social democrats while others, like the Dutch, moved into green politics and the French party during the 1980s reverted to a more pro-Soviet stance. Eurocommunism became a force across Europe in 1977, when the PCI's Enrico Berlinguer, the PCE's Santiago Carrillo and the PCF's Georges Marchais met in Madrid and laid out the fundamental lines of the "new way". Eurocommunist ideas won at least partial acceptance outside of Western Europe.

The PCF's goal was the "transformation of the capitalist society into a socialist society, a fraternal society without exploiters or exploited".L'Humanité, 20 January 1976 The PCF began to follow a line closer to that of the Italian Communist Party's eurocommunism.

According to opinion polls, he remains one of Jamaica's most popular Prime Ministers since independence. Eurocommunism became a trend in the 1970s and 1980s in various Western European communist parties which intended to develop a modernised theory and practice of social transformation that was more relevant for a Western European country and less aligned to the influence or control of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Outside of Western Europe, it is sometimes referred to as neocommunism. Some communist parties with strong popular support, notably the Italian Communist Party and the Communist Party of Spain, enthusiastically adopted Eurocommunism and the Communist Party of Finland was dominated by Eurocommunists.

London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1977; p. 128. Carrillo, however criticised the Communist International for not taking the Popular Front strategy far enough, especially since French communists were restricted to supporting Blum's government from without, rather than becoming full coalition partners.Carrillo, Eurocommunism and the State, pp. 113–114.

Eurocommunism and the Atlantic Alliance. Cambridge, Mass: Institute for Foreign Policy Analysis, 1977. p. 33 The disagreements during the preparatory process delayed the conference for a year. At an early stage, an agreement was reached that any document approved by the conference would have to be adopted by consensus.

He was characterised by Patrick McCarthy as "the last great communist leader in Western Europe" and remains identified with the causes of Eurocommunism, opposition to Soviet repression in Eastern Europe and democratic change in Italy. He was an atheist.Walter Veltroni, La sfida interrotta: Le idee di Enrico Berlinguer, Baldini & Castoldi, 1994, p. 204.

Otto Bauer (5 September 1881 – 4 July 1938) was an Austrian Social Democrat who is considered one of the leading thinkers of the left-socialist Austro- Marxist grouping. He was also an early inspiration for both the New Left movement and Eurocommunism in their attempt to find a "Third way" to democratic socialism.

182 Unlike the declaration of the 1969 meeting, the Berlin conference document did not contain any condemnation of China. The Soviets had pushed for a condemnation of China ahead of the conference, but the Yugoslavs, the French and the Italians resisted these moves.Ross, George. Workers and Communists in France: From Popular Front to Eurocommunism.

William I Hitchcock, France Restored: Cold War diplomacy and the quest for leadership in Europe 1944-1954 (1998). Relations were badly hurt by Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968, And the rejection of communism by numerous artists and intellectuals. However, the emergence of Eurocommunism made détente possible in the 1970s.David Bell and Byron Criddle.

Another agreement was that the agenda of the conference would be limited to themes relating to peace, security, disarmament and the struggle for social progress. The last two editorial meetings for the drafting of the conference resolution were held in East Berlin on June 10–11 and June 24, 1976.Leonhard, Wolfgang. Eurocommunism: Challenge for East and West.

2003, 5th ed. 2013, 318 pages) # « Populism, Eurocommunism and the Communist Party of Greece », Communist Parties in Western Europe (edited by M. Waller) – Oxford, Blackwell, 1988. # « Le degré de puissance de l'Empire ottoman, au cours de la première guerre mondiale», La Moyenne Puissance au XXe siècle (edited by J.-C. Allain) – Paris, Institut d'Histoire des Conflits contemporains, 1988.

Eurocommunism, a revisionist trend in the 1970s and 1980s within various Western European communist parties, was especially prominent in France. They claimed to be developing a theory and practice of social transformation more relevant for Western Europe. During the Cold War, they sought to undermine the influence of the Soviet Union and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.Richard Kingsley, ed.

The KTP's platform is rooted in the Brezhnevist tradition of Marxism–Leninism. The KTP has included a critique of the former Soviet Union as part of party ideology since the establishment of the party. Lead members of the KTP have been known to quote Joseph Stalin and use traditional Leninist rhetoric. Party members have also rejected the idea of Eurocommunism.

Moscow and the Italian Communist Party: From Togliatti to Berlinguer. London: Tauris, 1986. p. 283 A notable counter-attack by the orthodox camp was an article by Zhivkov in Problems of Peace and Socialism in December 1976, which decried Eurocommunism as an anti-Soviet 'subversion against proletarian internationalism'.Garthoff, Raymond L. Détente and Confrontation: American-Soviet Relations from Nixon to Reagan.

Left Unity was founded on 25 July 1989 with 14 members. It included MEPs from the French Communist Party, Communist Party of Greece and Portuguese Communist Party and the Workers' Party of Ireland. These parties were generally hostile to Eurocommunism and were influenced by Moscow. After the 1994 elections it became the "Confederal Group of the European United Left" on 19 July 1994.

In the early years of the democracy he worked in the Unified Socialist Party of Catalonia. Inside the PSUC he worked with PCE leader Santiago Carrillo in defense of Eurocommunism. He was elected to Spain's Congress of Deputies in June 1977 and again in March 1979. He was one of the seven "Fathers of the Constitution" (politicians charged with writing a new constitution).

A new Social Security system was called for, as well as important new concessions to the labor unions. Unions themselves were divided among communist, Socialist, and Christian Democrat factions.George Ross, Workers and Communists in France: From Popular Front to Eurocommunism (1982) pp. 20–25. Frustrated by his inability to control all the dominant forces, de Gaulle resigned early in 1946.

" La Nueva España. April 13, 2009. Note: Several dates given in the article are wrong. On May 25 at the presentation of his book, Eurocommunism and the State, Carrillo told a reporter that Ibárruri reminded him of the Pablo Iglesias he knew as a child, "a sick elderly man who participated very little in the activities of the party and who often kept quiet during meetings.

In 1984, with a strong Eurocommunist majority the hard-line organizations were massively expelled from the already weakened party. Pro-Soviet hard-liners formed their own cover-organization called Democratic Movement. In 1990, the new Left Alliance integrated the parties, but Alenius chose not to be member of it because they also took hard-line Taistolaists. Western European communists came to Eurocommunism via a variety of routes.

The PDS evolved from the Italian Communist Party (PCI), the largest communist party in the Western Bloc for most of the Cold War. Since 1948, it had been the second-largest party in Parliament. The PCI moved away from communist orthodoxy in the late 1960s, when it opposed the Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia. In the 1970s, it was one of the first parties to embrace Eurocommunism.

He received the Amos Tuck Award for Best Economic Reporting (1978), on the topic of the Fall of the Dollar; the Overseas Press Club of America Award for Best Documentary (1977), on Eurocommunism; the Bagriel Award (1979), for a report on The Pope in Poland; the Peabody Award (1979); and posthumously, the Michener Award to an individual whose efforts exemplify the best in public service journalism (1983).

Prominent parties influenced by it outside of Europe were the Communist Party of Australia, the Japanese Communist Party, the Mexican Communist Party and the Venezuelan Movement for Socialism.Bucharin, N. I. Selected Writings on the State and the Transition to Socialism. Armonk, N.Y.: M.E. Sharpe, 1982. p. xxi. Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev also referred to Eurocommunism as a key influence on the ideas of glasnost and perestroika in his memoirs.

Hermansson initiated a change in the political direction of the party towards Eurocommunism and Nordic Popular socialism. Ahead of the 1967 party congress, a heated debate took place. Several distinct tendencies were present. One section wanted to transform the party into a non- communist party, on the lines of the Danish Socialist People's Party (SF), and thus proposed that the party should change its name to Vänsterpartiet (Left Party).

The New Communist Party of Britain is a communist political party in Britain. The origins of the NCP lie in the Communist Party of Great Britain from which it split in 1977. The organisation takes an anti-revisionist stance on Marxist-Leninism and is opposed to Eurocommunism. After the fall of the Soviet Union the party was one of two original British signatories to the Pyongyang Declaration in 1992.

Yuri Andropov, the KGB Chairman, believed the greater transparency was weakening the prestige of the KGB, and strengthening the prestige of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. SALT II treaty on 18 June 1979 in Vienna. Another blow to Soviet communism in the First World came with the establishment of eurocommunism. Eurocommunists espoused and supported the ideals of Soviet communism while at the same time supporting rights of the individual.

From this time onwards, the most traditionally-minded elements in the CPGB were referred to as 'Tankies' by their internal opponents, due to their support of the Warsaw Pact forces. Others within the party leaned increasingly towards the position of eurocommunism, which was the leading tendency within the important Communist parties of Italy and, later, Spain. "The mid-1970s saw Gramscians" otherwise known as Euro-Communists "take leading positions within the party".

In the 1970s during his time in Paris as a financial journalist, he wrote four respected books which provided an in-depth analysis on the development and theoretical underpinnings of the Communist parties of Western Europe and Eurocommunism. He was close to a number of French neo-liberal intellectuals known for their opposition to Marxist ideology, notably Jacques Rueff, Raymond Aron and Jean-Francois Revel, who considered that the battle against communism was also one of ideas.

Bologna University and Rome La Sapienza University were occupied by students. On orders from Interior Minister Francesco Cossiga the carabinieri surrounded Bologna's university area. This repression met with some international protest, in particular from left-wing French philosophers Michel Foucault, Jean-Paul Sartre, Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari, who also denounced the Italian Communist Party's (PCI) opposition to the University occupation. The PCI was supporting at this time Eurocommunism and the historic compromise with the Christian Democrats.

Eurocommunism: Challenge for East and West. New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1978. pp. 146-147 Other participants that argued for the Eurocommunist cause at the conference were Lars Werner from Sweden, Gordon McLennan from Britain, Ermenegildo Gasperoni from San Marino and, to a lesser extent, the Finnish Communist Party chief Aarne Saarinen. On the other hand, there were also interventions from other delegates whom re-affirmed their adherence to the line of the Soviet party.

Azcárate returned to Spain in 1976. On 22 December 1976 he was arrested along with Santiago Carrillo and other PCE members. Azcárate ran for election as a deputy for the province of León in 1977 in the first general elections after the return to democracy, but did not win. Azcárate said in a 1977 statement to Radio Free Europe that only Eurocommunism lay outside the two blocs, a position that the French and Italian communist parties did not share.

The concept was to a large extent either modified or abandoned in the era of eurocommunism, because it came to be believed that the state apparatus could be reformed to reflect the interests of the working majority. In other words, the fusion between the state and big business postulated earlier was not so tight that it could not be undone by a mass movement from below, under the leadership of the Communist Party (or its central committee).

The PCF joined the ranks of the opposition, largely abstaining in the National Assembly. The PCF fell under another symbolic threshold in the 1986 legislative election, winning only 9.8% and 35 seats. But Marchais refused to budge, and the PCF remained loyal to Moscow until the end. The PCF leadership imposed André Lajoinie's candidacy in the 1988 presidential election, despite the opposition of the moderate "renewers" led by Pierre Juquin who advocated in favour of eurocommunism and eco-socialism.

An important trend in several countries in Western Europe from the late 1960s into the 1980s was Eurocommunism. It was strongest in Spain's PCE, Finland's party and especially in Italy's PCI, where it drew on the ideas of Antonio Gramsci. It was developed by communist party members who were disillusioned with both the Soviet Union and China and sought an independent program. They accepted liberal parliamentary democracy and free speech as well as accepting with some conditions a capitalist market economy.

Poet, lawyer and politician, recognized as a humanist, a non-dogmatic and objective progressive precursor of Eurocommunism, an eloquent orator with a sense of humour, often called the "Nestor of Greek politics", he was respected by his enemies as well. At his death in 1985 from complications of diabetes mellitus, he was granted a state funeral at the First Cemetery of Athens with the honours of a Minister. Many streets throughout Greece were renamed in his honour after his death.

Pro-Chinese elements were absent from this event. However the phenomenon of Eurocommunism had begun to emerge, which was notable amongst some of the delegations present. Notably the Workers Party of Korea and the Workers Party of Vietnam, both cautious at the time to take a stand in the Sino-Soviet conflict, were absent. The two main points of discussion of the conference was the strategy of cooperation with anti-imperialist forces and the centenary celebrations of the birth of Lenin.

The party was created by exmembers of the Communist Party of Spain-Communist Party of the Canaries (PCE-PCC) who opposed the reformist trend that ended being called "Eurocommunism" supported by the VIII Congress of the PCE. Another reason of the split were the different positions regarding the Canarian national question. In 1976 the party created the Sindicato Obrero Canario (SOC, Canarian Workers Union in English).Guinea, José Luis. Los movimientos obreros y sindicales en España de 1833 a 1978.

He was a major force in redirecting the Left Party Communists policies away from Moscow loyalism towards Eurocommunism and Scandinavian Popular Socialism. He wrote several books regarding capitalism and the owners of the large corporations, as well as on communists and the policies of the left. At the time of Joseph Stalin's death in 1953, Hermansson praised Stalin as a brilliant scientist and a great leader. He subsequently regretted this and referred to his own words about Stalin as reprehensible.

Relationships between the PCI and the Soviet Union gradually fell apart as the party moved away from Soviet obedience and Marxist–Leninist orthodoxy in the 1970s and 1980s and toward Eurocommunism and the Socialist International. The PCI sought a collaboration with Socialist and Christian Democracy parties (the Historic Compromise). However, Christian Democrat party leader Aldo Moro's kidnapping and murder by the Red Brigades in May 1978 put an end to any hopes of such a compromise. The compromise was largely abandoned as a PCI policy in 1981.

Several criticisms have been advanced against Eurocommunism. First, it is alleged by critics that Eurocommunists showed a lack of courage in sufficiently and definitively breaking off from the Soviet Union (for example, the Italian Communist Party took this step only in 1981 after the repression of Solidarność in Poland). This timidity has been explained as the fear of losing old members and supporters, many of whom admired the Soviet Union, or with a pragmatic desire to keep the support of a strong and powerful country.Richard Kindersley, ed.

Left communist groups also oppose popular fronts, but they came to oppose united fronts as well. In a book written in 1977, the eurocommunist leader Santiago Carrillo offered a positive assessment of the Popular Front. He argued that in Spain, despite the excesses attributable to the passions of civil war, the period of coalition government in Republican areas "contained in embryo the conception of an advance to socialism with democracy, with a multi-party system, parliament, and liberty for the opposition".Santiago Carrillo, Eurocommunism and the State.

Greek Left (, Elliniki Aristera, abbreviated EAR) was a Greek political party. It emerged, in January 1987, from the split in the Communist Party of Greece (Interior) into the Communist Party of Greece (Interior)-Renewing Left and the Greek Left. Its ideology was Eurocommunism. In December 1988 Greek Left signed a common report with the Communist Party of Greece (KKE) about the current political situation.«Από το 12ο ως το 13ο Συνέδριο του ΚΚΕ - Ντοκουμέντα» ("From the 12th to the 13th Congress of KKE - Documents"), published by the Central Committee of the KKE, pp.

In 1976, the PCI's leader Enrico Berlinguer had spoken of a "pluralistic system" (sistema pluralistico translated by the interpreter as "multiform system") in Moscow and in front of 5,000 communist delegates described the PCI's intentions to build "a socialism that we believe necessary and possible only in Italy". The Historic Compromise (compromesso storico) with the Christian Democracy, stopped by the kidnapping and murder of Aldo Moro in 1978, was a consequence of this new policy.Laura Fasanaro, "The Eurocommunism Years: Italy’s Political Puzzle and the Limits of the Atlantic Alliance.”." in Giles Scott-Smith, ed.

This replaced a governing alliance between Christian Democracy and the other center-left parties known as the Organic Center-left. Berlinguer's PCI attempted to distance itself from the USSR, with the launching of "Eurocommunism" along with the Spanish Communist Party and the French Communist Party. However, the Compromise was unpopular among the other centre-leftist groups like the Italian Republican Party (PRI) and Italian Socialist Party (PSI), led respectively by Ugo La Malfa and Bettino Craxi. Also the rightist Christian Democrat Giulio Andreotti had doubts about the accommodation.

With the fall of communism in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union, the KPÖ saw itself confronted with new challenges regarding its philosophy and future. The experiment with a moderate form of eurocommunism was not well received with its core supporters; however, moderate voters could not be persuaded either. The KPÖ faced difficult times during a period where communist parties throughout the world were receding. In January 1990 two new leaders, Walter Silbermayr and Susanne Sohn, were appointed to renew the party and uncover errors and mistakes which were made in the past.

His critics charge him with fostering a notion of power struggle through ideas. They find the Gramscian approach to philosophical analysis, reflected in current academic controversies, to be in conflict with open- ended, liberal inquiry grounded in apolitical readings of the classics of Western culture. As a socialist, Gramsci's legacy has been disputed. Togliatti, who led the Party (renamed as Italian Communist Party, PCI) after World War II and whose gradualist approach was a forerunner to Eurocommunism, claimed that the PCI's practices during this period were congruent with Gramscian thought.

During the 1960s and 1970s, Hall also made frequent appearances on Soviet television, always supporting the position of the Soviet regime. Hall guided the CPUSA in accordance with the party line of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU), rejecting any liberalization efforts such as Eurocommunism. He also dismissed the radical new revolutionary movements that criticized the official Soviet party line of "Peaceful coexistence" and called for a world revolution. After the Sino-Soviet split, Maoism likewise was condemned, and all Maoist sympathizers were expelled from the CPUSA in the early 1960s.

The PCE was legalized soon after on April 9, 1977; the Party's earlier embrace of Eurocommunism (essentially a rejection of Soviet-style socialism) and a highly visible role in promoting a peaceful response to the massacre allowed the government the necessary political space to lift the ban in place since 1939. With the passing of Act 19 covering labor rights on April 1 and the ratification of the ILO Conventions on freedom of association and collective bargaining on April 20, independent unions became legal and the Francoist Sindicato Vertical system was effectively dissolved.

After heavy losses in the ensuing parliamentary elections, the party adopted Georges Marchais as leader and in 1973 entered into a "Common Programme" alliance with Mitterrand's reconstituted Socialist Party (PS). Under the Common Programme, however, the PCF steadily lost ground to the PS, a process that continued after Mitterrand's victory in 1981. Initially allotted a minor share in Mitterrand's government, the PCF resigned in 1984 as the government turned towards fiscal orthodoxy. Under Marchais the party continued loyal to the Soviet Union up to its fall in 1991, and made little move towards "Eurocommunism".

The Communist Party was at this point the largest communist party in Western Europe and remained such for the rest of its existence. Their ability to attract members was largely due to their pragmatic stance, especially their rejection of extremism and to their growing independence from Moscow (see Eurocommunism). The Italian communist party was especially strong in areas like Emilia-Romagna and Tuscany, where communists had been elected to stable government positions. This practical political experience may have contributed to their taking a more pragmatic approach to politics.

Achille Occhetto became general secretary of the PCI in 1988. At a 1989 conference in a working-class section of Bologna, Occhetto stunned the party faithful with a speech heralding the end of Communism, a move now referred to in Italian politics as the svolta della Bolognina (Bolognina turning point). The collapse of the Communist governments in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe led Occhetto to conclude that the era of Eurocommunism was over. Under his leadership, the PCI dissolved and refounded itself as the Democratic Party of the Left, which branded itself as a progressive left-wing and democratic socialist party.

For Berlinguer, the events in Chile proved that the Marxist left could not aspire to govern in democratic countries without establishing alliances with more moderate forces. After the 1973 Chilean coup, there was cooperation between the PCI and DC that became a political alliance in 1976. Then Berlinguer's PCI attempted to distance itself from the Soviet Union, with the launching of "Eurocommunism" along with the Spanish Communist Party and the French Communist Party. However, the Historic Compromise was unpopular among the other moderate leftist groups like the Italian Republican Party and Italian Socialist Party, led respectively by Ugo La Malfa and Bettino Craxi.

He was a perennial candidate for the Labor-Progressive Party (as the Communist Party was known from 1943 to 1959) and then the Communist Party of Canada and became general secretary of the party in 1965, despite the opposition of party chairman and longtime leader Tim Buck. Kashtan never succeeded in winning election to the House of Commons of Canada, and retired in 1988. He was an orthodox, pro-Moscow Communist and consistently supported the Soviet Union through various shifts in policy at the Kremlin. Kashtan opposed Eurocommunism in the 1970s when many other Communist Parties in the west embraced it.

He cites it to Harvey Klehr, John Earl Haynes and Kyrill M. Anderson in The Soviet World of American Communism, Yale University Press (1998), , Document 45, p. 155. The text of a $3 million receipt dated March 19, 1988 is given on the site, but the receipt is not reproduced. Starting with $75,000 in 1959, this was increased gradually to $3 million in 1987. This substantial amount reflected the party's loyalty to the Moscow line, in contrast to the Italian and later Spanish and British Communist parties, whose Eurocommunism deviated from the orthodox line in the late 1970s.

Since Italy was suffering the "interference" of NATO, the Soviets said it seemed that the only interference that the Italian Communists could not suffer was the Soviet one. In an interview with Corriere della Sera, Berlinguer declared that he felt "safer under NATO's umbrella". Berlinguer's acceptance of NATO did not dent U.S. suspicion of him: appearing on the cover of Time on 14 June 1976, he was named "The Red Threat". In 1977 at a meeting in Madrid between Berlinguer, Santiago Carrillo of the Spanish Communist Party and Georges Marchais of the French Communist Party, the fundamental lines of Eurocommunism were laid out.

The members of the Communist Party of Spain (PCE) who opposed the reformist trend that ended being called "Eurocommunism" supported by the Central Committee of the PCE, and being in the situation of loss of organic link with his party, or even having been sanctioned, decided to create autonomous cells inside the party, but with their own political line. José Satué and Fernando Sagaseta were the leaders of the organization. In 1976 CC left the PCE because the party banned cell-type organization, considering that the upcoming legalization made that kind of organization an anachronism. CC left the party due to this decision.

Between 1976 and 1977, Berlinguer's PCI broke with the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, implementing, with Spanish and French communist parties, a new political ideology known as Eurocommunism. Such a move made an eventual cooperation more acceptable for Christian democratic voters, and the two parties began an intense parliamentary debate, in a moment of deep social crises.Eurocomunismo, Enciclopedia Treccani In 1977, Moro was personally involved in international disputes. He strongly defended his long-time friend, Mariano Rumor, during the parliamentary debate on the Lockheed scandal, and some journalists reported that he might have been involved in the bribery too.

In the late 1960s, the CPA, under the leadership of National Secretary Laurie Aarons, became a strong supporter of "Eurocommunism", of abandoning Leninism and democratic centralism, and trying to form a "united front" of the various left-wing forces thrown up by the movement of opposition to the Vietnam War. The CPA leadership had become increasingly critical of the Soviet Union, particularly over the 1968 Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia. Dissidents took the view that the CPA should not become a left social-democratic party, and should continue as a Marxist–Leninist party. The group was described as pro-Soviet hardliners.

But in mid-1970s, it lost its place of "first left-wing party" to François Mitterrand's Socialist Party. At the beginning, he supported reforms in the party, which participated to Eurocommunism with the Italian Communist Party of Enrico Berlinguer and the Spanish Communist Party of Santiago Carrillo and renounced the notion of a dictatorship of the proletariat (22nd congress, 1976). At first, he faced with the reproaches of Soviet leaders. Then, faced with electoral growing of the PS at the expense of his party, he imposed a re-alignment on the Soviet Union at the end of the 1970s.

PCE (VIII-IX) sticker honouring Agustín Gómez The Communist Party of Spain (8th and 9th Congresses) (in Spanish: Partido Comunista de España (VIII y IX Congresos)) was a pro-Soviet splinter group of Communist Party of Spain (PCE). PCE (VIII-IX) was one of many groups that broke away from PCE during the period when Santiago Carrillo held the post of PCE general secretary and directed the party towards Eurocommunism; it was founded in 1971. A prominent leader of the new party was Agustín Gómez. It published a magazine called Mundo Obrero (same name as the publication of PCE).

In response to the development of "eurocommunism" in the mid-1970s, Almirante initiated the first conference of a "Euro-Right" in Rome in 1978. The meeting included the francoist New Force, France's Party of New Forces (PFN), and parties from Belgium, Portugal, and Greece. The parties were unable to gather enough support to establish a group in the European Parliament following the 1979 European election. After the 1984 European election, the MSI was finally able to establish a European Right group, together with the French National Front (which had emerged victorious from its rivalry with the PFN) and the Greek National Political Union.

The party was founded in April 1977 in Gallarta (Biscay) after the 7th general assembly of ETA, during the Spanish transition to democracy. Its ideology was based on a blend of "independentism" and socialism - originally, they tended to be rather Marxism-Leninism, but subsequently moved towards Eurocommunism. EIA made a coalition with the Basque section of the Communist Movement of Spain (Movimiento Comunista de España), creating a coalition named Euskadiko Ezkerra. They won a seat in the Spanish Congress of Deputies, occupied by Francisco Letamendia (also known as "Ortzi") and another in the Senate, occupied by Juan María Bandrés.

To his death Aksel Larsen stayed a controversial figure. Although he had gained acceptance with his new party, and although his supporters revered him and spoke about a special kind of “Larsenism”, he was also accused of having betrayed his principles. He was criticised for having been one of the fiercest supporters of the Soviet Union, and for his concealment of Arne Munch- Petersen’s fate. However, he was also a respected parliamentarian and one of Denmark’s most popular politicians. Larsen's attempts to develop a “Third Way” form of communism independent of the Soviet Union is viewed by some as one of the forerunners of eurocommunism.

Enrico Berlinguer (; 25 May 1922 – 11 June 1984) was an Italian politician. Considered the most popular leader of the Italian Communist Party (Partito Comunista Italiano or PCI), which he led as the national secretary from 1972 until his death during a tense period in Italy's history, marked by the Years of lead and social conflicts such as the Hot Autumn of 1969–1970. He distanced the party from the influence of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and pursued a moderate line, repositioning the party within Italian politics and advocating accommodation and national unity. This strategy came to be termed Eurocommunism and he was seen as its main spokesperson.

A failed attempt to initiate low-scale armed struggle was launced in , with the formation of the 'Aris-Rigas Feraios' armed group. The Rigas Feraios organization aligned with the New Left, although influenced by Eurocommunism. As the Communist Party of Greece split in 1968, Rigas Feraios became increasingly tied to the Communist Party of Greece (Interior). Rigas Feraios, which took a critical stance of the Soviet Union, would now compete with the pro-Soviet Communist Youth of Greece (KNE) over the influence of the leftwing youth movement in the country. By 1972 Rigas Feraios was the largest youth organization, although KNE eventually outgrew it.

Fabrizio Cicchitto entered politics during the earlier 1960s, supporting the Marxist left wing of Riccardo Lombardi in the Italian Socialist Party and then becoming secretary of the party's youth organization (Federazione Giovanile Socialista Italiana, Italian Young Socialist Federation). Cicchitto also became sympathetic to Eurocommunism and the Historic Compromise path taken by the Italian Communist Party (PCI), while being highly critical of Christian Democracy (DC) itself, as well as of the American CIA and the Italian Servizio Informazioni Difesa. According to him, DC would have taken profit from the Red Brigades' activities and the Aldo Moro case to cut off relations with the PCI. In 1981, he confessed being a member of the masonic lodge Propaganda Due (P2).

324 During the 1970s, a new theoretical trend had emerged in several Western European communist parties that came to be known as Eurocommunism. Rejecting the domination of the Soviet Communist Party, it emphasized the development of theories and practices that were more applicable to Western Europe. The Soviet government disliked this Eurocommunist trend, and hoped that through holding a conference, they could achieve a document constituting a de facto charter of the European communist movement which would maintain their dominant role. Soviet discourse did at the time emphasize the importance of a united communist movement across the continent, denying differences between parties and labelling the distinction between Eastern and Western Europe as artificial.

Berlinguer has been described in many ways, but he was generally recognised for political coherence and courage, together with a rare personal and political intelligence. A serious and morally rigorous man, he was sincerely respected even by his opponents and his three days' agony was followed with great attention by the general population. His funeral was attended by a large number of people, perhaps among the highest ever seen in Rome. The most important political act of his career in the PCI was undoubtedly the dramatic break with Soviet Communism, the so-called strappo, together with the creation of Eurocommunism and his substantial work towards contact with the moderate (and particularly the Catholic) half of the country.

With Mao Zedong's death in 1976 and the subsequent Sino-Albanian split, Bains renounced Maoism. Following the leadership of Enver Hoxha and the Party of Labour of Albania (PLA), he became a prominent spokesperson of the PLA's line internationally, agreeing with the conclusion that numerous communist parties had devolved into "social imperialism" (such as Leonid Brezhnev's USSR, Josip Broz Tito's Yugoslavia, Kim Il-sung's North Korea and Fidel Castro's Cuba), while condemning Chinese revisionism, and Eurocommunism. After the overturn of socialism in Albania, Bain's again re-appraised his ideological outlook. He visited Cuba and announced he had changed his outlook towards the country and now viewed it as a successful example of socialism.

Appointed deputy director of the Center for Marxist Studies and Research, between 1972 and 1975 he published a 4-volume history of the Soviet Union (Histoire de l'URSS) in which he diverted substantially from the orthodox version that had been expressed since 1945 by Jean Bruhat. In line with the policy of openness of the time of the Union of the Left and Eurocommunism, his history was authorised by the PCF. Further exploiting his freedom to speake, in 1975 Elleinstein published History of the Stalinist phenomenon in which he analyzes Stalinism as the unfortunate product of historical circumstances. The 22nd French Communist Party Congress in 1976 was marked by an attempted break with the Soviet system spearheaded by .

In the 1980s, the NUS played a significant role in getting Barclay's Bank to divest from South Africa, attacking it as "Boerclay Bank". Throughout this period, the NUS presidency was dominated by the Broad Left, within which the Communist Party of Great Britain (where Eurocommunism was most popular among students rather than the pro-Soviet "Tankie" anti-revisionists) predominated and usually supplied the president, but were backed up Labour and the Liberals. They did so to work as a voting bloc against both the Conservatives and Militant. The first of these Broad Left presidents was Charles Clarke (later a Home Secretary under Blair) who as a member of the Clause Four Group, won the National Organisation of Labour Students back from Militant influence.

Italy, a difficult democracy: a survey of Italian politics by Frederic Spotts and Theodor Wieser In 1973, the Italian Communist Party's General Secretary Enrico Berlinguer launched a proposal for a "democratic alliance" with the Christian Democracy, embraced by Aldo Moro. This alliance was inspired by the Allende Government in Chile, that was composed by a left-wing coalition Popular Unity and supported by the Christian Democratic Party. After the Chilean coup of the same year, there was an approach between PCI and DC, that became a political alliance in 1976. In this time, the Berlinguer's PCI attempted to distance his party from the USSR, with the launch of the "Eurocommunism" along with the Spanish Communist Party and the French Communist Party.

Beginning in 1904, the Austro-Marxist group organized around magazines such as the Blätter zur Theorie und Politik des wissenschaftlichen Sozialismus and the Marx-Studien. Far from being a homogeneous movement, it was a home for such different thinkers and politicians as the Neokantian Max Adler and the orthodox Marxist Rudolf Hilferding. In 1921 the Austro-Marxists formed the International Working Union of Socialist Parties (also known as 2½ International or the Vienna International), hoping to unite the 2nd and 3rd Internationals, something which eventually failed. Austro-Marxism inspired later movements such as Eurocommunism and the New Left, all searching for a democratic socialist middle ground between communism and social democracy and a way to eventually unite the two movements.

Communism carries a strong social stigma in the United States due to a history of anti-communism in the United States. Since the early 1970s, the term Eurocommunism was used to refer to the policies of Communist parties in western Europe, which sought to break with the tradition of uncritical and unconditional support of the Soviet Union. Such parties were politically active and electorally significant in France and Italy. With the collapse of the statalized one-party systems and Marxist–Leninist governments, in Eastern Europe from the late 1980s and the breakup of the Soviet Union on December 8, 1991, Marxist–Leninist state communism's influence has decreased dramatically in Europe, but around a quarter of the world's population still lives under such a kind of Communist states.

The PCPG was established in 1984, in parallel to the process of rebuilding unity of the pro-soviet Spanish communists that was happening across Spain, with the participation of various communist parties, like the Party of Communists of Catalonia or the Unified Communist Party of Spain, against the prevailing eurocommunism in the direction of the PCE and PCG. This process led to the founding of the Communist Party (PC), the predecessor of which was then Communist Party of the Peoples of Spain (PCPE). The PCPG has participated in many elections. Its last participation was in the general elections 2008, presenting 3 candidates for the Spanish Senate in the province of Ourense, obtaining 4,243 (1.04% of the total), 3,428 (0.86%) and 3,413 votes (0.83%) respectively.

In 1991 the Italian Communist Party split into the Democratic Party of the Left (PDS), led by Achille Occhetto, and the Communist Refoundation Party (PRC), headed by Armando Cossutta. Occhetto, leader of the PCI since 1988, stunned the party faithfully assembled in a working-class section of Bologna with a speech heralding the end of communism, a move now referred to in Italian politics as the svolta della Bolognina (Bolognina turning point). The collapse of the communist governments in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe had convinced Occhetto that the era of Eurocommunism was over, and he transformed the PCI into a progressive left- wing party, the PDS. A third of the PCI's former members, led by Cossutta, refused to join the PDS, and instead founded the Communist Refoundation Party.

As a political tradition, democratic socialism represents a broad anti-Stalinist left-wing and in some cases anti-Leninist strand within the socialist movement, including anti-authoritarian socialism from below, libertarian socialism, market socialism, Marxism and certain left communist and ultra-left tendencies such as councilism and communisation as well as classical and libertarian Marxism. It also includes the orthodox Marxism related to Karl Kautsky and Rosa Luxemburg as well as the revisionism of Eduard Bernstein. In addition, democratic socialism is related to the trend of Eurocommunism originating between the 1950s and 1980s, referring to communist parties that adopted democratic socialism after Nikita Khrushchev's de-Stalinisation in 1956, but also that of most communist parties since the 1990s. As a socialist tradition, social democracy is generally classified as a form of democratic socialism.

Party's early ideological principles were outlined by Alexander Tarasov in "The Principles of Neo-communism" (Russian: Принципы неокоммунизма) and some other works ("Every Man is a King", "Chile, Cyprus crisis and Eurocommunism", "Revolutionary Dictature, NEP and Stalinism", "Swamp Rot. Black Hundreds as Revolutionary Counter-revolutionism of Petit bourgeoisie", etc.), which have been destroyed together with the party's archive in the village of Valentinovka in 1975. In accordance with those early principles the USSR economy was viewed as socialist from the late 1930s (which corresponded to the official Stalinism guideline), but at the same time the political system was seen as non-socialist: with socialism the power should belong to the society, to the people, but in the USSR it belonged to the ruling bureaucracy. In reality the society was removed from power.

"The Principles of Neo-communism" (Russian: Принципы неокоммунизма) written by A. Tarasov in the form of a catechism in November 1973, served as a temporary theoretical and programme document of the party. In some theoretical issues, important from the point of view of PNC members, they were guided by Tarasov's works, written in 1973-1974 and revised after they had been discussed within PNC. Such theoretical issues included: preference of revolutionary approach to the reformist one (based on the work "Chile, Cyprus crisis and Eurocommunism"); identification of the new Soviet philistines as representatives of petite bourgeoisie and a major reactionary force in the Soviet society (based on the work "Swamp Rot. Black Hundreds as Revolutionary Counter-revolutionism of Petit Bourgeoisie"); incompatibility of representative democracy and communism, the need for direct democracy (based on the work "Every Man is a King").

The PCE and its Catalan referent, the United Socialist Party of Catalonia, had already been committed to the liberal possibilist politics of the Popular Front during the Spanish Civil War. The PCE's leader Santiago Carrillo wrote Eurocommunism's defining book Eurocomunismo y estado (Eurocommunism and the State) and participated in the development of the liberal democratic constitution as Spain emerged from the dictatorship of Francisco Franco. The Communist Party of Austria, the Communist Party of Belgium, the Communist Party of Great Britain and the Communist Party of the Netherlands also turned Eurocommunist. The PCI in particular had been developing an independent line from Moscow for many years prior which had already been exhibited in 1968, when the party refused to support the Soviet invasion of Prague. In 1975, the PCI and the PCE had made a declaration regarding the "march toward socialism" to be done in "peace and freedom".

While Western Marxism is often contrasted with the Marxism of the Soviet Union, Western Marxists have been divided in their opinion of it and other Marxist–Leninist states. Some have offered qualified support, others have been highly critical of it and others still have held the former position at one point in time and the latter at another: Lukács, Gramsci and Della Volpe were members of Soviet-aligned parties; Korsch, Herbert Marcuse, and Guy Debord were inimical to Soviet Communism and instead advocated council communism; Sartre, Merleau-Ponty, Althusser and Lefebvre were, at different periods, supporters of the Soviet- aligned Communist Party of France, but all would later become disillusioned with it; Ernst Bloch lived in and supported the Eastern Bloc, but lost faith in Soviet Communism towards the end of his life. Maoism and Trotskyism also influenced Western Marxism. Nicos Poulantzas, a later Western Marxist, was an advocate for Eurocommunism.

Between 1977 and 1978, Althusser mainly elaborated texts criticizing Eurocommunism and the PCF. "Marx in his Limits" ("Marx dans ses limits"), an abandoned manuscript wrote in 1978, argued that there was no Marxist theory of the state and it was only published in 1994 in the Écrits philosophiques et politiques I. The Italian Communist newspaper Il manifesto allowed Althusser to develop new ideas on a conference held in Venice about "Power and Opposition in Post-Revolutionary Societies" in 1977. His speeches resulted into the articles "The Crisis of Marxism" ("La crisi del marxismo") and "Marxism as a 'finite' theory" in which he stressed "something vital and alive can be liberated by this crisis": the perception of Marxism as a theory that originally only reflected Marx's time and then needed to be completed by a state theory. The former was published as "Marxism Today" ("Marxismo oggi") in the 1978 Italian Enciclopedia Europea.

The SPC, which became a model for the Third World and remains so today, was based on a report on Pharmaceuticals in Sri Lanka of which the authors were Dr S. A. Wickremesinghe and Seneka Bibile. The Congress of Samasamaja Youth Leagues and the other bodies affiliated to the party (membership of the party proper was still restricted to a small cadre, on a Leninist model) saw unprecedented growth at this time. The leadership looked to Salvador Allende's Chile as a model of revolution through parliamentary means. Leslie Goonewardene, easily the most cosmopolitan of the party's leaders, established contact with the 'Captains' of the Movement of the Armed Forces ('Movimento das Forças Armadas' - MFA) of Portugal, after the Carnation Revolution of April 1974; he also became a theoretician of Eurocommunism and its application to Sri Lanka, writing a pamphlet 'Can we Get To Socialism This Way'.

The party's failure to condemn the bloody suppression of the 1956 Hungarian uprising led to a wave of withdrawals from the party. On 10 May 1959, the KPÖ lost representation in the National Council, receiving 142,578 votes, 3.3% of the total tally and thus missing the 4% election threshold to receive seats. The invasion of Czechoslovakia by Soviet troops in 1968 during the Prague Spring was at first condemned by the KPÖ. However, in 1971 the party revised its position and swung back to the Soviet line. A critic of these developments, the former KPÖ Minister of Education, Ernst Fischer (who branded it "tank communism") was expelled from the party, and readmitted only in 1998. Due to a continuing fall in support in the late 1970s and early 1980s, the party flirted briefly with a rightward move towards eurocommunism and democratic socialism.Paula Sutter Fichtner (2009). Historical Dictionary of Austria, pages 70-71.

In 1991 the Italian Communist Party split into the Democratic Party of the Left, led by Achille Occhetto, and the Communist Refoundation Party, headed by Armando Cossutta. Occhetto, leader of the communists since 1988, stunned the party faithfully assembled in a working-class section of Bologna with a speech heralding the end of communism, a move now referred to in Italian politics as the svolta della Bolognina (Bolognina turning point). The collapse of the communist governments in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe had convinced Occhetto that the era of Eurocommunism was over, and he transformed the Communist Party into a progressive left-wing party, the Democratic Party of the Left. A third of the Communist Party's former members, led by Cossutta, refused to join the PDS, and instead founded the Communist Refoundation Party. On 17 February 1992, judge Antonio Di Pietro had Mario Chiesa, a member of the Italian Socialist Party, arrested for accepting a bribe from a Milan cleaning firm.

After World War II, Amendola served as a deputy in the Italian parliament for the Italian Communist Party from 1948 until his death in 1980. He became known (especially in the 1970s) as one of the leaders of the party's right wing, which espoused gradual removal of the ideas of Soviet Communism and Leninism and supported alliances with the more moderate parties, especially the Italian Socialist Party, a concept later called Eurocommunism. One of his main allies was a member of the Italian Chamber of Deputies called Giorgio Napolitano, who was also to become the 11th President of Italy (2006–2015). From 1967, Amendola also started to work as a writer; his most notable books include Comunismo, antifascismo e Resistenza ("Communism, anti-fascism and resistance", 1967), Lettere a Milano ("Letters to Milan", 1973), Intervista sull'antifascismo ("Interview on anti-fascism", 1976, with Piero Melograni), Una scelta di vita ("A choice of life", 1978), and Un'isola ("An island", 1980), considered his best work.

Other democratic socialists want to go beyond mere meliorist reforms and advocate systematic transformation of the mode of production from capitalism to socialism. During the late 20th century, those labels were embraced, contested and rejected due to the emergence of developments within the European left such as Eurocommunism, the rise of neoliberalism, the fall of the Soviet Union and Revolutions of 1989, the Third Way and the rise of anti-austerity and Occupy movements due to the global financial crisis of 2007–2008 and the Great Recession, the causes of which have been attributed by some to the neoliberal shift and deregulation economic policies. This latest development contributed to the rise of politicians such as Jeremy Corbyn in the United Kingdom and Bernie Sanders in the United States who rejected centrist politicians that supported triangulation within the Labour and Democratic parties. Despite the long history of overlap between the two, with social democracy considered a form of democratic or parliamentary socialism and social democrats calling themselves democratic socialists, democratic socialism is considered a misnomer in the United States.

In the mid-1970s, Napolitano was invited by the Massachusetts Institute of Technology to give a lecture, but the United States ambassador to Italy, John A. Volpe, refused to grant Napolitano a visa on account of his membership of the PCI. Between 1977 and 1981 Napolitano had some secret meetings with the United States ambassador Richard Gardner, at a time when the PCI was seeking contact with the US administration, in the context of its definitive break with its past relationship with the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the beginning of eurocommunism, the attempt to develop a theory and practice more adapted to the democratic countries of Western Europe. He was an active member of the party until it ended in 1991. In 2006, when Napolitano was elected President of the Italian Republic, Gardner stated to AP Television News that he considered Napolitano "a real statesman", "a true believer in democracy" and "a friend of the United States [who] will carry out his office with impartiality and fairness".

As an example of this popularity, some of his works were first translated to Spanish than into English, and others were released in book format first in Spanish and then in French. At the turn from the 1960s to the 1970s, Althusser major works were translated into English—For Marx, in 1969, and Reading Capital in 1970—disseminating his ideas among the English- speaking Marxists. In the early 1970s, the PCF was, as most of European Communist parties, in a period of internal conflicts on strategic orientation that occurred against the backdrop of the emergence of Eurocommunism. In this context, Althusserian structuralist Marxism was one of the more or less defined strategic lines. Althusser participated in various public events of the PCF, most notably the public debate "Communists, Intellectuals and Culture" ("Les communistes, les intellectuels et la culture") in 1973. He and his supporters contested the party's leadership over its decision to abandon the notion of the "dictatorship of the proletariat" during its twenty-second congress in 1976.

In 1968, Rudi Dutschke, a leader of the German student movement, the "68er- Bewegung", said that changing the bourgeois society of West Germany required a long march through the society's institutions, in order to identify and combat cultural hegemony. Cultural hegemony has philosophically influenced Eurocommunism, the social sciences, and the activist politics of socially liberal and progressive politicians. The analytic discourse of cultural hegemony is important to research and synthesis in anthropology, political science, sociology, and cultural studies; in education, cultural hegemony developed critical pedagogy, by which the root causes of political and social discontent can be identified, and so resolved. In 1967, the German student movement leader Rudi Dutschke reformulated Antonio Gramsci's philosophy of cultural hegemony with the phrase The long march through the institutions (German: Marsch durch die Institutionen) to identify the political war of position, an allusion to the Long March (1934–35) of the Communist Chinese People's Liberation Army, by means of which, the working class would produce their own organic intellectuals and culture (dominant ideology) to replace those imposed by the bourgeoisie..Marsch durch die Institutionen at German Wikipedia.

Emblem of the Party of Labour of Albania highlighting Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels, Vladimir Lenin and Joseph Stalin, on which Hoxhaism and its anti-revisionism is based Hoxhaism demarcates itself by a strict defense of the legacy of Joseph Stalin, the organization of the Soviet Union under Stalinism, and fierce criticism of virtually all other communist groupings as "revisionist"—it defines currents such as Eurocommunism as anti-communist movements. Critical of the United States, the Soviet Union, China, and Yugoslavia, Enver Hoxha labeled the latter three "social imperialist" and condemned the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968, before withdrawing Albania from the Warsaw Pact in response. Hoxhaism asserts the right of nations to pursue socialism by different paths, dictated by the conditions in those countries, although Hoxha personally held the view that Titoism was "anti-Marxist" in overall practice. The Albanians succeeded in ideologically winning over a large share of Maoists, mainly in Latin America (such as the Popular Liberation Army and the Marxist-Leninist Communist Party of Ecuador as well as the Revolutionary Communist Party of Brazil), but they also had a significant international following in general.