California (1927), the United States Supreme Court upheld the conviction of socialite and activist Charlotte Anita Whitney under the California Criminal Syndicalism Act.
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The first time I saw him, I spent a little too long lingering in my rumpled Hello Kitty boxer PJs, waiting around for him to get off his shift at a campus cafe—to talk about the tenets of anarcho-syndicalism and the Californian deathgrind band Cattle Decapitation, probably.
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National syndicalism is adaptation of syndicalism to suit the social agenda of integral nationalism. National syndicalism developed in France, and then spread to Italy, Spain, and Portugal.
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Anarcho-syndicalism"Syndicalism". "Revolutionary syndicalism". Encyclopædia Britannica. Retrieved 24 December 2019. is a political philosophy and anarchist school of thought that views revolutionary industrial unionism or syndicalism as a method for workers in capitalist society to gain control of an economy and thus control influence in broader society.
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In fact, depending on the translation the original statement of aims and principles of the IWA (drafted in 1922) refers not to anarcho-syndicalism, but to revolutionary syndicalism or revolutionary unionism."Principles of Revolutionary Syndicalism". , Anarcho- Syndicalist Review.
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In the books Neither Right Nor Left and The Birth of Fascist Ideology, Zeev Sternhell claimed that Action française influenced national syndicalism and, consequently, fascism. According to Sternhell, national syndicalism was formed by the combination between the integral nationalism of Action française and the revolutionary syndicalism of Georges Sorel. National syndicalism spread to Italy, and was later a part of the doctrine of Italian fascist movement. In France, national syndicalism influenced the non-conformists of the 1930s.
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Several Supreme Court rulings later limited the applicability of criminal syndicalism laws in Idaho, and criminal syndicalism laws in Idaho became a dead issue.Sims, p. 527.
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Hatta published a serialised article in Kokushoku Seinen called 'An Investigation Into Syndicalism' in late 1927, which harshly attacked anarcho-syndicalism, and Kokuren quickly became a stronghold of pure anarchism.
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Anarcho- Syndicalism versus political socialism; Political parties and labour unions; Federalism versus Centralism; Germany and Spain; The organisation of Anarcho- Syndicalism; The impotence of political parties for social reconstruction; The CNT in Spain: its aims and methods; Constructive work of the labour syndicates and peasant collectives in Spain; Anarcho-Syndicalism and national politics; Problems of our time.
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Revolutionary Syndicalism in France and its Influence on the labour movement in Europe; The Industrial Workers of the World; Syndicalism after the First World War; The Syndicalists and the Third International; The founding of the new International Workingmen's Association; Anarcho-Syndicalism in Spain; In Portugal; In Italy; In France; In Germany; In Sweden; In Holland; In South America.
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Dubofsky believes, however, that IWW ideology was compatible with Syndicalism.
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One labour movement philosophy of "peaceful revolution" is known as syndicalism. Its tactical method is the strike—the regular strike for protecting the material welfare of the workers, and the general strike as a means to accomplish the desired permanent solution to industrial strife.Milorad M. Drachkovitch, The revolutionary internationals, 1864–1943, Hoover Institution on War, Revolution, and Peace, Stanford University Press, 1966, page 84 Syndicalism has been a common union organizing principle in a number of European countries, including France, Spain, and Italy. One variation of syndicalism is anarcho-syndicalism, which (in comparison to syndicalism) develops rank and file power with democratic traditions to maintain worker control over union leadership.
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Mussolini combined this syndicalism with strains of nationalism into his fascism.
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Carson responded by claiming that anarcho-syndicalism is outdated and unrealistic.
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Sometimes considered the “father” of revolutionary syndicalism or at least “the leading figure amongst the French Syndicalists”, Spencer M. Di Scala, Emilio Gentile, edits., Mussolini 1883-1915: Triumph and Transformation of a Revolutionary Socialist, New York, NY, Palgrave Macmillan, 2016, Chap. 5, Marco Gervasoni, “Mussolini and Revolutionary Syndicalism,” p. 131James Ramsay McDonald, Syndicalism: A Critical Examination, London, UK, Constable & Co. Ltd.
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French national syndicalism was an adaptation of Georges Sorel's version of revolutionary syndicalism to the monarchist ideology of integral nationalism, as practised by Action Française. Action Française was a French nationalist-monarchist movement led by Charles Maurras.
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Its legacy comprises the charter of Lyons, which founded anti-political syndicalism.
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This mixture of anarchism and syndicalism would be known as the "Chicago Idea".
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Syndicalism was one of the main points of discussion. The French anarchist Pierre Monatte was the primary advocate of syndicalism, while the Italian Errico Malatesta criticized it. The congress helped form links between syndicalists in various countries and spread the movement.
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Monatte thought that syndicalism was revolutionary and would create the conditions for a social revolution, while Malatesta did not consider syndicalism by itself sufficient. He thought the trade-union movement was reformist and even conservative, citing the phenomenon of professional union officials as essentially bourgeois and anti-worker. Malatesta warned that the syndicalist aims were of perpetuating syndicalism itself, whereas anarchists must always have anarchy as their end goal and consequently must refrain from committing to any particular method of achieving it. In Spain, syndicalism had grown significantly during the 1880s but the first anarchist related organisations didn't flourish.
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Post-left anarchism has been critical of more classical schools of anarchism such as platformismWooden Shoes or Platform Shoes?: On the "Organizational Platform of the Libertarian Communists" by Bob Black. and anarcho-syndicalism."The Bourgeois Roots of Anarcho Syndicalism" by Feral Faun.
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Terrorism by extremists became less common around the start of the 20th century. Anarchists saw the obvious need for a form of direct action capable of overthrowing the State and capitalism. The idea of syndicalism became popular (or, after the early 1920s, anarcho-syndicalism to differentiate from the reformist syndicalism in other parts of Europe). Purist "Anarchist Communists" were unwilling to adopt syndicalist ideas and became marginalized, although the two groups soon became indistinguishable.
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The Supreme Court ruled in 1969 that Ohio's criminal syndicalism law used to prosecute Brandenburg was unconstitutional.
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Prosecutions under Criminal syndicalism laws ensued. The California Criminal Syndicalism Act of 1919 alone, only five years after its enactment, was responsible for over 500 arrests and 164 convictions. This act was upheld by the United States Supreme Court on May 16, 1927 in the Whitney v. California case.
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1, 3. Whitney was arrested on November 28, 1919 and was charged with "criminal syndicalism" in violation of the California Criminal Syndicalism Act. A pre-trial hearing was held in the case on January 6, 1920, less than a week after the US Department of Justice's mass crackdown on alien radicals known as the "Palmer Raids," and the case went to trial in Oakland on January 27, in the Alameda County Superior Court.Whitten, Criminal Syndicalism and the Law in California, pp. 43-44.
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Between the years 1918 and 1919 Montana, South Dakota, Nebraska, and fourteen other states passed criminal syndicalism laws and between 1917 and 1923 thirteen states enacted sedition laws. Those states without Criminal Syndicalism laws or sedition laws during this period are noted to have had some similar already existing statutes against incitement and rebellion. The degree of the consequences range from state to state. Criminal Syndicalism laws called for maximum fines of $10,000 and a maximum 25-year prison sentence.
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Social anarchism includes (but is not limited to) collectivist anarchism, anarcho- communism, libertarian socialism, anarcho-syndicalism and social ecology.
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Neilson, Francis (1919). "Georges Sorel and Syndicalism." In: The Old Freedom. New York: B. W. Huebsch, pp. 78–94.
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State government legislation has been made to address criminal syndicalism according to their own definitions. States enacted criminal laws, the first of which was enacted in Idaho in 1917, or sedition law (operating basically in the same way as criminal syndicalism laws). During World War I and post-World War I, more than half the states passed these anti-radical statutes, most of which still remain in effect today. By 1935, there were a number of 33 states with remaining criminal syndicalism laws or sedition laws.
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Graham, Robert. "The General Idea of Proudhon's Revolution". participism, revolutionary syndicalism and some versions of utopian socialism.Bromley, Kent (1906). "Preface".
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"City Authorities Put Into Effect Oregon Criminal Syndicalism Law," Oregon Sunday Journal, vol. 16, no. 46 (Feb. 9, 1919), pp.
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Graham, Robert. "The General Idea of Proudhon's Revolution". participism, revolutionary syndicalism and some versions of utopian socialism.Bromley, Kent (1906). "Preface".
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Emmett O'Connor, "Syndicalism, Industrial Unionism and Nationalism in Ireland", in ed. Steven Hirsch and Lucien van der Walt, Anarchism and Syndicalism in the Colonial and Postcolonial World, pp.219-220 At the 1923 general election, the council put up four candidates in Dublin seats. None were elected, although Daly beat the official Labour Party candidate.
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22, 1909 Sorel was not the first to drift towards nationalism and syndicalism. During the years of 1902 to 1910 a cadre of Italian revolutionary syndicalists had embarked on a mission to combine Italian nationalism with syndicalism. They were later to become “founders of the Fascist movement,” and “held key posts” in Mussolini's regime.
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Verity Burgmann asserts in Revolutionary industrial unionism that the IWW in Australia provided an alternate form of labour organising, to be contrasted with the Laborism of the Australian Labor Party and the Bolshevik Communism of the Communist Party of Australia. Revolutionary industrial unionism, for Burgmann, was much like revolutionary syndicalism, but focused much more strongly on the centralised, industrial, nature of unionism. Burgmann saw Australian syndicalism, particularly anarcho-syndicalism, as focused on mythic small shop organisation. For Burgmann the IWW's vision was always a totalising vision of a revolutionary society: the Industrial Commonwealth.
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Green syndicalism is a synthesis of anarcho-syndicalism and environmentalism, arguing that protection of the environment depends on decentralization, regionalism, direct action, autonomy, pluralism and federation. It largely draws inspiration from the green bans in Australia, the efforts of workers at Lucas Aerospace to convert their factories away from armaments production and Judi Bari's efforts in the IWW to organise timber workers and environmentalists in Northern California. Green Syndicalism has been advocated for at various times by Confédération Nationale du Travail, Confederación General de Trabajadores and the Central Organisation of the Workers of Sweden.
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Green syndicalism is a synthesis of anarcho-syndicalism and environmentalism, arguing that protection of the environment depends on decentralization, regionalism, direct action, autonomy, pluralism and federation. It largely draws inspiration from the green bans in Australia, the efforts of workers at Lucas Aerospace to convert their factories away from armaments production and Judi Bari's efforts in the IWW to organise timber workers and environmentalists in Northern California. Green syndicalism has been advocated for at various times by Confédération Nationale du Travail, the Confederación General de Trabajadores and the Central Organisation of the Workers of Sweden.
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Organizations like the American Civil Liberties Union believe laws on criminal syndicalism were aimed to punish doctrines or memberships in unions.
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In terms of scope, Black Flame takes a uniquely global approach which, while also analysing Western Europe and North America, takes the history of anarchism and syndicalism in Latin America, Africa, and Asia seriously.Black flame : the revolutionary class politics of anarchism and syndicalism by Michael Schmidt and Lucien van der Walt (Review) These regions are knitted together into a single global account, which overviews core themes, developments and debates in the anarchist and syndicalist tradition. Van der Walt and Michael Schmidt criticise the "standard" works on the overall history and theory of anarchism and syndicalism for focusing on the North Atlantic region, and for insisting upon an indefensible "Spanish exceptionalism," the notion that in Spain alone were anarchism and syndicalism mass movements. A global view shows that Spain was by no means unique.
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In the late 19th and early 20th century, revolutionary syndicalism emerged as a form of radical trade union activism, sharing a close relationship with social anarchists of both the collectivist and communist tendencies. In the early 1920s, anarcho-syndicalism arose as a distinct school of thought within anarchism.Berry, David, A History of the French Anarchist Movement, 1917–1945 p. 134. With greater focus on the labour movement than previous forms of anarchism, syndicalism posits radical trade unions as a potential force for revolutionary social change, replacing capitalism and the state with a new society, democratically self-managed by the workers.
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The end goal of syndicalism is to abolish the wage system, regarding it as wage slavery. Anarcho-syndicalist theory therefore generally focuses on the labour movement.Jeremy Jennings, Syndicalism in France (St Martin's Press, 1990) The basic principles of anarcho-syndicalism are solidarity, direct action (action undertaken without the intervention of third parties such as politicians, bureaucrats and arbitrators) and direct democracy, or workers' self- management. Anarcho-syndicalists believe their economic theories constitute a strategy for facilitating proletarian self-activity and creating an alternative co-operative economic system with democratic values and production that is centered on meeting human needs.
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Zeev Sternhell, Mario Sznajder, Maia Ashéri, The Birth of Fascist Ideology: From Cultural Rebellion to Political Revolution, Princeton University Press, 1994, p. 33 Enrico Corradini promoted a form of national syndicalism that utilized Maurassian nationalism alongside the syndicalism of Georges Sorel.Zeev Sternhell, Mario Sznajder, Maia Ashéri. The Birth of Fascist Ideology: From Cultural Rebellion to Political Revolution, Princeton University Press, 1994, p.
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Fresno and Riverside agricultural strikes took place in 1917, months preceding the California criminal syndicalism bill's first introduction.Whitten, p. 14. The first attempt of inducting the criminal syndicalism bill into the California law took place in 1917. The bill was a copy of the Idaho statute. Legislators found the term “sabotage” in the bill ambiguous and did not pass the bill.
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The congress's declaration of principles was the classical expression of pre-war international syndicalism in the same way the Charter of Amiens was the classical expression of French syndicalism. It also expressed an evolution in syndicalist principles. Whereas the Charter made no reference to the state, the declaration explicitly condemned it, much like the post-war IWA did.Westergard-Thorpe 1978, pg.
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A modified version of the essay would be published in the Philosophical Library series European Ideologies under the name Anarchism and Anarcho-Syndicalism in 1949.
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Josep Prat was a Catalan anarchist writer and theoretician of syndicalism. He translated titles including Enrique Leone's El sindicalismo and Luis Fabbri's Anarquismo y socialismo.
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Idaho legislation defines it as, “the doctrine which advocates crime, sabotage, violence, or other unlawful methods of terrorism as a means of accomplishing industrial or political reform”. Key terms in criminal syndicalism statutes had vague definitions.White, p. 652. Criminal syndicalism became a matter of public attention during and after the World War I period, and has been used to stymie the efforts of radical labor movements.
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Sergio Panunzio (July 20, 1886 - October 8, 1944) was an Italian theoretician of national syndicalism. In the 1920s, he became a major theoretician of Italian Fascism.
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Hyacinthe de Gailhard-Bancel (1 November 1849 – 22 March 1936) was a French politician, lawyer, and pioneer of agricultural syndicalism. He was (1899–1910, 1912–1924).
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A number of Italian fascist leaders began to relabel national syndicalism as Fascist syndicalism. Mussolini was one of the first to disseminate this term, explaining that "Fascist syndicalism is national and productivistic… in a national society in which labor becomes a joy, an object of pride and a title to nobility."A. James Gregor, The Faces of Janus: Marxism and Fascism in the Twentieth Century, Yale University Press, 1999, p 216, note 42, Mussolini "Commento" in Opera omnia, vol. 18, pp. 228-229 By the time Edmondo Rossoni became secretary-general of the General Confederation of Fascist Syndical Corporations in December 1922, other Italian national syndicalists were adopting the "Fascist syndicalism" phrase in their aim at "building and reorganizing political structures… through a synthesis of State and labor".Emilio Gentile, The Origins of Fascist Ideology 1918-1925, New York, NY, Enigma Books, 2005, p.
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The Communist Manifesto. "Chapter III. Socialist and Communist Literature". "2. Conservative or Bourgeois Socialism". Agrarian socialism, Christian socialism, guild socialism, military socialism, national syndicalism,Sternhell, Ze'ev (1986).
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The collaboration between the integral nationalism of Action Française and the revolutionary syndicalism of Georges Sorel began in 1909. The connection was formed after Sorel read the second edition of Maurras' book, Enquête sur la monarchie. Maurras favorably mentioned Sorel and revolutionary syndicalism in the book, and even sent a copy of the new edition to Sorel. Sorel read the book, and in April 1909 wrote a praising letter to Maurras.
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The power of law against criminal syndicalism began to falter by the 1930s as the courts began to overturn convictions as either being no true threat to the US or by declaring the laws to be too vague or broad. One such example was the court's overturning of the conviction of Dirk DeJonge due to protesting the police brutality in the longshoreman's strike, as violating Oregon's criminal syndicalism law.
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Fascism denounces democratic socialism as a failure. Fascists see themselves as supporting a moral and spiritual renewal based on a warlike spirit of violence and heroism, and they condemn democratic socialism for advocating "humanistic lachrimosity" such as natural rights, justice, and equality. Fascists also oppose democratic socialism for its support of reformism and the parliamentary system that fascism rejects. Italian Fascism had ideological connections with revolutionary syndicalism, in particular Sorelian syndicalism.
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He became the first chairman of the federation's Business Commission. In 1907, after Kater refused a staff job with the centralized trade unions and declined to run as a delegate to the Reichstag delegate, he left the SPD. Though critical toward anarchism and syndicalism at first, Kater soon became a leading anarchosyndicalist figure in Germany. During a speech at the 1908 FVdG congress, Kater openly professed syndicalism for the first time.
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Eugène Varlin (5 October 1839 – 28 May 1871) was a French socialist, communard and member of the First International. He was one of the pioneers of French syndicalism.
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May Day 2010 demonstration of the anarcho-syndicalist trade union CNT in Bilbao, Basque Country In the early 20th century, anarcho-syndicalism arose as a distinct school of thought within anarchism. More heavily focused on the labour movement than previous forms of anarchism, syndicalism posits radical trade unions as a potential force for revolutionary social change, replacing capitalism and the state with a new society, democratically self-managed by the workers. Anarcho-syndicalists seek to abolish the wage system and private ownership of the means of production, which they believe lead to class divisions. Important principles of syndicalism include workers' solidarity, direct action (such as general strikes and workplace recuperations) and workers' self-management.
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He joined the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD), but soon moved on to become involved with anarcho- syndicalism, editing Der Kampf, the journal of the Hamburg Anarchist Federation.
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He was a strong supporter of the national syndicalism that formed part of original Falangist ideology and published a book in 1940 entitled La Revolucion Social del Nacional Sindicalismo.
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The word is Spanish for phalanx. Members of the party are called Falangists (Spanish: falangistas). The main ideological bases of the party are national syndicalism, Third Position and ultranationalism.
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Georges Eugène Sorel (; ; 2 November 1847 - 29 August 1922) was a French philosopherMacDonald, J. Ramsay (1912). "The Philosophy of Sorel." In: Syndicalism: A Critical Examination. London: Constable & Co., Ltd.
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Black Flame is a thematic work, on the history and theory of global anarchism and syndicalism. The forthcoming sequel, Global Fire, will provide a global narrative history of the movement. Lucien van der Walt has meanwhile also edited Anarchism and Syndicalism in the Colonial and Postcolonial World, 1870-1940. A German translation appeared in late 2013, entitled Schwarze Flamme: Revolutionäre Klassenpolitik im Anarchismus und Syndikalismus, with Greek and Spanish translations nearing publication.
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Vigilante activity spread beyond Salinas itself, moving to surrounding agricultural areas in a series of riots on September 10–11.Salinas Index- Journal, 10, 11 September 1934. The police forces had remained neutral until growers ordered them to act against the FLU members for violating the Criminal syndicalism laws that prohibited the advocating of any change to economic or political systems.Woodrow C. Whitten, Criminal Syndicalism and the Law in California (Philadelphia, 1969).
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As a symbol of the ideological divisions within Francoism, it can be contrasted to National syndicalism (Spanish: nacionalsindicalismo), an essential component of the ideology and political practice of the Falangists.
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The IWW's politics in 2007 mirror Burgmann's analysis: the IWW does not proclaim Syndicalism, or Anarchism (despite the large number of anarcho-syndicalist members) but instead advocates Revolutionary Industrial Unionism.
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The Charter was adopted by 830 participants, 8 having voted "no" and 1 abstained, and marked the victory of the current of revolutionary syndicalism in the CGT of the time.
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The latter thought that syndicalism was revolutionary and would create the conditions of a social revolution, while Malatesta considered that syndicalism by itself was not sufficient.Extract of Malatesta's declaration (see on Labor Unions, below). In 1912, Malatesta appeared in Bow Street Police Court on a criminal libel (defamation) charge which resulted in a three-month prison sentence and his recommendation for deportation. This order was quashed following campaigning by the radical press and demonstrations by workers organisations.
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The support by labour leaders' advocacy of liberal corporatism of the U.S. progressives is believed to have been influenced by an attraction to the syndicalism and particularly the anarcho-syndicalism at the time in Europe. In the United States, economic corporatism involving capital-labour cooperation was influential in the New Deal economic program of the United States in the 1930s as well as in Fordism and Keynesianism.R. J. Barry Jones. Routledge Encyclopedia of International Political Economy: Entries A-F.
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By the early 20th century, revolutionary syndicalism had spread across the world, from Latin America to Eastern Europe and Asia, with most of its activity then taking place outside of Western Europe.
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The Chicago idea is an ideology combining anarchism and revolutionary unionism. It was a precursor to anarcho-syndicalism professed by Chicago anarchists, especially Albert Parsons and August Spies, in the mid-1880s.
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Graham, Robert. "The General Idea of Proudhon's Revolution". and workerism), various traditions of market socialism, several New Left schools of thought, participism, revolutionary syndicalism and some versions of utopian socialism.Kropotkin, Peter (1906).
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Maoism, Marxism–Leninism, revolutionary socialism, social anarchism and Trotskyism) whilst others tend to support reform instead (e.g. Fabianism and individualist anarchism). Others believe both are possible (e.g. syndicalism or various forms of Marxism).
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"Contemporary Anarchist and Anarchistic Movements". Sociology Compass. Wiley. 12 (6): 4. . . and radical left-wing or far-left movement that promotes libertarian socialist economic theories such as collectivism, communism, individualism, mutualism and syndicalism.
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35, p. viii, In this Sorelian sense, the violence associated with Marxist class struggle, could be interpreted as fine, heroic and in the service of the “immemorial interest of civilization.”Georges Sorel, Reflections on Violence, Free Press, 1950, p. 113 Many European socialists joined the ranks of the revolutionary syndicalists, including Benito Mussolini, who claimed that he had succumbed to revolutionary syndicalism by 1904, citing that it occurred during a general strike, although he had been involved with syndicalism earlier.
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A decentralized planned economy is one where ownership of enterprises is accomplished through various forms of self- management and worker cooperatives in which planning of production and distribution is done from the bottom-up by local worker councils in a democratic manner. This form of socialist economy is related to the political philosophies of libertarian socialism, syndicalism and various forms of communal utopian socialism. Examples of decentralized democratic planning include council communism, individualist anarchism, industrial democracy, participatory economics, Soviet democracy and syndicalism.
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In 1931, Ledesma Ramos began publishing the periodical La Conquista del Estado, named in tribute to Curzio Malaparte's Italian Fascist magazine La Conquista dello Stato—one of the first publications of the Spanish National- Syndicalism. It attempted to bridge the gap between nationalism and the anarcho-syndicalist of the dominant trade union, the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT), by revising Syndicalism altogether. His admiration for National Socialism brought him to imitate Adolf Hitler's hairstyle.Hugh Thomas (1976); Historia de la Guerra Civil Española.
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At its founding congress in 1905, influential members with strong anarchist or anarcho-syndicalist sympathies like Thomas J. Hagerty, William Trautmann and Lucy Parsons contributed to the union's overall revolutionary syndicalist orientation.Salvatore Salerno, Red November, Black November: Culture and Community in the Industrial Workers of the World (State University of New York Press, 1989), pp. 69–90, Although the terms anarcho-syndicalism and revolutionary syndicalism are often used interchangeably, the anarcho-syndicalist label was not widely used until the early 1920s: "The term ‘anarcho-syndicalist' only came into wide use in 1921–1922 when it was applied polemically as a pejorative term by communists to any syndicalists…who opposed increased control of syndicalism by the communist parties".David Berry, A History of the French Anarchist Movement, 1917–1945, (Greenwood, 2002), p. 134.
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Some social activists objecting to the market system or price system of wage working historically have considered syndicalism, worker cooperatives, workers' self-management and workers' control as possible alternatives to the current wage system.
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Barbash lauds Foster's account of the history of American syndicalism in the years before World War I but charges him with proffering an "essentially unreliable" treatment of the labor movement in the post-war years.
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But it is also true that in actual practice, as Levine > remarks, "the Industrial Workers have played and are playing the game of > antipolitics." "Their spokesmen," he says, "ridicule the 'politicians'; > severely criticize the Socialist party and insult its most prominent > leaders. The non-political portion of the I. W. W. is therefore practically > anti-political."Paul Frederick Brissenden, The I.W.W. A Study of American > Syndicalism, Columbia University, 1919, pages 236-237, quoting Louis Levine, > The Development of Syndicalism in America, Political Science Quarterly, vol.
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National syndicalism in the Iberian Peninsula is a political theory very different from the fascist idea of corporatism, inspired by Integralism and the Action Française (for a French parallel, see Cercle Proudhon). It was formulated in Spain by Ramiro Ledesma Ramos in a manifesto published in his periodical La Conquista del Estado on 14 March 1931. National syndicalism was intended to win over the anarcho-syndicalist Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT) to a corporatist nationalism. Ledesma's manifesto was discussed in the CNT congress of 1931.
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John Spargo (ed.), National Convention of the Socialist Party Held at Indianapolis, Ind., May 12 to 18, 1912: Stenographic Report. Chicago: the Socialist Party, [1912]; pg. 122. Hereafter: 1912 National Convention Stenographic Report. The debate was vitriolic, with Victor L. Berger of Wisconsin stating the matter in its most bellicose form: Spargo played a leading role in this purge of the party's left wing with his 1913 book entitled Syndicalism, Industrial Unionism and Socialism, an attack on the syndicalism of the IWW and its supporters.
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During the early 2000s, the FIJL started to evolve towards insurrectionist positions and its differences with anarcho-syndicalism became more evident; this was due to the influence of the black block in alterglobalization protests and the influence of developments on from Italy and Greece. Following this it suffered a period of significant state repression, resulting in inactivity.Comunicado de la FIJL In 2006, a new generation of anarchist youth decided to establish a new FIJL. The new organisation differentiated itself from the insurrectionist FIJL, defending anarcho-syndicalism critically.
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Parsons and Spies built a large following for the idea between the 1883 congress and 1886 Haymarket affair, though they did concede their absolute condition that the unions would only pursue revolution instead of reform. Offering immediate reforms was far more agreeable for building wide support. This ideology shared much in common with what would be called anarcho-syndicalism at the turn of the century. Anarcho-syndicalism advocated for the union as the cell for revolutionary agitation, while similarly spurning central authority and political action.
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Malatesta's arguments against the doctrine of revolutionary unions known as anarcho-syndicalism were later developed in a series of articles, where he wrote that "I am against syndicalism, both as a doctrine and a practice, because it strikes me as a hybrid creature."“Further Thoughts on Anarchism and the Labour Movement” (March 1926) Despite their drawbacks, he advocated activity in the trade unions, both because they were necessary for the organization and self-defense of workers under a capitalist state regime, and as a way of reaching broader masses. Anarchists should have discussion groups in unions, as in factories, barracks and schools, but "anarchists should not want the unions to be anarchist."“Syndicalism and Anarchism” (April/May 1925) Malatesta thought that "[s]yndicalism [...] is by nature reformist" like all unions.“The Labor Movement and Anarchism” December 1925.
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The Act must be viewed in the context of the First Red Scare and the turbulent labor history of the United States in the early 20th century. From 1910 to 1920, 20 states enacted laws criminalizing syndicalism.
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"The Relevance of Anarcho-Syndicalism". The Jay Interview. Retrieved 24 September 2020. Anarchism continues to generate many philosophies and movements, at times eclectic, drawing upon various sources and syncretic, combining disparate concepts to create new philosophical approaches.
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In politics, he ran in 2017 as a candidate for the Helsinki Municipal elections. Despite doing so with the Finnish party The Left Alliance he remained an independent candidate as his political views are of anarcho-syndicalism.
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Franco's Falange also abandoned hostility to capitalism, with Falange member Raimundo Fernández-Cuesta declaring that Falange's national syndicalism was fully compatible with capitalism.Stanley G. Payne. Fascism in Spain, 1923–1977. Madison, Wisconsin, USA: Wisconsin University Press, 1999.
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Zeev Sternhell, Mario Sznajder, Maia Ashéri, The Birth of Fascist Ideology: From Cultural Rebellion to Political Revolution, Princeton University Press, 1994, p. 33 Generally, Italian syndicalism finally coalesced into national syndicalism during World War I and the months following the 1918 armistice.Zeev Sternhell, Mario Sznajder, Maia Ashéri, The Birth of Fascist Ideology: From Cultural Rebellion to Political Revolution, Princeton University Press, 1994, p. 33 Maurras welcomed Sorel's support in that they both were concerned over French socialism reaching the path of no return in its rush towards “democratization,” coalescing into a formidable Social Democracy movement.
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The national syndicalists, also called the "Blue Shirts" (camisas azuis), following the tradition of uniformed right-wing paramilitary groups, was an organisation advocating syndicalism and unionism, inspired by Benito Mussolini's brand of Italian fascism. As Rolão Preto wrote in July 1922, "our organic syndicalism is essentially the basis of current syndicalist thought among Mussolini’s friends".Preto, R., ‘Crónica social’, Nação Portuguesa, 2ª série, Nº 1, July 1922, p. 34. MNS was also built on previous allegiances to Integralismo Lusitano, but it was not inspired by the Action Française as alleged by their adversaries.
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One significant experiment with workers' self-management took place during the Spanish Revolution (1936–1939). In his book Anarcho-Syndicalism (1938), Rudolf Rocker stated: > But by taking the land and the industrial plants under their own management > they have taken the first and most important step on the road to Socialism. > Above all, they (the Workers' and peasants self-management) have proved that > the workers, even without the capitalists, are able to carry on production > and to do it better than a lot of profit-hungry entrepreneurs.Rocker, Rudolf > (1938). Anarcho-Syndicalism. p. 69.
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The defense by the IWW's General Defense Committee in the case of Fiske v. Kansas resulted in a critically important 1924 Supreme Court ruling which led to the decline of criminal syndicalism laws as a factor in legislative anti-union initiatives. In 1924, Kansas' state criminal syndicalism law was challenged by a Supreme Court ruling in the case of Fiske v. Kansas, which would become critically important in the future of legal battles over freedom of speech, and which was an early case supported by the American Civil Liberties Union.
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Congress 1922 The Free Workers' Union of Germany (; FAUD) was an anarcho- syndicalist trade union in Germany. It stemmed from the Free Association of German Trade Unions (FDVG) which combined with the Ruhr region's Freie Arbeiter Union on September 15, 1919. The FAUD was involved in the revolution in Germany from 1918–1923, and continued to be involved in the German labor movement after the FAUD began to decline in 1923. After 1921, the FAUD added an "AS" to their name, signifying a full transition from simple syndicalism to anarcho-syndicalism.
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Foner concludes, therefore, that the IWW did not inherit its philosophy of revolutionary industrial unionism from French Syndicalism. However, he does also note similarities. Foner believes that IWW members did learn about the organization's kinship with European syndicalist organizations through Wobbly publications, and thereby largely accepted the doctrines of syndicalism, especially after Bill Haywood brought back some ideas about syndicalist tactics from his 1910 visit to Europe. Conlin suggested in 1969 that those who wish to understand the true nature of the IWW should discontinue referring to the IWW as syndicalist.
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London: I.B. Tauris, 2005. p7-19 van der Walt, Lucien, Bakunin's Heirs in South Africa: race, class and revolutionary Syndicalism from the IWW to the International Socialist League, Politikon journal, 2004, Vol 30, number 1, pp. 67-89.
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Stalinism), other as a product or various worker movements (e.g. anarcho- syndicalism), or a party or other group contending for political power in a democratic society (e.g. social democracy). Some are in favour of a socialist revolution (e.g.
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White, p. 658. The Idaho criminal syndicalism bill served as a prototype for many other similar bills passed in various state legislatures in the following four years.Goldstein, Robert Justin. Political Repression in Modern America from 1870 to 1976.
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Some deemed this a renewal of anarcho-syndicalism, but the more orthodox in the organization considered such elections a "government intervention in labor-capital relations". Moreover, this would involve receiving state funding.Ealham 2015, pp. 267-273, Pascual 2018.
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Hubert Lagardelle (8 July 1874 – 20 September 1958) was a pioneer of French revolutionary syndicalism. He regularly authored reviews for the Plans magazine, was co-founder of the journal Prélude, and Minister of Labour in the Vichy regime.
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The Syndicalist League of North America was an organization led by William Z. Foster that aimed to "bore from within" the American Federation of Labor to win that trade union center over to the ideals of Revolutionary syndicalism.
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Malatesta's Anarchy. Translated by Vernon Richards. London: Freedom Press. . Malatesta then took part in the International Anarchist Congress of Amsterdam (1907), where he debated in particular with Pierre Monatte on the relation between anarchism and syndicalism or trade unionism.
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Basic outline of syndicalism as an economic system Anarcho-syndicalists believe that direct action—action carried out by workers as opposed to indirect action, such as electing a representative to a government position—would allow workers to liberate themselves.
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Tom Gallagher, Portugal: a Twentieth-Century Interpretation, 1983, p. 31 Drawing from traditional monarchism, Hispanidad, ruralism, Integralism, scientific racism, fascism and national syndicalism he had created a complex syncretic ideology that inevitably fissured into various factions after his death.
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"The Left-Libertarians — the last of an ancient breed". The Villager. Members included Sam Dolgoff, Russell Blackwell, Dave Van Ronk, Enrico Arrigoni and Murray Bookchin. This league had a narrower political focus than the first, promoting anarchism and syndicalism.
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Contemporary illustration of the Omladina trial In 1894, the Omladina Trial, convened in the Austro-Hungarian regional capital of Prague, ostensibly placed Czech anarchism and anarcho-syndicalism before the court as well as specifically convicting 68 Czech Nationalists of radical activities.
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Mussolini's intellectuals: fascist social and political thought. Princeton, New Jersey, USA: Princeton University Press, 2005. Pp. 78. In November 1918, Mussolini defined national syndicalism as a doctrine that would unite economic classes into a program of national development and growth.
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It focused on anti-militarism, syndicalism, and organizational questions. Anarchists from several countries pledged to attend and Schapiro was optimistic the congress would be a success. However, after World War I broke out, it had to be canceled.Avrich 1967, pp.
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In 1974 the Gun Court Act and the Suppression of Crime Acts were passed under the watch of Prime Minister Michael Manley. Oppressive Immigration policies of the United States towards foreign nationals contributed to the increase in illegal syndicalism in Jamaica.
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Strikes and IWW activities in key wartime industries increased. The California public invoked a patriotic sentiment and saw IWW as an enemy.Whitten, p. 15. In January 1919, Senator William Kehoe made the second introduction of the criminal syndicalism bill in California.
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Foster's 352-page memoir has come to be regarded as an important historical source for students of early 20th Century syndicalism and communism in the United States, and has been extensively employed in the writing of several biographies of the author.
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Whitney was charged with five counts of having violated the state's Criminal Syndicalism law by her membership in the Communist Labor Party. Since Whitney freely admitted her status as a charter member of the CLP, the burden of the prosecution was in attempting to demonstrate the association of the organization with the syndicalist Industrial Workers of the World and the Communist International, based in Moscow, organizations held to be illegal under California law. Once having established the criminal nature of the CLP, prosecutors argued that they would then establish the guilt of the defendant.Whitten, Criminal Syndicalism and the Law in California, pg. 44.
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Direct action, being one of the main staples of anarcho-syndicalism, would extend into the political sphere according to its supporters. To them, the labour council is the federation of all workplace branches of all industries in a geographical area "territorial basis of organisation linkage brought all the workers from one area together and fomented working-class solidarity over and before corporate solidarity".Romero Maura, "The Spanish Case", contained in Anarchism Today, D. Apter and J. Joll (eds.), p. 75 Rudolf Rocker argued: Anarcho-syndicalism therefore is not apolitical but instead sees political and economic activity as the same.
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Anarcho-communism developed from radical socialist currents after the French Revolution, but it was first formulated as such in the Italian section of the First International. It was later expanded upon in the theoretical work of Peter Kropotkin, whose specific style would go onto become the dominating view of anarchists by the late 19th century. Anarcho-syndicalism is a branch of anarchism that views labour syndicates as a potential force for revolutionary social change, replacing capitalism and the state with a new society democratically self-managed by workers. The basic principles of anarcho- syndicalism are direct action, workers' solidarity and workers' self- management.
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During the 1960's, a leader of the Klu Klux Klan named Clarence Brandenburg gave a speech at a Klan rally. He was later prosecuted under Ohio's criminal syndicalism law and was found guilty. The State relied on film from the rally which showed abhorrent messages denigrating black people and Jews as well as several articles including firearms and ammunition to make their case against Brandenburg. Brandenburg's prosecution and conviction demonstrated willingness by the state of Ohio to use the criminal syndicalism law to target any movement they perceived as radical or violent and not just socialist movements.
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Fascism in Spain, 1923–1977. Madison, Wisconsin, USA: Wisconsin University Press, 1999. Pp. 299. In October 1937, the new leader of the Falange, Raimundo Fernández-Cuesta, declared national syndicalism to be fully compatible with capitalism, drawing praise from the non-falangist right.
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Unions were suppressed, newspapers were shut down, and libertarian schools were closed. Catalonia was put under martial law until November. Rather than giving up, the Spanish working class became emboldened and more revolutionary than before, as workers adopted syndicalism as a revolutionary strategy.
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In Whitney v. California (1927) Warren prosecuted a woman under the California Criminal Syndicalism Act for attending a communist meeting in Oakland.David Skover and Ronald Collins, A Curious Concurrence: Justice Brandeis' Vote in Whitney v. California, 2005 Supreme Court Review 333 (2005).
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From September 1945 to August 1946, he edited a new anarchist journal entitled New Trends. He published articles on anarcho- syndicalism, the situations in Spain and Russia, as well as the killing of Carlo Tresca.Avrich 1969, p. 247, Longa 2010, pp. 196-198.
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Lanzillo was drawn to revolutionary syndicalism and became a follower of George Sorel. Lanzillo wrote: Lanzillo corresponded personally with Sorel, and published in 1910 the first biography of Sorel. Lanzillo also contributed to the syndicalist journals Avanguardia Socialista and Il divenire sociale.
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This Libertarian League had a narrower political focus than the first, promoting anarchism and syndicalism. Its central principle, stated in its journal Views and Comments, was "equal freedom for all in a free socialist society".Libertarian League (1963). "What We Stand For".
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The document drew praise and criticism from anarchists worldwide and sparked a major debate within the anarchist movement.Schmidt, M. and van der Walt, L. 2009. Black Flame: The Revolutionary Class Politics of Anarchism and Syndicalism (Counter-Power vol. 1). Edinburgh: AK Press. pp.
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Black Flame is the first of two volumes in the authors' Counter Power series. Black Flame is a thematic work, on the history and theory of global anarchism and syndicalism. The forthcoming sequel, Global Fire, will provide a global narrative history of the movement.
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To create a society worthy for youth to want to join, Goodman resolves, certain "unfinished" revolutions must be brought to their conclusion on topics including brotherhood of man, democracy, free speech, pacifism progressive education, syndicalism, and technology. He implores readers to seriously pursue these ideals.
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He married twice but had many extramarital affairs. Camus was politically active; he was part of the Left that opposed the Soviet Union because of its totalitarianism. Camus was a moralist and leaned towards anarcho-syndicalism. He was part of many organisations seeking European integration.
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The 4th Convention of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) was convened in Chicago on September 21, 1908, attended by 26 delegates.Paul Frederick Brissenden, The IWW: A Study of American Syndicalism. Studies in History, Economics and Public Law, vol. 83, whole no. 193.
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After some time, members of the FMP started to feel the need for a "revolutionary vanguard" among Portuguese workers. After several meetings at various Labor Union offices, and with the aid of the Comintern, this desire culminated in the foundation of the Portuguese Communist Party as the Portuguese Section of the Communist International (Comintern), on 6 March 1921. Soon after, the party's first youth organization, the Communist Youths (Portuguese: Juventudes Comunistas) was created. Unlike virtually all other European Communist Parties, the PCP was not formed after a split of a Social Democratic or Socialist Party, but from the ranks of Anarcho-Syndicalism and revolutionary syndicalism.
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Malatesta argued with Pierre Monatte at the Amsterdam Conference of 1907 against pure syndicalism. Malatesta thought that trade unions were reformist and could even be at times conservative. Along with Christiaan Cornelissen, he cited as example labor unions in the United States, where trade unions composed of skilled qualified workers sometimes opposed themselves to un-skilled workers in order to defend their relatively privileged position. Malatesta warned that the syndicalists aims were in perpetuating syndicalism itself whereas anarchists must always have overthrowing capitalism and the state, the anarchist ideal of communist society as their end and consequently refrain from committing to any particular method of achieving it.
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Miller, David and Janet Coleman, The Blackwell Encyclopaedia of Political thought, 10th ed. (Malden, Massachusetts; Oxford, England; Carlton, Victoria, Australia: Blackwell Publishing, 2004) p. 148. Benito Mussolini mentioned revolutionary syndicalist Georges Sorel—along with Hubert Lagardelle and his journal Le Mouvement socialiste, which advocated a technocratic vision of society—as major influences on fascism. According to Zeev Sternhell, World War I caused Italian revolutionary syndicalism to develop into a national syndicalism reuniting all social classes, which later transitioned into Italian Fascism, such that "most syndicalist leaders were among the founders of the Fascist movement" and "many even held key posts" in the Italian Fascist regime by the mid-1920s.
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Waldron joined the Workers (Communist) Party in 1926.Joseph R. Starobin, American Communism in Crisis, 1943-1957. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1972; p. 13. In 1929, Waldron fled to the Soviet Union to avoid criminal charges for his political activities under the California Criminal Syndicalism Act.
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Wolf, Adam B., "Anti-Anarchy and Anti-Syndicalism Statutes", in Finkelman (vol 1), p 68. The provision requiring registration was revoked in 1982. See Murphy, Paul, "Alien Registration Act 54 Stat. 670 (1940)", in Encyclopedia of the American Constitution, Volume 1, Macmillan Reference USA, 2000, p 68, .
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It was succeeded by two anarchist collectives: the Bikisha Media Collective and Zabalaza Books. These two groups co-produced Zabalaza: A Journal of Southern African Revolutionary Anarchism,"Anarchism, revolutionary syndicalism and anti-authoritarian movements in South Africa, Lesotho & Swaziland". South African Struggle Archives. Retrieved 4 January 2012.
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Liberties then > swept away have never been recovered. The Post Office refuses the mails to > printed matter expressing unpopular views. Criminal syndicalism and criminal > anarchy statutes have outlawed meetings of members of minority > organizations. > Thus the rights of free speech, free press and free assemblage disappear.
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Ohio, 395 U.S. 444 (1969), where the Court replaced the "bad tendency" test with "imminent lawless action" test. Since the Ohio Criminal Syndicalism law criminalized speech that did not incite imminent lawless action, the Ohio law violated the Freedom of Speech clause of the First Amendment.
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Eight were subsequently convicted of "criminal syndicalism." ;1931 (United States) :U.S. Congress passes the Davis–Bacon Act. ;1931 (United States) :Scottsboro Boys arrested in Alabama. ;4 May 1931 (United States) :Harlan County Miners' Strike began in Harlan County, Kentucky when gun-toting vigilantes attacked striking miners.
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Anarchism in Bolivia has a relatively short but rich history, spanning over a hundred years, primarily linked to syndicalism, the peasantry, and various social movements. Its heyday was during the 20th century's first decades, between 1910 and 1930, but a number of contemporary movements still exist.
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78 According to Sorel, the power of democratic- republican governments was debasing the revolutionary initiative of the worker class which forced him to search for other alternatives, including a nationalism, but one devoid of any monarchism.Jeremy Jennings, Syndicalism in France: A Study of Ideas, Palgrave Macmillan, 1990, p. 105 In order to resolve this crisis of socialism, Sorel turned toward an anti-democratic socialism that encompasses a radical nationalism, while still holding to his support of worker-owned factories, but under a heretic Marxism divested of it “materialistic and rationalistic essence.”Zeev Sternhell, Mario Sznajder, Maia Ashéri, The Birth of Fascist Ideology: From Cultural Rebellion to Political Revolution, Princeton University Press, 1994, pp. 77-78 In 1909, Sorel published an article in Enrico Leone's Il Divenire sociale, an influential journal of revolutionary syndicalism in Italy, which was later reprinted and championed by Charles Maurras in the L’Action française entitled “Antiparliamentary Socialist.”Jeremy Jennings, Syndicalism in France: A Study of Ideas, Palgrave Macmillan, 1990, pp. 104-105 Georges Sorel, “Socialistes antiparlementaires, Un article de M. Georges Sorel,” L’Action Francaise, Aug.
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Unlike the propositions of some of its critics, anarcho-syndicalism is different from reformist union activity in that it aims to obliterate capitalism as "[anarcho-syndicalism] has a double aim: with tireless persistence, it must pursue betterment of the working class's current conditions. But, without letting themselves become obsessed with this passing concern, the workers should take care to make possible and imminent the essential act of comprehensive emancipation: the expropriation of capital".Emile Pouget in No Gods, No Masters: An Anthology of Anarchism, edited by Daniel Guerin (AK Press, 2005), p. 71. Confederacion General del Trabajo's October 2005 demonstration in Barcelona While collectivist and communist anarchists criticise syndicalism as having the potential to exclude the voices of citizens and consumers outside of the union, anarcho- syndicalists argue that labour councils will work outside of the workplace and within the community to encourage community and consumer participation in economic and political activity (even workers and consumers outside of the union or nation) and will work to form and maintain the institutions necessary in any society such as schools, libraries, homes and so on.
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Rather than seeking to denigrate this group, regarded by many Californians and virtually the whole of its political class with fear and loathing, Brooks took a painstaking historical approach to the organization. The result of his studies was another book, American Syndicalism: The IWW, published by Macmillan in 1913.
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In 1913 he habilitated in Leipzig with a treaty on protective measures for female factory workers in England. The lecture was on syndicalism. He joined the institute for world economy and sea-trade in Kiel, directed by Bernhard Harms. From 1919 on, Gerlach taught economy at the Aachen Polytechnic.
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Kubli's bill moved speedily through the legislative process and was signed into law on February 3, 1919, with an emergency provision attached putting the law into immediate effect."City Authorities Put Into Effect Oregon Criminal Syndicalism Law," Oregon Sunday Journal, vol. 16, no. 46 (February 9, 1919), pp.
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Anarcho-syndicalism is a branch of anarchism that focuses on the labor movement.Sorel, Georges. 'Political Theorists in Context' Routledge (2004) p. 248 Anarcho-syndicalists view labor unions as a potential force for revolutionary social change, replacing capitalism and the state with a new society democratically self- managed by workers.
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Anarcho- Syndicalism and political action; The Significance of political rights; Direct Action versus Parliamentarism; The strike and its meaning for the workers; The Sympathetic Strike; The General Strike; The Boycott; Sabotage by the workers; Sabotage by capitalism; The social strike as a means of social protection; Anti-militarism.
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They were > unconscious pragmatists and the result is that they have made themselves > felt to a much greater extent than the doctrinaires [of the Detroit IWW]. > They have been strikingly successful as gadflies—stinging and shocking the > bourgeoisie into the initiation of reforms.Paul Frederick Brissenden, The > I.W.W. A Study of American Syndicalism, Columbia University, 1919, page 258 Yet Brissenden wrote that the question of decentralization was "perhaps the most fundamental [issue] ever given wide discussion by the I.W.W. membership."Paul Frederick Brissenden, The I.W.W. A Study of American Syndicalism, Columbia University, 1919, page 304 Brissenden, acknowledging in 1919 that the decentralization forces within the IWW had not dissipated, had a sense of foreboding about the future of that organization.
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Anarcho-communism has been critical of a simple call for worker's ownership of workplaces and their administration as cooperatives. While not at odds with syndicalism as a tactic, it opposes the vision of anarcho-syndicalism as a theory, which sees a post-capitalist economy being made up of federations of industrial syndicates. Anarcho-communism proposes that the future society be organised territorially through free communes (localities) instead of industrially through workers' unions (syndicates). Each commune is perceived as an integrated political-economic unit, removing the distinction between work and community, as well as existing as part of a wider communal-confederation made up of other such autonomous communes, linked together via voluntary contractual agreements.
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Political philosophies commonly described as libertarian socialist include most varieties of anarchism (especially anarcho- communism, anarchist collectivism, anarcho-syndicalism, social anarchism and mutualism)A Mutualist FAQ: A.4. Are Mutualists Socialists? . Mutualist.org. Retrieved on 2011-12-28. as well as autonomism, communalism, participism, libertarian Marxist philosophies such as council communism and Luxemburgism,Murray Bookchin, Ghost of Anarcho-Syndicalism; Robert Graham, The General Idea of Proudhon's Revolution and some versions of utopian socialismKent Bromley, in his preface to Peter Kropotkin's book The Conquest of Bread, considered early French utopian socialist Charles Fourier to be the founder of the libertarian branch of socialist thought, as opposed to the authoritarian socialist ideas of Babeuf and Buonarroti.
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According to some views, this opposition between two visions of the organization of the workers' movement in trade-unions was later on merged in anarcho-syndicalism, which combined the revolutionary conception of trade- unionism with anarchist principles. However, French syndicalists Monatte and Robert Louzon continued to argue for (revolutionary) syndicalist unions independent of any political party or grouping, while Maletesta continued arguing against the syndicalist or anarcho-syndicalist conception of revolutionary unions. To him unions needed to be open to all workers open to activity to defend their conditions, and anarchists should work inside those unions to influence the broadest layer of workers, without wanting to make the unions themselves anarchist.Errico Malatesta, “Syndicalism and Anarchism” (April/May 1925).
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In 1908 Georges Valois started an "inquiry into the monarchy and the working class" in the first issue of the Revue critique des idées et des livres. He invited various syndicalists and intellectuals interested in syndicalism to comment on whether the monarchy would be preferable to the republic in advancing working class interests and the progress of syndicalism. Janvion was among the thirteen whose replies were published, of whom only the royalist syndicalist Darguenat was in favor of the monarchy. Valois gave Janvion's response a flattering introduction, but although Janvion was glad to criticize the republic he would not support the idea of a monarchy, which he thought would not be viable without politicians.
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Although many contributors were Fabians, he distanced himself from their politics to some extent and sought to have the magazine represent a wide range of political views. He used the magazine to launch attacks on parliamentary politics and argued the need for utopianism. He also attacked the trade union leadership, while offering some support to syndicalism, and tried to combine syndicalism with his ideal of a revived guild system. Combining these two ideas resulted in Guild socialism, the political philosophy Orage began to argue for from about 1910, though the specific term "guild socialism" seems not to have been mentioned in print until Bertrand Russell referred to it in his book Political Ideals (1917).
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After relocating to San Francisco with Karl sometime in the early 1930s, Yoneda continued her activities in the civil rights, labor, and union movements, and also joined the Communist Party and worked for the ILD as a district secretary. Yoneda's work with the ILD included supporting striking agricultural workers and visiting prisoners such as Tom Mooney and others who had been arrested under the Criminal Syndicalism laws. Yoneda herself was arrested in Dolores Park, San Francisco, for participating in a rally against the Criminal Syndicalism laws in March 1935. Yoneda became known as the “Red Angel” for her work in defending union members and labor demonstrators in the San Francisco waterfront and General Strike of 1934.
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In 1908 translations of his writings appeared in Spain and Germany, Syndicalism and Anarchism, where Fabbri notes the resemblances of anarchism with revolutionary syndicalism, and Marxism and Anarchism, in which he distinguishes anarchism from Marxist socialism. The following year he settled in Bologna, where he joined the Chamber of Labor and became secretary of the Bolognese metallurgical union. During this time, Fabbri married Bianca Sbriccoli, with whom he had the children Luce and Vero. In May 1909, the congress of revolutionary trade unionists was held in Bologna, which decided by a large majority to join the reformist General Confederation of Labour, in an attempt to bring a revolutionary change to the Bolognese union.
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"Carnival and Class: Anarchism and Councilism in Australasia during the 1970s" in Alex Prichard, Ruth Kinna, Saku Pinta and Dave Berry (eds). Libertarian Socialism: Politics in Black and Red. Palgrave Macmillan, December 2012. pg. 268. and LuxemburgismMurray Bookchin, Ghost of Anarcho-Syndicalism; Robert Graham, The General Idea of Proudhon's Revolution.
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On January 14, 1919, a criminal syndicalism statute authored by conservative legislator Kaspar K. Kubli was introduced as House Bill 1 at the opening of the 1919 session of the legislature."Measure Insures State Positions for War Heroes," Oregon Journal [Portland] vol. 17, no. 208 (January 14, 1919), pg. 4.
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In 1906, the Dutch Confederation of Trade Unions (NVV) was founded as an SDAP-loyal union federation. It had more members than the NAS from the start.van der Linden, "The Many Faces of Dutch Revolutionary Trade Unionism," pp. 48-49. In the following years the NAS slowly turned to syndicalism.
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Although Camus has been linked to anti-Soviet communism, reaching as far as anarcho-syndicalism, some neo-liberals have tried to associate him with their policies; for instance, the French President Nicolas Sarkozy suggested that his remains be moved to the Panthéon, an idea that angered many on the Left.
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A sociedade que queremos ajudar a construir tem neste pensamento os seus alicerces. (...) Como pensou e defendeu Francisco Sá Carneiro.» [«The syndicalism we defend and try to practice has this social democratic and personalist matrix. The society that we want to help to build has in this thought its foundations.
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On February 19, 1917, the criminal syndicalism bill was introduced into the Idaho state legislature.Sims, p. 512. Businesses which stood to lose the most at the hands of the IWW, including lumber and mining interests, lobbied for the statute's enactment. In March 1917, the Idaho state government enacted the statute.
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De Leonism is a form of Marxism developed by the American activist Daniel De Leon. De Leon was an early leader of the first socialist political party in the United States, the Socialist Labor Party of America. De Leon combined the rising theories of syndicalism in his time with orthodox Marxism.
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There he eventually met Benito Mussolini. Finding only limited support for his views within the socialist movement, in 1906 he began publishing Pagine Libre, a journal devoted to revolutionary syndicalism. He was expelled from Switzerland in 1912. On 5 October 1914, Olivetti published the manifesto of the Fascio Rivoluzionario d'Azione Internazionalista.
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Maurrassisme is a political doctrine originated by Charles Maurras (1868–1952), most closely associated with the Action française movement. Maurassisme advocates absolute integral nationalism, monarchism, corporatism, alliance with revolutionary syndicalism, and opposition to democracy, liberalism, and capitalism.David Miller, Janet Coleman, William Connolly, Alan Ryan. The Blackwell encyclopaedia of political thought.
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The pillars for a New Spain in the Franco era became national syndicalism and national Catholicism. The Franco period saw an extreme regression in the rights of women. The situation for women was more regressive than that of women in Nazi Germany under Hitler. Women did not have rights in Francoist Spain.
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Cork University Press. p. 33 For Larkin the strike was seen as something of a triumph despite its unsatisfactory ending and it had served to establish his reputation.Hirsch, Stephen; Van der Valt, Lucien (2010). Anarchism and Syndicalism in the Colonial and Postcolonial World, 1870–1940 (Studies in Global Social History). Brill. p.
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Between 1906 and 1907, Grossman used the signature "A -" in Burevestnik. He vehemently accused the Kropotkinists of conflating syndicalism and anarchism, stating that they had been led astray by the French labour movement. Instead, he called for "direct, illegal, revolutionary means of warfare" to be applied in Russia.Avrich (2005), pp. 84-85.
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A new organization, the Federation of Workers' Societies of the Spanish Region, was formed in 1900. The organization adopted syndicalism on socialist libertarian principles. Its success was immediate: general strikes swept across Spain within a year. Many of these strikes had no visible leadership but were initiated purely by the working class.
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137-139, Thorpe 1989, p. 96. The journal began appearing in August 1917. It published articles on French syndicalism and the theory of the general strike. Schapiro was the driving force behind Golos Trudas's publishing house, which released Russian translations of works by Western syndicalist theorists like Fernand Pelloutier, Émile Pouget, or Cornelissen.
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No verdict was rendered on the case for over two full years, when the decision of the trial court was affirmed.Whitten, Criminal Syndicalism and the Law in California, pg. 49. On June 5, 1922, a petition for a rehearing of the evidence in the case was made before the California Supreme Court.
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He endorsed Québec Solidaire. Chartrand is considered to have been a promoter of socialism, a severe critic of capitalism,Diane Cailhier, Chartrand, Michel, in The Canadian Encyclopedia online [Retrieved 23 July 2011]. and a leading figure of syndicalism in Quebec.Décès du syndicaliste Michel Chartrand, in Bilan du siècle online [Retrieved 23 July 2011].
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In January 1906 the authorities arrested sixteen members of the International group and shot them without trial. Anarchist block during Workers Day demonstration in Wrocław, 2013 Significant Polish theorists of anarchism and anarcho-syndicalism included Edward Abramowski (1868-1918), Jan Wacław Machajski (1866-1926), Augustyn Wróblewski (1866-1923) and Rafał Górski (1973-2010).
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1, 6. Authorities made immediate use of the new law, arresting the State Secretary of the Socialist Party of Oregon and five others for selling copies of The Western Socialist on the streets of Portland and for "distributing handbills without a license" less than one week after the criminal syndicalism law took effect.
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Anarcho-Syndicalism: Theory and Practice. In it Chomsky wrote: "I felt at once, and still feel, that Rocker was pointing the way to a much better world, one that is within our grasp, one that may well be the only alternative to the 'universal catastrophe' towards which 'we are driving on under full sail'..." Book Citation: Rudolph Rocker. Anarcho-Syndicalism: Theory and Practice. AK Press. p. ii. 2004. He is a member of the Campaign for Peace and Democracy and the Industrial Workers of the World international union.'Industrial Workers of the World – IWW Biography Retrieved February 11, 2012 Since the 1960s, he has become known more widely as a political dissident, an anarchist,Noam Chomsky, Chomsky on Anarchism (2005), AK Press, pg.
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The Revolutionary Socialist Workers' Party (, POSR) was a French socialist political party founded by Jean Allemane in 1890 and dissolved in 1901. It is indirectly one of the founding factions of the French Section of the Workers' International (SFIO), which was founded in 1905. The POSR was founded by a dissidence from the Federation of the Socialist Workers of France (FTSF) led Allemane, therefore the POSR became known as an Allemaniste party, that is a party which was a strong believer of the primacy of syndicalism in politics and the POSR became a base of future revolutionary syndicalism. However, next to the working-class socialism of Allemane, an intellectual socialist movement developed within the POSR, led by Lucien Herr, a librarian.
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He makes several points: the IWW did not like the term syndicalism; the revolutionary industrial unionism of the IWW had "distinctly different origins" than did the syndicalism of Europe; and, there were key differences between the philosophy of the Wobblies, and that of the syndicalists. Ralph Chaplin, IWW editor of Solidarity and later, of the Industrial Worker, appears to have made similar points to those made by Joseph Conlin. Chaplin wrote, > In spite of certain misleading surface similarities, which are unduly > stressed by shallow observers, the European anarcho-syndicalist movement and > the I.W.W. differ considerably in more than one particular. This was made > inevitable by reason of the fact that the I.W.W. was the result of a later > and more mature period of industrial development.
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André Renard whose ideology formed the basis for "Renardism" Renardism () refers to a political ideology in Belgium based on the thinking of the trade union leader André Renard (1911–62). Popular in parts of Wallonia, Renardism combined elements of syndicalism and regionalist politics. It ultimately sought the transformation of Belgium into a federal state.
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William Delany, The Green and the Red, p.412Emmet O'Connor, Syndicalism in Ireland: 1917–1923, p.107 In 1919, Daly was elected as Secretary of the Dublin Trades Council, and he remained in the post until his death. Under his leadership, and due to his dispute with O'Brien, the council withdrew from the Labour Party.
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Italian anarchism as a movement began primarily from the influence of Mikhail Bakunin,No Gods No Masters, p. 154, by Daniel Guerin Giuseppe Fanelli, and Errico Malatesta. Rooted in collectivist anarchism, it expanded to include illegalist individualist anarchism, mutualism, anarcho-syndicalism, and especially anarcho-communism. It participated in the biennio rosso and survived Italian fascism.
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19 (1). 75–90. . left-libertarianism, or social anarchism. Anarchists typically discourage the concept of left anarchism on grounds of redundancy and that it lends legitimacy to the notion that anarchism is compatible with capitalism or nationalism. German author Ulrike Heider categorize anarchism into left anarchism (anarcho-syndicalism), right anarchism (anarcho-capitalism) and green anarchism.
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A series of three articles about the Scala Case from the CNT point of view: (1) El Caso Scala. Un proceso contra el anarcosindicalismo , ("The Scala Case. A trial against anarcho-syndicalism"), Jesús Martínez, Revista Polémica online, 1 February 2006; (2) Segunda parte. El proceso ("Second part: the trial") 31 January 2006; (3) Tercera parte.
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There was some intersection between the Jewish anarchist, Folkist and Territorialist movements. For example, Isaac Nachman Steinberg, a renowned Territorialist leader, held anarchist views. Most Jewish anarchists supported anarcho-syndicalism and communist anarchism, while a few were individualist anarchists. The small contemporary anarchist movement in Israel is very active in peace and Palestinian solidarity actions.
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"Councilism and anarchism loosely merged into 'libertarian socialism', offering a non-dogmatic path by which both council communism and anarchism could be updated for the changed conditions of the time, and for the new forms of proletarian resistance to these new conditions." De Leonism, left communism, LuxemburgismBookchin, Murray (1992). "The Ghost of Anarcho-Syndicalism".
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On May 10, 1928, he died in a mysterious car crash in Saudi Arabia and his remains were repatriated to Tunisia on April 6, 1968.Hfaidh Tababi, Mohamed Ali El Hammi , ed. Higher Institute of the history of the national movement, Tunis, 2005, pp. 13-36 He is deemed as the father of Tunisian syndicalism.
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Cantor, "Labor Defender ... Equal Justice," pg. 255. The ILD also worked to defend against various government attempts to pass criminal syndicalism legislation in the 1930s, which suppressed workers' right to organize and to strike. The economic crisis of the Great Depression and high unemployment increased pressure on workers to accept whatever management would give.
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While still a young man he joined the Social Democratic Party (SPD). He obtained a job as a mechanic/fitter with the railways, working on the network's signal boxes. In 1912 he left the SPD, as his political sympathies moved towards Anarcho- syndicalism. During the immediate prewar years he was an employee of the Trades Union Press.
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New York: Bloomsbury Publishing USA. p. 90. . Similarly, Mikhail Bakunin, who famously proclaimed that "[w]e are convinced that freedom without Socialism is privilege and injustice, and that Socialism without Freedom is slavery and brutality",Garner, Jason (2016). Goals and Means: Anarchism, Syndicalism, and Internationalism in the Origins of the Federación Anarquista Ibérica. Oakland: AK Press. .
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David's grandfather, nicknamed "Siete Filos" ('seven knife-edges'), had an especially strong role in his upbringing. In 1902 Siqueiros started school in Irapuato, Guanajuato. He credits his first rebellious influence to his sister, who had resisted their father's religious orthodoxy. Around this time, Siqueiros was also exposed to new political ideas, mainly along the lines of anarcho-syndicalism.
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The early ideology of revolutionary syndicalism from which the IWA derives was formed during the International Workingmen's Association (IWMA), also known as the First International. The First International aimed at uniting a variety of different left-wing socialist, communist"Dictionary of politics: selected American and foreign political and legal terms". Walter John Raymond. p. 85. Brunswick Publishing Corp. 1992.
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42 Developed to bring about worker control of the means of production by direct action, the intellectuals of syndicalism came to the realization that Italy's primitive economy could facilitate neither equality nor abundance for society. Without a mature industry developed by the bourgeois, they came to understand that a successful social revolution required the support of “classless” revolutionaries.
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In his later years, Mainwaring lived in London. On Sunday, 29 September 1907, while addressing a meeting on Parliament Hill Fields, Mainwaring was stricken by faintness and subsequently died. He was 55 years old at the time of his death. Mainwaring is credited with coining the phrase "anarcho-syndicalism" and it is for this he is best remembered.
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The Syndicalism Act was called "an arbitrary and unreasonable exercise of the police power of the State." The law, applied as it had, was found to be a violation of the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. The judgement of the state court was reversed, and Fiske was found to be not in violation of any law.
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Many saw Boulangism as a possible way to socialism. Following the Boulangist dissidence, Vaillant adopted a strategy of syndicalism and strike action. The CRC was further re- enforced by the affiliation of the Revolutionary Communist Alliance (ACR), formed by dissidents of the Revolutionary Socialist Workers' Party (POSR) in 1896. The CRC merged into the Socialist Revolutionary Party in 1898.
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275, Rodenburg 2014, p. 243, Thorpe 1989, p. 88. Syndicalism was an international movement which first emerged in France and the General Confederation of Labor and then spread to many other countries. The movement fought for a revolution to abolish the state and capitalism and conceived of this revolution as being based on the general strike.
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The (Minneapolis) IWW's ideology evolved into anarcho-syndicalism, or "revolutionary industrial unionism", and avoided electoral political activity altogether.Draper, pp. 16–17. It was successful organizing unskilled migratory workers in the lumber, agriculture, and construction trades in the Western states and immigrant textile workers in the Eastern states and occasionally accepted violence as part of industrial action.Draper, pp. 21–22.
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The Chicago idea did not address sabotage or the general strike, though historian Paul Avrich notes that these concepts were not developed at the time. While they were related, the rise of anarcho-syndicalism owed more to 1860s/1870s European workers' councils thought and Bakunin's writings on federations of labor unions than to the Chicago idea.
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48 churches and similar institutions were burned in anti-clerical attacks. The riot was finally ended by the military; 1,725 members of such groups were put on trial, with five people sentenced to death.Preston (2006). p. 29. These events led to the establishment of the National Confederation of Labour (, CNT), an anarchist-controlled trade union committed to anarcho-syndicalism.
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Pierre Monatte (15 January 188127 June 1960) was a French trade unionist, a founder of the Confédération générale du travail (CGT, Generation Confederation of Labour) at the beginning of the 20th century, and founder of its journal La Vie Ouvrière (Workers' Life) on 5 October 1909. Monatte has been considered one of the great figures of revolutionary syndicalism.
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Nancy Capace, Encyclopedia of Montana, (Somerset, 2000) 55-58, 156. Although the IWW was not officially connected with the new miners union or the riots, The WFM leadership, along with other labor unions, blamed the disturbances on the IWW.Paul Frederick Brissenden, "The I.W.W., a study in American syndicalism," Studies in History, Economics and Public Law, 1919, v.83 n.
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During the 1910s, the public was hostile towards leftist ideologies and deemed social radicalism un-American. Government officials on the state and federal level ordered arrests, imprisonments and killings of people who challenged industrial capitalism or made militant demands under the pre-existing economic structure.White, p. 650. By the year 1933, over 700 convictions of criminal syndicalism were made.
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Urbana: University of Illinois Press (2001): 128. Initially, the rhetoric behind criminal syndicalism laws appealed strictly to business interests. After the United States entered the World War I, then Governor of Idaho Moses Alexander instilled nationalist rhetoric into the public discourse of the law while referring to the IWW's opposition against United States’ participation in the war.Sims, p. 514.
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905–6) According to R. F. Foster Roy Foster, W. B. Yeats - A Life, II: The Arch-Poet 1915-1939. Oxford, 2003, (pp. 504, 510–512). "She was a member of the Independent Labour Party, and her ideology in the 1930s tended to anarcho-syndicalism rather than hardline Communism, but she was emphatically and vociferously left-wing".
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The Genesis of Georges Sorel. Ann Arbor, Michigan: The George Wahr Publishing Company, p. 125. Indeed, it was Sorel's only successful book of about a dozen published,Hale (1971), p. 109. which cemented his legacy by 1912 as "the leading figure amongst the French Syndicalists."James Ramsay McDonald, Syndicalism: A Critical Examination, London, UK, Constable & Co., 1912, p.
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1st edition. University of California, 1955. Pg. 181 Concerned with dwindling numbers in California the IWW’s general executive board in Chicago requested all remaining Wobblies on the West Coast to head down to San Pedro to help contest the open shop on the docks and the constitutional limits of California’s criminal syndicalism law.Perry, Louis B., and Richard S. Perry.
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This became the SLNAs national organ.Johanningsmeier p. 342-343 Earl Ford and Foster would spend three months in the summer of 1912 working on Syndicalism, the groups 50 page manifesto, while working as canvasmen in a traveling "tent theater" in Southern Indiana and Illinois.William Z. Foster, Pages from a Workers Life. New York; International Publishers, 1939; pp. 42-43.
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Tombstone He followed an individualistic anarchism with no specific revolutionary program. He is a prominent example of the anarchism without adjectives school of thought. His family's orthodox anarchism chafed against the syndicalism of the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT) labor union. He supported but did not join the Federación Anarquista Ibérica (FAI) during the Second Republic.
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Her status as a political prisoner fighting for syndicalism became known to Italian-American syndicalists during the period. Anarchist Leda Rafanelli urged Italian workers to follow the example of Rygier. After a brief nationalist period, she fled to France in 1926, by then in open opposition to Fascism. While in France, Rygier published a pamphlet highly critical of Mussolini.
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A. James Gregor, a professor of political science emeritus at the U.C. Berkeley, contended that fascism was a “variant of Sorelian syndicalism” which also included components of neo- idealism and elitist socialism.A. James Gregor, The Ideology of Fascism: The Rationale of Totalitarianism, New York, NY, The Free Press, 1969, p. 317, Gregor took the position that Stalinism and Fascist totalitarianism would have been impossible without the “transmogrified Marxism, that infilled both.”A. James Gregor, Marxism, Fascism & Totalitarianism: Chapters in the Intellectual History of Radicalism, Stanford University Press, 2009, p. 293 According to Gregor: > Fascism was a variant of classical Marxism, a belief system that pressed > some themes argued by both Marx and Engels until they found expression in > the form of ‘national syndicalism’ that was to animate the first Fascism.
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Wayne Thorpe (1989), The Workers Themselves The successful Bolshevik-led revolution of 1918 in Russia was mirrored by a wave of syndicalist successes worldwide, including the struggle of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) in the United States alongside the creation of mass anarchist unions across Latin America and huge syndicalist-led strikes in Germany, Portugal, Spain, Italy and France, where it was noted that "neutral (economic, but not political) syndicalism had been swept away".Vadim Damier (2009), Anarcho-syndicalism in the 20th Century The final formation of this new international, then known as the International Workingmen's Association, took place at an illegal conference in Berlin in December 1922, marking an irrevocable break between the international syndicalist movement and the Bolsheviks. The IWA included the Italian Syndicalist Union (500,000 members), the Argentine Workers Regional Organisation (200,000 members), the General Confederation of Workers in Portugal (150,000 members), the Free Workers' Union of Germany (120,000 members), the Committee for the Defense of Revolutionary Syndicalism in France (100,000 members), the Federation du Combattant from Paris (32,000 members), the Central Organisation of the Workers of Sweden (32,000 members), the National Labor Secretariat of the Netherlands (22,500 members), the Industrial Workers of the World in Chile (20,000 members) and the Union for Syndicalist Propaganda in Denmark (600 members).
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Gray, p. 77 On the Shankill Road, a Protestant area of the city and a regular scene of sectarian clashes, on 26 July 100,000 workers marched in support of the strike in a parade that featured flute bands from both Unionist and Nationalist traditions, a very rare occurrence.Darlington, Ralph (2008). Syndicalism and the Transition to Communism: An International Comparative Analysis.
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Anarchy (Russian anarchist newspaper) Sept. 29 1919 Russian anarchism is anarchism in Russia or among Russians. The three categories of Russian anarchism were anarcho-communism, anarcho-syndicalism and individualist anarchism. The ranks of all three were predominantly drawn from the intelligentsia and the working class, though the anarcho-communists – the most numerous group – made appeals to soldiers and peasants also.
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She was elected at a key moment for French syndicalism, when Léon Jouhaux's administrative measures of exclusion were being enacted. The exclusion applied to the revolutionary syndicalists. Some of the minority leaders wanted to split to create a new organization that was not subject to reformism or to Moscow's leadership. Although a leader of the revolutionary syndicalists, Marie Guillot's position was not clear.
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Ralph Darlington, Syndicalism and the transition to communism, p.133 The group was officially launched in August 1907,Peter Barberis et al, Encyclopedia of British and Irish Political Organizations, p.140, p.151 with Tom Bell as its Secretary.Tom Bell, "British Advocates of Industrial Unionism: Glasgow Branch", The Socialist, May 1908 In 1908, the IWW split into Chicago- and Detroit-based organisations.
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About 8,000 members left to found the IWA-affiliated Dutch Syndicalist Trade Union Federation (NSV).Ron Blom, "De Oude Socialistische partij" The NAS, however, split from the RILU in 1927 due to fear of Moscow control. After the NAS had seceded from the RILU, it was reaching to the German revolutionary trade-unions and the international revolutionary-syndicalism, which opposed soviet politics.
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Whitten, Criminal Syndicalism and the Law in California, pp. 51-52. The appeals process was still not at an end, however. In December 1925, Whitney's legal team succeeded in overcoming the jurisdictional technicalities that had sabotaged its previous effort, and it won a petition for a rehearing before the Supreme Court. The case was argued again on March 15, 1926.
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Francisco Franco, dictator of Spain from the Spanish Civil War in the 1930s until his death in 1975, based his economic policies on the theories of national syndicalism as expounded by the Falange (Spanish for "phalanx"), the Spanish Fascist party founded in 1933 by José Antonio Primo de Rivera which was one of Franco's chief supporters during his bid for power.
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Revolutionary nationalism, also known as radical nationalism, is an ideological theory that calls for a national community united by a shared sense of purpose and destiny. It was first attributed to adherents of the revolutionary syndicalism and heavily promulgated by Benito Mussolini. This intellectual synthesis of "radical nationalism and dissident socialist" formed in France and Italy at the beginning of the 20th century.
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Anarcho- communists, who drew inspiration from the 1871 Paris Commune, advocated for free federation and for the distribution of goods according to one's needs. At the turn of the century, anarchism had spread all over the world. It was a notable feature of the international syndicalism movement. In China, small groups of students imported the humanistic pro-science version of anarcho- communism.
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Tokyo was a hotspot for rebellious youth from countries of the far east, travelling to the Japanese capital to study. In Latin America, Argentina was a stronghold for anarcho-syndicalism, where it became the most prominent left-wing ideology. During this time, a minority of anarchists adopted tactics of revolutionary political violence. This strategy became known as propaganda of the deed.
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In 1931, he lived in Amsterdam working with the school of Anarcho-syndicalism. Acharya came to be acquainted in early 1930s acquainted with Marxist-leaning Indian industrialist from Bombay, Ranchoddas Bhavan Lotvala. Lotvala had financed The Socialist, one of the first Marxist periodicals in India. Lotvala also financed the translation and publication of many leftist literature including the Communist manifesto.
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Efforts to keep Wobblies from dock employment were not successful. Although there were large amounts of IWW members under the new California criminal syndicalism law, there was still high levels of unrest on the San Pedro docks. There was a series of mini strikes in the early months of 1923 that kept several ships from sailing on time.Stimson, Grace Heilman.
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He was criticized by Rákosi and Gerő in this period for "syndicalism". From August 1949 to early January 1952 and again from July to November 1953, Apró was also a member of the Presidential Council. He was appointed minister of the construction-materials industry at the beginning of 1952 and first deputy to the minister of construction in July 1953.
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The 1910 CNT Congress. The Confederación Nacional del Trabajo was formed in 1910 as an anarcho-syndicalism organization. The framework of gender being part of the labor and anarchist union movement entered Confederación Nacional del Trabajo's platform between 1910 and 1913. At this time, when women internationally wanted to be involved in their own national organizations, they were locked out.
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Economic theorists also use the term "closed economy" technically as an abstraction to allow consideration of a single economy without taking foreign trade into account, i.e. as the antonym of "open economy". Autarky in the political sense is not necessarily an exclusively economic phenomenon; for example, a military autarky would be a state that could defend itself without help from another country, or could manufacture all of its weapons without any imports from the outside world. Autarky as an ideal or method has been embraced by a wide range of political ideologies and movements, especially left-wing creeds like African socialism, mutualism, war communism, council communism, Communalism, Swadeshi, syndicalism (especially anarcho-syndicalism) and leftist populism, generally in an effort to build alternative economic structures or to control resources against structures a particular movement views as hostile.
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CNT does not participate in elecciones sindicales and criticizes this model. The CNT–CGT split has made it impossible for the government to give back the unions' important facilities that belonged to them before Franco's regime seized them and used them for their only legal trade union, a devolution also still pending in part for some of the other historical political parties and worker organizations.Infoshop News - The Spanish CGT - The New Anarcho-syndicalism CNT demonstration in Bilbao during May Day 2010 During the first years of the 2000s, the Iberian Federation of Libertarian Youth in Spain started to adopt insurrectionary anarchist ideals, and distancing from anarcho-syndicalism became more prevalent due to the influence of black blocs in alterglobalization protests and examples of anarchist insurrection from Italy and Greece. However, around 2002 - 2003 it was subject to state repression, driving it into inactivity.
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Brandenburg was charged with advocating violence under Ohio's criminal syndicalism statute for his participation in the rally and for the speech he made. In relevant part, the statute – enacted in 1919 during the First Red Scare – proscribed "advocat[ing]...the duty, necessity, or propriety of crime, sabotage, violence, or unlawful methods of terrorism as a means of accomplishing industrial or political reform" and "voluntarily assembl[ing] with any society, group or assemblage of persons formed to teach or advocate the doctrines of criminal syndicalism." Convicted in the Court of Common Pleas of Hamilton County, Brandenburg was fined $1,000 and sentenced to one to ten years in prison. On appeal, the Ohio First District Court of Appeal affirmed Brandenburg's conviction, rejecting his claim that the statute violated his First Amendment and Fourteenth Amendment right to freedom of speech.
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Anthropologist David Graeber has noted that while the major Marxist schools of thought always have founders (e.g. Leninism, Trotskyism and Maoism), schools of anarchism "almost invariably emerge from some kind of organizational principle or form of practice", citing anarcho-syndicalism, individualist anarchism and platformism as examples.David Graeber and Andrej Grubacic, "Anarchism, Or The Revolutionary Movement Of The Twenty-first Century", ZNet. Retrieved 13 December 2007.
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Samuel "Sam" Mainwaring (15 December 1841 – 29 September 1907) was a Welsh machinist and socialist political activist who was a founding member and key leader of the Socialist League, one of the first socialist political parties in Britain. In his later years, he turned from Marxist socialism to the libertarian socialist doctrine of anarcho-communism. He is best remembered as the father of the term "anarcho-syndicalism".
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Libertarian Socialism: Politics in Black and Red. Palgrave Macmillan. p. 268. "Councilism and anarchism loosely merged into 'libertarian socialism', offering a non-dogmatic path by which both council communism and anarchism could be updated for the changed conditions of the time, and for the new forms of proletarian resistance to these new conditions." left communism and Luxemburgism, among others),Bookchin, Murray (1992). "The Ghost of Anarcho- Syndicalism".
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It experienced some decline, but continued to operate in the form of the Reformed ICU into the mid-1950s.Black Flame: The Revolutionary Class Politics of Anarchism and Syndicalism (Counter- Power vol. 1), by Lucien van der Walt and Michael Schmidt, AK Press, 2009, p. 347. In Zambia, ICU groups were active from 1931, but never attained the size and power of the two southern ICUs.
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Within this perspective, theoretical outlook of the Octavistas is described as having had little in common with Falangist national-syndicalism and having been rather deeply anchored in Traditionalist thought.Heras y Borrero 2004, pp. 65–67 One scholar suggests Don Carlos stood a real chance of becoming a king, ruined by his wife, who tarnished his image and deprived him of future male descendency.Heras y Borrero 2004, p.
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That winter, the organisation began setting up branches and drawing up a constitution. In September 1913, the ISEL hosted the First International Syndicalist Congress at Holborn Town Hall in London, where syndicalists from all over Europe and South America convened. The same year also saw the ISEL collapse. The period of unrest that had been significant for the development of British syndicalism was coming to an end.
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Charlotte Anita Whitney, a member of a distinguished California family, was convicted under the 1919 California Criminal Syndicalism Act for allegedly helping to establish the Communist Labor Party of America, a group charged by the state with teaching the violent overthrow of government. Whitney denied that it had been the intention of her or other organizers for the party to become an instrument of violence.
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Whitten, Criminal Syndicalism and the Law in California, pg. 51. Some 14 months later, on May 16, 1927, Whitney's conviction was unanimously upheld by the Supreme Court in Whitney v. California, 274 U.S. 357 (1927). The ruling featured a landmark concurring opinion by Justice Louis Brandeis that only a "clear and present danger" would be sufficient for the legislative restriction of the right of free speech.
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The strike continued in Wallonia, a region largely reliant on heavy industry and already starting to experience deindustrialization, for several weeks. The law was eventually passed on 14 February 1961. The strike is considered a key moment for the Walloon Movement and an influence on the formation of Walloon identity. It led to the foundation of a new ideology of Renardism which linked Walloon nationalism with syndicalism.
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In 1909, George Sorel started collaborating with the French nationalist-monarchist movement Action Française, creating national syndicalism. While many in the Italian Left attacked Sorel and reproached him for his close links with Action Française, Italian revolutionary syndicalists supported Sorel. Lanzillo, for example, defended his master in a series of articles published in Il divenire sociale. Later, Lanzillo wrote to the national syndicalist journal La lupa.
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The issue of "syndicalism vs. socialism" was bitterly fought over the next two years, consummated by "Big Bill" Haywood's recall from the SP's NEC and the departure of a broad section of the left wing from the organization. The radical wing never forgave Hillquit for his anti-IWW orientation and made him a major whipping boy in the big split that was to come.
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During this period he completed the second cycle of his work, with the essay L'Homme révolté (The Rebel). Camus attacked totalitarian communism while advocating libertarian socialism and anarcho-syndicalism. Upsetting many of his colleagues and contemporaries in France with his rejection of communism, the book brought about the final split with Sartre. His relations with the Marxist Left deteriorated further during the Algerian War.
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After the war López was forced to take refuge in France and then England. He published Material de Discusión in London, and maintained a collaborationist position. He called for the CNT to take this position, then abandoned anarcho-syndicalism in favor of "all-powerful" trade unions that would replace political parties and rule in their place. He did not find support for this concept.
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In 1896, the half-censored "Manifesto of Czech Anarchists" was published. In 1904, the "Czech Anarchist Federation" (CAF) was formed, which demanded the spread of anarchism between the working class and the intelligentsia. In the same year, the "Czech Federation of Trade Unions" (CFVO) was founded, based on the principles of anarcho-syndicalism and the political neutrality of trade unions. The CFVO was officially banned in 1908.
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Some argued that criminal syndicalism laws violated the United States Constitution. In Whitney v. California, 274 U.S. 357 (1927), the Supreme Court held that California's law suppressing speech advocating criminal acts against the state did not violate the right to freedom of speech as enumerated in the First Amendment, since it encouraged a bad tendency in listeners. However, that holding Whitney was overturned in Brandenburg v.
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He took the side of Eduard Bernstein against Orthodox Marxist Karl Kautsky. Sorel supported acquittal during the Dreyfus affair, although, like his friend Charles Péguy, he later felt betrayed by what he saw as the opportunism of the Dreyfusards. Through his contributions to Enrico Leone's Il Divenire sociale and Hubert Lagardelle's Mouvement socialiste, he contributed around 1905 to the theoretical elaboration of revolutionary syndicalism.
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Jean Allemane. Jean Allemane (1843, Sauveterre-de-Comminges, Haute-Garonne – 1935, Herblay in Seine-et-Oise) was a French socialist politician, veteran of the Paris Commune of 1871, pioneer of syndicalism, leader of the Socialist- Revolutionary Workers' Party (POSR) and co-founder of the unified French Section of the Workers' International (SFIO) in 1905. He was a deputy in the National Assembly of the Third French Republic.
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The organizers of the IWW disagreed on whether electoral politics could be employed to liberate the working class. Debs left the IWW in 1906, and De Leon was expelled in 1908, forming a rival "Chicago IWW" that was closely linked to the SLP. The (Minneapolis) IWW's ideology evolved into anarcho-syndicalism, or "revolutionary industrial unionism", and avoided electoral political activity altogether.Draper, pp. 16–17.
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London: Fontana Press. p. 9. . Anarchists argued that capitalism and the state were inseparable and that one could not be abolished without the other. Anarcho- communists such as Peter Kropotkin theorized an immediate transition to one society with no classes. Anarcho-syndicalism became one of the dominant forms of anarchist organization, arguing that labor unions are the organizations that can change society as opposed to communist parties.
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De Leonism, occasionally known as Marxism–De Leonism, is a form of syndicalist Marxism developed by Daniel De Leon. De Leon was an early leader of the first United States socialist political party, the Socialist Labor Party of America. De Leon combined the rising theories of syndicalism in his time with orthodox Marxism. According to De Leonist theory, militant industrial unions are the vehicle of class struggle.
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Murray Bookchin's work on social ecology, David Watson's work with Fifth Estate magazine, Steve Booth's work in the United Kingdom publication Green Anarchist and Graham Purchase's writings on green syndicalism have all contributed to the broad variety and scope of green anarchist/eco-anarchist thought and action. Green anarchism also involves a critique of industrial capitalism and for some green anarchists (including anarcho-primitivists) civilization itself.
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Alternative libertaire (AL, "Libertarian Alternative") was a French anarchist organization formed in 1991 which publishes a monthly magazine, actively participates in a variety of social movements, and is a participant in the Anarkismo.net project. It was also a member of the International Libertarian Solidarity network. Alternative Libertaire identifies with various tendencies within the libertarian socialist current of anarchism including anarcho- communism and anarcho-syndicalism.
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French revolutionary syndicalist Hubert Lagardelle claimed that French revolutionary syndicalism came to being as the result of "the reaction of the proletariat against idotic democracy," which he claimed was "the popular form of bourgeois dominance." Lagardelle opposed democracy for its universalism, and believed in the necessity of class separation of the proletariat from the bourgeoisie, as democracy did not recognize the social differences between them.
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Kaspar K. "Kap" Kubli, Jr. (April 21, 1869 – December 22, 1943) was an American politician in the state of Oregon. Closely associated with the Ku Klux Klan, Kubli, A member of the Republican party, was elected Speaker of the Oregon House of Representatives in 1923. Among Kubli's legislative achievements during five terms of office was authorship and passage of the Oregon Criminal Syndicalism Act in 1919.
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Kubli was very effective in gaining passage of the legislation he authored. After his first three sessions as a legislator in Salem, he had introduced a total of 28 measures, including a landmark criminal syndicalism bill, winning passage of 20 of these and seeing substitutes passed for 4 others.Oregon Voter: Magazine of Citizenship for Busy Men and Women, vol. 29, no. 7 (May 13, 1922), pg. 26.
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Libertarian Socialism: Politics in Black and Red. Palgrave Macmillan. p. 268. "Councilism and anarchism loosely merged into 'libertarian socialism', offering a non-dogmatic path by which both council communism and anarchism could be updated for the changed conditions of the time, and for the new forms of proletarian resistance to these new conditions." left communism, and Luxemburgism, among others),Bookchin, Murray (1992). "The Ghost of Anarcho-Syndicalism".
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As a direct result of their working class experiences in western states, Western Wobblies developed a bitter hostility toward political parties.While this hostility toward politics was developed independently, it mirrored the sentiments of syndicalists in France. Paul Frederick Brissenden, The I.W.W. A Study of American Syndicalism, Columbia University, 1919, page 231 The most conspicuous example of these anarchistic sentiments among Western Wobblies was the Overalls Brigade, who were suspicious of all political parties; believed voting and legislating a ritual aimed at deluding workers; were antagonistic toward craft unions, referring to them as coffin societies; and, were generally opposed to leaders of any kind, even within the IWW.Paul Frederick Brissenden, The I.W.W. A Study of American Syndicalism, Columbia University, 1919, page 233 In the East, the IWW became the champion of ethnic solidarity and the focus of immigrant discontent, during a strike of women mill workers in Lawrence, Massachusetts, and elsewhere.
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He rejected the concept of class struggle. He did not deny that there was a struggle, but he saw it as the first stage of evolution, which was not be encouraged, but passed in favour of a greater spread of altruism. A position that proved irreconcilable with Marxism, which led him to adhere to the newborn Republican Party. He also opposed revolutionary syndicalism and severely criticized the general strike of 1904.
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Francesco Perfetti and Giuseppe Parlato, Fascist syndicalism. From the "Great Depression" the fall of the regime, 1930-1943, Bonacci, Rome, 1989.Alberto and Maurizio Aquarone Vernassa, The Fascist regime, Oxford University Press, 1976. Amongst the concrete results achieved by this policy, there was a drastic reduction from 44% to 28% in the share of landless rural workers, and with technological modernization, the increase in the index of production rose.
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De Leonism is a form of syndicalist Marxism developed by Daniel De Leon. De Leon was an early leader of the first United States socialist political party, the Socialist Labor Party of America. De Leon combined the rising theories of syndicalism in his time with orthodox Marxism. According to De Leonist theory, militant industrial unions (specialized trade unions) and a party promoting industrial unionist ideas are the vehicles of class struggle.
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Revolutionary socialism also includes other Marxist, Marxist-inspired and non-Marxist movements such as those found in democratic socialism, revolutionary syndicalism, social anarchism and social democracy. Revolutionary socialism is contrasted to reformist socialism, especially the reformist wing of social democracy and other evolutionary approaches to socialism. Revolutionary socialism is opposed to social movements that seek to gradually ameliorate the economic and social problems of capitalism through political reform.
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In 1919–20, several states enacted "criminal syndicalism" laws outlawing advocacy of violence in effecting and securing social change. The restrictions included free speech limitations. Passage of these laws, in turn, provoked aggressive police investigation of the accused persons, their jailing, and deportation for being suspected of being either communist or left-wing. Regardless of ideological gradation, the Red Scare did not distinguish between communism, anarchism, socialism, or social democracy.
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Anarcho-punk bands often disassociated themselves from established anarchist currents like collectivist anarchism, anarcho syndicalism or anarcho communism. Because of this, as well as their emphasis on pacifism, the scene was generally independent of the wider anarchist movement at the time. Bands generally supported animal rights, anti-corporatism, labor rights and the anti-war movement. Anarcho-punks have criticized the flaws of the punk movement and the wider youth culture.
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After 1905, he began to move away from social democracy towards revolutionary syndicalism, and translated the work of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels into Hungarian. He wrote articles for socialist journals Die Neue Zeit and Le Mouvement socialiste. He became associates with Georges Sorel, Karl Kautsky, Franz Mehring, Georgi Plekhanov, and later, with Hubert Lagardelle. He became a leader of the Hungarian anti-war movement during the First World War.
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In 1902, the Bourses du Travail merged with the Confédération Générale du Travail. Pelloutier's theories were exceptionally important to the Revolutionary Syndicalism movement in Italy that appeared towards the end of the nineteenth century, and he is a source of major influence in this regard for Georges Sorel. Both saw the socialist movement as divided between those supporting the political action of parties and those supporting direct action.
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There was a history of peasant unrest in some parts of the country. This was not related to any political movement, but rather borne out of circumstances. The same was true in the cities; long before workers were familiar with anarcho-syndicalism, there were general strikes and other conflicts between workers and their employers. The earliest successful attempt to introduce anarchism to the Spanish masses came in 1868.
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However, a widening dispute emerged between advocates of 'pure' anarchism (anarcho-communism) and supporters of anarcho-syndicalism, and the federation moved away from Ishikawa's ideas towards 'pure' anarchism. In response, syndicalist unions withdrew from the federation, and eventually formed a rival anarcho-syndicalist union, the Jikyo. As Japan became more militaristic, though, anarchism was repressed using harsher methods, and anarchist organisations essentially collapsed until the end of the Second World War.
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72–76 and C. T. Douthwaite, Hall and Smart were the leading ILP figures to attend the 1911 Socialist Unity conference organised by the Social Democratic Federation. This formed the British Socialist Party (BSP), and Hall joined the new party, winning election to its executive in 1912. However, disappointed at the BSP's rejection of syndicalism, he and Smart resigned in 1912.Paul Ward, Red Flag and Union Jack, p.
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The economy of Fejuve resembles syndicalism and mutualism in that there is a high degree of worker's self-management and common ownership despite operating in a very localised market economy. Councils are also able to pull together resources to build parks, schools, clinics, housing, cooperatives and install water connections, sewerage outlets, electrical cables and garbage collection services to fill the hole that the state and private sector have left.
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Rocker, Rudolf. 'Anarcho-Syndicalism: Theory and Practice' AK Press (2004) p. 73 Moreover, anarcho-syndicalists believe that workers' organizations (the organizations that struggle against the wage system, which, in anarcho-syndicalist theory, will eventually form the basis of a new society) should be self-managing. They should not have bosses or "business agents"; rather, the workers should be able to make all the decisions that affect them themselves.
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In the neoclassical version, the objective of the LMF is to maximize not total profit, but rather income per worker. But such a scenario implies "perverse" behavior, such as laying off workers when output price rises so as to divide increased profits among fewer members.This is known as the Ward effect; see Ward, Benjamin, 1958. "The Firm in Illyria: Market Syndicalism," American Economic Review, 48, 4, 1958, 566–89.
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By 1909, Stirton had turned away from electoral politics, believing instead that workers must engage in industrial action along syndicalist lines to achieve liberation.James Oneal, Sabotage or Socialism Vs. Syndicalism, (The National Rip-Saw Publishing Co., 1913), p. 23. This change in views brought Stirton into the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) where he organized in the 1910s. With the Industrial Workers of the World, Stirton was an active organizer.
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Whitten, Criminal Syndicalism and the Law in California, pg. 50. On October 19, the appeal was summarily dismissed, on technical grounds. An effort was then made to obtain a pardon from California Governor Friend Richardson, and an "Anita Whitney Committee" was established to push Governor Richardson in that direction. This effort was met with the refusal of the governor to offer executive clemency to the convicted communist activist.
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Within, Rocker offers an introduction to anarchist ideas, a history of the international workers' movement, and an outline of the syndicalist strategies and tactics embraced at the time (direct action, sabotage and the general strike). The Pluto Press and the newest AK Press editions including a lengthy introduction by Nicolas Walter and a preface by Noam Chomsky. An abridged version was published in the 1950s as Anarchism and Anarcho-Syndicalism.
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Between 1924 and 1932, the movement had 24 centre of supporters. Also, in the 1930s, several other libertarian groups were active. One of these, in Czernowitz, (Bukovina), was initiated by Naftali Schnapp, promoting revolutionary syndicalism. In the absence of the possibility of creating real unions and facing severe repression, the group of Czernowitz was established as an "Anarcho-Syndicalist Propaganda Organization", becoming the Romanian section of the IWA (International Workers' Association).
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However, fascism does support private property rights and the existence of a market economy and very wealthy individuals.Sternhell, Zeev, Mario Sznajder and Maia Ashéri. The Birth of Fascist Ideology: From Cultural Rebellion to Political Revolution (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1994) 7. For fascist leaders, following the two economic pillars of fascism—"productionism" and "syndicalism"Stanley G. Payne, A History of Fascism, 1914–1945, University of Wisconsin Press, 1995, p.
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Shuzo created the school of "pure anarchism". Because of the industrial growth, anarcho- syndicalism also arose for a brief period, before communists prevailed among workers. Tokyo had been a hotspot for anarchist and revolutionary ideas which were circulating among Vietnamese, Korean and Chinese students who travelled to Japan to study. Socialists by then were enthusiastically supporting the idea of "social revolution" and anarchists were in full support of it.
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Anarchists took an active role in strike actions, although they tended to be antipathetic to formal syndicalism, seeing it as reformist. They saw it as a part of the movement which sought to overthrow the state and capitalism. Anarchists also reinforced their propaganda within the arts, some of whom practiced naturism and nudism. Those anarchists also built communities which were based on friendship and were involved in the news media.
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In 1970, during the October crisis, he was arrested without a warrant and put in jail for four months. He was president of the CSN Montreal central council until 1978. During the 1980s, he took action for the rights of injured workers; he created the Fondation pour l’aide aux travailleuses et travailleurs accidentés (FATA) in 1984. He promoted progressive values and syndicalism in the media until the end of his life.
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Zeev Sternhell, criticizing Rémond's classification of the PSF as Bonapartist in Neither Right Nor Left: Fascist Ideology in France, associates the party and its leader with a "revolutionary right" tradition that owes its political heritage to Boulangism and the revolutionary syndicalism of Georges Sorel.Zeev Sternhell. Neither Right Nor Left: Fascist Ideology in France (University of California Press, 1995). This minority view is partially shared by Robert Soucy,Robert Soucy.
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Reynolds sought to shake his readers' complacent acceptance of Cold War capitalism by depicting a variety of post-capitalist near futures, many of which he envisioned could occur around the year 2000. His stories, therefore, cover an assortment of social systems including anarchy, communism, technocracy, syndicalism, meritocracy, various forms of socialism, and an extrapolation of free-enterprise economics, People's Capitalism.Reynolds, Mack. "Afterword." Foundation 16 (May 1979): 54-55. Print.
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The primary organ of the FAUD was the newspaper Der Syndikalist, which was first published in December 1918, and continued until the groups suppression by the Nazis.Hans Manfred Bock, “Anarchosyndicalism in the German Labour Movement: a Rediscovered Minority Tradition.” In Revolutionary Syndicalism: An International Perspective, translated by Wayne Thorpe, 59–80 (Aldershot, England: Scolar Press, 1990) pp. 59-80; This text gives a general overview of the topic in English.
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Tomb of Karl Marx at Highgate Cemetery, London. Many far-left groups derive from his ideas. Far-left politics in the United Kingdom have existed since at least the late 19th century, with the formation of various organisations following ideologies such as Marxism, revolutionary socialism, communism, anarchism and syndicalism. Following the 1917 Russian Revolution and developments in international Marxism, new organisations advocated ideologies such as Marxist–Leninism, Left Communism and Trotskyism.
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He has had several published works and books on syndicalism and economy. His name was referred several times as potential candidate to Secretary-General of the Portuguese Communist Party, but he always stated he was not interested in the office. According to a press newspaper, he severed his ties with the party shortly after leaving the CGTP–IN leadership, but this allegation was never confirmed by any of the parts involved.
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Volin published in 1924 a paper calling for "the anarchist synthesis" and was also the author of the article in Sébastien Faure's Encyclopedie Anarchiste on the same topic. The main purpose behind the synthesis was that the anarchist movement in most countries was divided into three main tendencies: communist anarchism, anarcho-syndicalism, and individualist anarchism and so such an organization could contain anarchists of these 3 tendencies very well.
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Integralismo Lusitano (English: "Lusitanian Integralism") was a Portuguese integralist political movement founded in Coimbra in 1914 that advocated traditionalism but not conservatism. It was against parliamentarism but favoured decentralization, national syndicalism, the Roman Catholic Church and the monarchy. It was especially active during the Portuguese First Republic. Lusitanian Integralism is a variant of integralism that evolved in Portugal; the term "Lusitania" is derived from the Latin term for Portugal.
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Born in Kangasniemi, Salomaa immigrated to the United States in 1909 following the death of his mother. He then moved to Michigan's Upper Peninsula, where he made his living as a tailor. An advocate of syndicalism, he joined the Industrial Workers of the World and served time in prison as a conscientious objector during the First World War. Salomaa's depiction of Finnish immigrant life was very popular among the Finnish diaspora.
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Russell, Bertrand. Roads to Freedom. Socialism, Anarchism and Syndicalism, London: Unwin Books (1918), pp. 80–81 and 127 Economists and sociologists have advocated for a form of basic income as a way to distribute economic profits of publicly owned enterprises to benefit the entire population, also referred to as a social dividend, where the basic income payment represents the return to each citizen on the capital owned by society.
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1, September 2000, pp. 31-5 It was first attributed to adherents of the revolutionary syndicalism and heavily promulgated by Benito Mussolini. This intellectual synthesis of "radical nationalism and dissident socialist" formed in France and Italy at the beginning of the 20th century.Guntram H. Herb, David H. Kaplan, edit., Nations and Nationalism: A Global Historical Overview, Santa Barbara, CA, ABC-CLIO, 2008, chap: “Perversions of Nationalism,” Aristotle A. Kallis, p.
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The pillars for a New Spain in the Franco era became national syndicalism and national Catholicism. The Franco period saw an extreme regression in the rights of women. The situation for women was more regressive than that of women in Nazi Germany under Hitler. The legal status for women in many cases reverted to that stipulated in the Napoleonic Code that had first been installed in Spanish law in 1889.
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Michels had formerly been a Marxist but became drawn to the syndicalism of Sorel, Eduoard Berth, Arturo Labriola, and Enrico Leone and had become strongly opposed parliamentarian, legalistic, and bureaucratic socialism of social democracy and in contrast supported an activist, voluntarist, anti-parliamentarian socialism. Michels would later become a supporter of fascism upon Mussolini's rise to power in 1922, viewing fascism's goal to destroy liberal democracy in a sympathetic manner.
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The ideological pillars for a New Spain in the Franco era became national syndicalism and national Catholicism. The Franco period saw an extreme regression in the rights of women. The situation for women was more regressive than that of women in Nazi Germany under Hitler. The legal status for women in many cases reverted to that stipulated in the Napoleonic Code that had first been installed in Spanish law in 1889.
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While DeLeon had helped to rescue the radical character of the organization from what was alleged to be a conservative and corruptive element, his own beliefs and practices soon became an issue for those same "beggars and tramps" with whom he'd previously allied. DeLeon's history and personality made him a fairly easy target for dissenters. DeLeon was head of the Socialist Labor Party, which Paul Brissenden described as "always ... emphatically Marxian and its leaders have been so decidedly doctrinaire in their interpretation of Marxian socialism ... that they have been not unjustly called impossibilists."Paul Frederick Brissenden, The I.W.W. A Study of American Syndicalism, Columbia University, 1919, page 47 DeLeon's enemies commonly referred to him as the "Pope of the S.L.P."Paul Frederick Brissenden, The I.W.W. A Study of American Syndicalism, Columbia University, 1919, page 48 Daniel DeLeon DeLeon believed that a rise in wages for workers resulted in a rise in price, so that workers obtained no worthwhile gain from seeking higher wages.
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After learning of the different radical movements that existed, and through many aspects of the United States government which he did not agree with, such as censorship, poor working conditions, war propaganda, and lynchings, Steelink decided to become a member of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) and served as a typist for the union. As a member of the IWW, he wrote a weekly column for the Industrial Worker, a paper belonging to the IWW, under the pseudonym of Ennaes Ellae. At the end of World War I, many states passed laws in order to contain the growing radicalism among workers, which led to California passing the Criminal Syndicalism Act in 1919, in an effort to make sure that trade unions did not take over manufacturing plants. Once the law was passed, Steelink, due to his major involvement with the IWW, and 151 other members of the Industrial Workers of the World, were tried on charges of criminal syndicalism, convicted and sentenced to prison.
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In 2009, after Starbucks established policies that would mean demotions and loss of salary for some workers, the Quebec branches of Montreal and Sherbrooke helped found the Starbucks Workers' Union (STTS) which made a breakthrough in Quebec City at an establishment in Sainte- Foy. Leaders Simon Gosselin, Dominic Dupont and Andrew Fletcher were harassed in the months following unionization, and union efforts were defeated by law firm Heenan Blaike in the series of hearings before Quebec Labor Relations Board. Following this episode and judging that the place of a wobblie is on the floor of his workplace and not in a court room, the local decided, once and for all, to abandon the consultation syndicalism of the Commission of labor relations to put forward a para-legal practice with solidarity syndicalism and direct action. This decision was confirmed at the 2011 IWW International Convention where the representatives agreed that no union affiliated with the IWW could sign a contract questioning its right to strike.
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Anarcho-syndicalism and other branches of anarchism are not mutually exclusive. Anarcho-syndicalists often subscribe to communist or collectivist anarchism. Its advocates propose labour organization as a means to create the foundations of a non-hierarchical anarchist society within the current system and bring about social revolution. According to the writers of An Anarchist FAQ, anarcho-syndicalist economic systems often take the form of either an anarcho-communist or collectivist anarchist economic system.
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Peyerimhoff has sometimes been accused of being a member of the Synarchy, but this seems exaggerated. Georges Valois identified Peyerimhoff as a member of an evil band of polytechniciens led by Jean Coutrot who had conspired against democracy, parliamentarianism and syndicalism since 1922 or 1923. Peyerimhoff did not always agree with other industry leaders, and François de Wendel accused him of being too close to radical leaders, but at other times he cooperated with Wendel.
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Many of the positions of the MPW were adopted by the PSB at the Verviers Congress in 1967. Renard's political ideas attracted an following within the FGTB and the Walloon Movement and outlived his own death. A staunch popularist, inspired by Trotskyism and Anarcho-Syndicalism, Renard aimed to use industrial action to achieve structural reform which would provide greater autonomy to Wallonia and improve the situation of the working class. He strongly advocated federalism.
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Another organization in which Blest participated was La casa del pueblo directed by Viviani which sought to advocate syndicalism and some social Christian teachings. After years of work in "La casa del pueblo" Blest entered in conflict with the directive of the organization and left for good La casa del pueblo. The conflict had been about Blest's naming of the organization's chapel "Jesús obrero" (lit. "labourer Jesus") and the directive rejecting the name.
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A new union movement that was "distinctly class conscious and vaguely Socialistic" began to organize unskilled workers in 1889. Industrial unionism thence proceeded primarily by combining craft unions into industrial formations, rather than through the birth of new industrial organizations. Industrial organizations prior to 1922 included the National Transport Workers' Federation, the National Union of Railwaymen, and the Miners' Federation of Great Britain. In 1910 Tom Mann went to France and became acquainted with syndicalism.
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Black Flame: The Revolutionary Class Politics of Anarchism and Syndicalism (Counter-Power vol. 1) is a book written by Lucien van der Walt and Michael Schmidt which deals with “the ideas, history and relevance of the broad anarchist tradition through a survey of 150 years of global history.” The book includes a preface by Scottish anarchist, and former political prisoner, Stuart Christie. It is the first of two volumes in the authors' Counter Power series.
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Born in Fontainebleau, Seine-et-Marne on Christmas Day 1889, Garnier worked as a butcher and baker at an early age. He took up theft at the age of thirteen and had served his first prison term by age seventeen. Garnier later wrote, "prison had made me even more rebellious." Following his release from prison, Garnier dabbled in, and then became disillusioned with, both union syndicalism and revolutionary politics before turning to anarchism.
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In 1848, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels released The Communist Manifesto, which outlined a political and economic critique of capitalism based on the philosophy of historical materialism. Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, a contemporary of Marx, was another notable critic of capitalism and was one of the first to call himself an anarchist. By the early 20th century, myriad socialist tendencies (e.g. anarcho-syndicalism, social democracy and Bolshevism) had arisen based on different interpretations of current events.
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A belief in anarchism is also plausible, as several of his statements have paid respect to it, however this is not confirmed. In "Or Die Trying..." he teaches a theater ticket taker about anarcho-syndicalism and Marxism. However, a moderate belief in Black nationalism is common, since a desire for a greater unity between the black people of America is a recurring theme. Huey has also quoted Karl Marx, suggesting an understanding of communism.
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In the subject of organization he was highly critical of anarcho-syndicalism as he saw it plagued by too much bureaucracy and thought that it tended towards reformism. He instead favored small groups based on ideological alignment. He supported the establishment of the Iberian Anarchist Federation (FAI) in 1927 and participated in it. An important Spanish individualist anarchist was Miguel Giménez Igualada who wrote the lengthy theory book called Anarchism espousing his individualist anarchism.
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The CNT, by this time, had as many as a million members. It retained its focus on direct action and syndicalism; this meant that revolutionary currents in Spain were no longer on the fringe, but very much in the mainstream. While it would be false to say that the CNT was entirely anarchist, the prevailing sentiment undoubtedly leaned in that direction. Every member elected to the "National Committee" was an overt anarchist.
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The Industrial and Commercial Union (ICU) was a trade union and mass-based popular political movement in southern Africa. It was influenced by the syndicalist politics of the Industrial Workers of the World (adopting the IWW Preamble in 1925), as well as by Garveyism, Christianity, communism, and liberalism.Black Flame: The Revolutionary Class Politics of Anarchism and Syndicalism (Counter-Power vol. 1), by Lucien van der Walt and Michael Schmidt, AK Press, 2009, p. 273.
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Economists have modeled the worker cooperative as a firm in which labor hires capital, rather than capital hiring labor as in a conventional firm. The classic theoretical contributions of such a "labor managed firm" (LMF) model are due to Benjamin Ward and Jaroslav Vanek.Jaroslav Vanek, The General Theory of Labor-Managed Market Economies, Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1970; Ward, Benjamin, 1958. "The Firm in Illyria: Market Syndicalism," American Economic Review, 48, 4, 1958, 566–89.
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The IWA, meanwhile, merged into the Industrial and Commercial Workers' Union (ICU) in 1920, one reason why that union was influenced by syndicalism. The ICU would play a major role in rural South Africa, as well as spread into several neighbouring countries. The ICU began declining by the late 1920s, disappearing in the 1930s in South Africa (although the Southern Rhodesian ICU - the Reformed Industrial Commercial Union (RICU) - persisted into the 1950s).
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The authorities alleged that striking workers "blew themselves up", and arrested surviving strikers, implicating them in the crime. CNT members declared that the prosecution sought to criminalize their organization: A series of three articles about the Scala Case from the CNT point of view: (1) El Caso Scala. Un proceso contra el anarcosindicalismo , ("The Scala Case. A trial against anarcho-syndicalism"), Jesús Martínez, Revista Polémica online, 1 February 2006; (2) Segunda parte.
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He aims to prove the claim that culture and power are essentially antagonistic concepts. He applies this model to human history, analyzing the Middle Ages, the Renaissance, Enlightenment, and modern capitalist society, and to the history of the socialist movement. He concludes by advocating a "new humanitarian socialism". In 1938, Rocker published a history of anarchist thought, which he traced all the way back to ancient times, under the name Anarcho-Syndicalism.
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He took an active role in the "interventionist left" where he "espoused an alliance between nationalism and syndicalism."Dylan Riley, The Civic Foundations of Fascism in Europe: Italy, Spain, and Romania 1870–1945, Johns Hopkins University Press, 2010, p. 50 He was one of the most influential politicians of the regime before his succumbing to tuberculosis in 1930.Martin Blinkhorn, Fascism and Right in Europe, 1919–1945, London and New York, Routledge, 2013, p.
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Leaving aside the related tradition of syndicalism in Ireland, associated with figures like James Connolly, Irish anarchism had little historical tradition before the 1970s. As a movement it only really developed from the late 1990s – although one organisation, the Workers Solidarity Movement has had a continuous existence since 1984. Anarchists have been active in Ireland as far back as 1886, but these were short-lived groups or isolated individuals with large gaps between activity.
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1, No. 4, August, 1923. Upton Sinclair, for example, was involved with the free speech fight that grew out of a strike in San Pedro in 1923, and the August, 1923 issue of the Industrial Pioneer covers these events. Due to Sinclair’s advocacy for free speech, the editor of the Industrial Pioneer wrote to Sinclair, and Sinclair wrote an article on "Civil Liberties in Los Angeles," which criticized arrests for "criminal syndicalism."Zanger, Martin.
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In 1910 however, the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (National Confederation of Labour or CNT) was founded and gradually became entwined with anarchism. The CNT was affiliated with the International Workers Association, a federation of anarcho-syndicalist trade unions founded in 1922. The success of the CNT stimulated the spread of anarcho-syndicalism in Latin America. The Federación Obrera Regional Argentina (Argentine Regional Workers' Federation) reached a quarter of a million members, surpassing social democratic unions.
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Magón's journal Regeneración ("Regeneration") had a significant circulation, and he helped urban workers turn to anarcho-syndicalism. He also influenced the Zapata movement. Ferdinando Nicola Sacco and Bartolomeo Vanzetti, two insurrectionary anarchists and Italian migrants to the United States, were convicted of involvement in an armed robbery and the murders of two people in 1920. After a controversial trial and a series of appeals they were sentenced to death and executed on 23 August 1927.
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La Conquista del Estado was launched in 1931 by Ramiro Ledesma Ramos. The first issue, issued on 14 March 1931, contained a manifesto in which National Syndicalism was elaborated. Ledesma's idea was to win over the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT), the then dominant trade union movement in the country, to a form of national corporatism. The ideas in the essay were discussed during the CNT congress in the summer of 1931 without being approved.
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During Belochub's lifetime, anarchism was not a single ideological system in Ukraine. Instead, it was a rather eclectic collection of four competing schools of thought: anarcho-syndicalism, collectivist anarchism, anarcho-communism, and individualist anarchism. An attempt to create a common platform for the Nabat Confederation of Anarchist Organizations in Ukraine ultimately failed. The primary sources do not allow to attribute Belochub's views to any of the four contemporary anarchist schools of thought.
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The Sorelian emphasis on the need for a revolution based upon action of intuition, a cult of energy and vitality, activism, heroism and the utilization of myth was utilized by fascists. Many prominent fascist figures were formerly associated with revolutionary syndicalism, including Mussolini, Arturo Labriola, Robert Michels, Sergio Panunzio and Paolo Orano.Roger Griffin, ed., "Fascism" by Zeev Sternhill, International Fascism: Theories, Causes, and the New Consensus (London, England; New York: Arnold Publishers, 1998) p. 32.
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Weisbord, Albert "We break with Trotsky" in Class Struggle Vol. IV #11 November 1934 By the time the CLS dissolved in 1937 it had almost no membership left, and Weisbord concentrated on publishing his book, The Conquest of Power: Liberalism, Anarchism, Syndicalism, Socialism, Fascism, and Communism which was published by Covici-Friede that year. When World War II broke out, Weisbord supported the U.S. entry into the war, albeit in the interest of defeating imperialism.
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"The syndicalist or militant trade union movement, which burst into prominence in France around 1900, inspired Sorel to write his Reflections on Violence. The turmoil engendered by strikes was universally condemned even by parliamentary socialists, who favored negotiation and conciliation. To justify the militancy and to give syndicalism an ideology, Sorel published the series of articles that became, as one of his biographers calls it, 'a famous and infamous book.'"Meisel, James H. (1951).
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Panunzio became the head of the Fascist Faculty of Political Sciences at Perugia University in 1928. Panunzio said that syndicalism is the historical development of Marxism. He pointed to George Sorel and Francesco Saverio Merlino as revising Karl Marx to fit the times and emboldening it. He is said to have spearheaded the revisionism that led many syndicalists through interventionism to corporativism and he ostensibly "gave Mussolini’s dictatorship a veneer of revolutionary legitimacy".
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Only eight French anarchists attended the Congress at all. Marmande signed a proposition that said syndicalism and the material interests of the proletariat were the main basis of revolutionary activity, and another that said revolutionary trade unionism and the general strike are only means and can in no way replace the Social Revolution. The capitalistic régime could only be abolished through an insurrection and expropriation, and the battle should be directed against all authoritarian forces.
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Anarcho-syndicalism: Theory and Practice. Pi i Margall was a dedicated theorist in his own right, especially through book-length works such as La reacción y la revolución (Reaction and Revolution) in 1855, Las nacionalidades (Nationalities) in 1877 and La Federación (Federation) in 1880. In the 1950s, the Old Right and classical liberals in the United States began identifying as libertarians in order to distance themselves from modern liberals and the New Left.Burns, Jennifer (2009).
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Bernard Dix and Stephen Williams, Serving the Public: Building the Union, pp.209-228 A supporter of workers' education, he was the first treasurer of the Central Labour College, and served on the executive of the National Council of Labour Colleges.Trades Union Congress, "Obituary: Mr J. V. Wills", Annual Report of the 1933 Trades Union Congress, p.223 During this period, Wills became interested in syndicalism, and joined the Industrial Syndicalist Education League.
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5, pp.170-173 Peet became a socialist, joining the Openshaw Socialist Society, and developed an interest in syndicalism, representing Gorton at a national conference on the matter in 1910. Around the start of World War I, he joined the British Socialist Party (BSP), alongside Harry Pollitt. Increasingly prominent in his trade union work, in 1916 he came eighth out of twenty-two candidates for the assistant general secretaryship of the ASE.
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He left the ILP in 1911, becoming a founding member of the British Socialist Party (BSP), which was largely created by the SDF, and he served on its first executive. Disappointed at the BSP's rejection of syndicalism, he and Hall resigned in 1912.Paul Ward, Red Flag and Union Jack, p.93 He subsequently became less prominent, although he did join a new SDF, successor to the National Socialist Party, in 1923.
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Kevin Tucker grew up in suburban St. Louis, Missouri, surrounded by protests against local corporations such as Monsanto. He became involved in anarchism and hardcore punk around the same time and at age twelve started working on causes ranging from animal rights to Shell Oil's incursions upon Nigerian tribal lands. Simultaneously, he became an anarcho- syndicalist, straight edge and vegan. Between 1998 and 2000, he switched his approach from anarcho-syndicalism to anarcho-primitivism.
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Syndicalism advocates workers' control through trade unions. Guild socialism advocates workers' control through a revival of the guild system. Participatory economics represents a recent variation on the idea of workers' control. Workers' control can be contrasted to control of the economy via the state, such as nationalization and central planning (see state socialism) versus control of the means of production by owners, which workers can achieve through employer provided stock purchases, direct stock purchases, etc.
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He became secretary of the union. In 1905 he was a participant in the conference where the socialist party (Section Française de l'Internationale Ouvrière, SFIO) was born. He became a member of the central committee of the General Confederation of Labour (Confédération générale du travail, CGT). Bourderon and others with Allemanist or Blanquist backgrounds differed from the anarchists in seeing syndicalism and political socialism as complementary, trying to reach the same basic goal through economic and political means.
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Owing to the death of his father and his mother's need for financial support, O'Connor went to work in various lumber camps as a logger after graduation rather than continuing his education.Harvey O'Connor, Revolution in Seattle: A Memoir. New York: Monthly Review Press, 1964; dust jacket biography. There he joined the Industrial Workers of the World, a radical industrial union espousing the doctrine of syndicalism — the overthrow of capitalism in favor of rule by industrially-defined workers organizations.
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Attention is also paid to figures and movements partially influenced by anarchism, like Augusto César Sandino, and the Industrial and Commercial Workers' Union, in southern Africa. Black Flame also examines anarchist and syndicalist ideas and debates globally: for example, the account of anarchist debates on whether the Soviet Union was "state capitalist" includes the views of Asian anarchists, while sections on anarchism, syndicalism and race include coverage of Chinese, Mexican, Peruvian, and South African materials and movements.
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32 Not all Italian revolutionary syndicalists joined the Fascist cause, but most syndicalist leaders eventually embraced nationalism and "were among the founders of the Fascist movement," where "many even held key posts" in Mussolini's regime.Zeev Sternhell, Mario Sznajder, Maia Ashéri. The Birth of Fascist Ideology: From Cultural Rebellion to Political Revolution, Princeton University Press, 1994, p. 33 Benito Mussolini declared in 1909 that he had converted over to revolutionary syndicalism by 1904 during a general strike.
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Francisco Ferrer Although many anarchists were opposed to the use of force, some militants did use violence and terrorism to further their agendas. This "propaganda of the deed" first became popular in the late 19th century. This was before the rise of syndicalism as an anarchist tactic, and after a long history of police repression that led many to despair. ' (English translation: "the Disinherited"), were a secret group advocating violence and said to be behind a number of murders.
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Rudolf Rocker was one of the most popular voices in the anarcho-syndicalist movement. He outlined a view of the origins of the movement, what it sought, and why it was important to the future of labor in his 1938 pamphlet Anarcho-Syndicalism. The International Workers Association is an international anarcho-syndicalist federation of various labor unions from different countries. The Spanish Confederación Nacional del Trabajo played and still plays a major role in the Spanish labor movement.
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Municipal employees and civil servants could now be fired for their adherence to the revolutionary movement. In the 1930s the NAS also started turning its back on syndicalism arguing that the idea that the workers should build up a socialist society themselves had failed. Although it continued losing members, the NAS existed until the German occupation of the Netherlands in 1940. The Germans forced the organization to be disbanded, but a few members continued its activities in illegality.
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He was born Anthony Gimigliano in New York City. His father, Antonio, was a machine operator, factory worker and a nonpolitical anarchist. Gregor served as a volunteer in the U.S. Army. He attended and graduated in 1952 from Columbia University and thereafter served as a high school social science teacher while working for his advanced degrees. Prior to founding the IAAEE, he published several articles on race science and syndicalism for Oswald Mosley's The European and Corrado Gini’s Genus.
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Costa Rica was represented by the organization Hacia la Libertad. Delegates from the Industrial Workers of the World arrived from Chile. The AIT also sent one of its secretaries, Augustin Souchy. However, the organization failed to make a significant impact as anarcho-syndicalism lost terrain in the Latin American labour movement during the 1930s, a trend that could not be reversed even after the arrival of exiled Spanish FAI members after their defeat in the Spanish Civil War.
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Citing reasons of expense, Judge James G. Quinn swore in an alternate juror and demanded for Whitney's assistant counsel, J.E. Pemberton, to proceed with the case. A parade of 20 prosecution witnesses were presented on the stand, reading into the record hundreds of pages of IWW songs and literature, Comintern manifestos, and giving testimony about red flags in evidence at CLP headquarters.Whitten, Criminal Syndicalism and the Law in California, pg. 46. The defense called only single witness, Whitney herself.
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By the late 19th century, socialism and trade unions were established members of the political landscape. In addition, the various branches of anarchism, with thinkers such as Mikhail Bakunin, Pierre-Joseph Proudhon or Peter Kropotkin, and syndicalism also gained some prominence. In the Anglo-American world, anti-imperialism and pluralism began gaining currency at the turn of the 20th century. World War I was a watershed event in human history, changing views of governments and politics.
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The central tendency of anarchism as a mass social movement has been represented by anarcho-communism and anarcho-syndicalism, with individualist anarchism being primarily a literary phenomenonSkirda, Alexandre. Facing the Enemy: A History of Anarchist Organization from Proudhon to May 1968. AK Press, 2002, p. 191. while social anarchism has been the dominant form of anarchism, emerging in the late 19th century as a distinction from individualist anarchism after anarcho-communism replaced collectivist anarchism as the dominant tendency.
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Sardinha graduated in law from the University of Coimbra in 1911.Philip Rees, Biographical Dictionary of the Extreme Right Since 1890, 1990, p. 344 During his student years, he was a supporter of Republicanism and even flirted with anarcho-syndicalism but by 1911 he had shifted his opinions, under the influence of his highly conservative mother and became a strong advocate of monarchism and Catholicism.Douglas L. Wheeler, Republican Portugal: A Political History, 1910-1926, 1999, p.
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Kazimierz Zakrzewski (November 4, 1900 in Kraków – March 11, 1941 in Palmiry) was a Polish historian and publicist, a professor of the University of Warsaw. Zakrzewski was a co-originator of Polish syndicalism movement, activist of Związek Związków Zawodowych, researcher of ancient history (mainly late- ancient) and culture of Byzantine Empire. Author of book Historia Bizancjum ("History of Byzantine Empire") and co-author of Wielka historia powszechna. Murdered by the Nazi German occupants in mass execution in Palmiry.
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He was more interested in syndicalism than anarchism, and generally supported moves to reduce the anarchist aspects of the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT) in favor of the syndicalist aspects. He was one of the signatories of the Manifiesto de los Treinta (Manifesto of the Thirty) in August 1931. This manifesto criticized the influence of the FAI in the CNT. After the departure of Pestaña from the CNT in 1932 López supported collaboration with the government.
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From 1931 to 1935, Darcy headed the CPUSA's California district (including Nevada and Arizona), then the Party's second largest district. He helped organize agricultural workers and helped fight California's criminal syndicalism law. Darcy became involved with strategies to organize San Francisco longshoreman. In the early 1930s the Communist Party had pursued the strategy of infiltrating existing unions to elect rank and file workers to take control from what the CPUSA thought of as corrupt and conservative union officials.
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Finishing his studies in Law with a thesis on trade unions, Hubert Lagardelle began his career in journalism by founding the Toulouse Marxist journal Socialist Youth (1895). In 1896 he became a member of the French Workers' Party (Marxist) of Jules Guesde. In 1899 he founded the Le Mouvement socialiste, a theoretical journal of socialism and syndicalism which remains a benchmark in the history of French socialism. Lagardelle took influence from the theories of Proudhon, Marx and Georges Sorel.
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"Sorel began his writing as a marginal Marxist, a critical analyst of Marx's economics and philosophy, and not a pious commentator. He then embraced revisionism, became for several years the 'metaphysician of syndicalism', as Jaurès called him, flirted ardently with royalist circles, and then reverted to his commitment to the proletariat. When the Bolsheviks came to power, he completed his cycle of illusions by saluting Vladimir LeninJohannet, René (1921). "Note sur la Vie et le Bolchevisme de Georges Sorel.
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Payne, p. 315 They grew rapidly in their early stages and were estimated to have 25,000 members by 1933, 5,000 more than the governing National Union. The National Syndicalists were fairly critical of the regime of António de Oliveira Salazar and the Estado Novo. Salazar allowed the group to hold a national conference in November 1933 and indicating if they abandoned open syndicalism he would be prepared to bring them into his National Union en bloc.
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Left-libertarians like anarchists, libertarian Marxists and market-oriented left-libertarians argue in favor of libertarian socialist economic theories such as collectivism, communism, mutualism and syndicalism. Daniel Guérin wrote that "anarchism is really a synonym for socialism. The anarchist is primarily a socialist whose aim is to abolish the exploitation of man by man. Anarchism is only one of the streams of socialist thought, that stream whose main components are concern for liberty and haste to abolish the State".
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Sandra McGee Deutsch, Las Derechas, 1999, pp. 195-6 Whilst in France he became a strong supporter of Action Française.Roger Griffin & Matthew Feldman, Fascism: The "Fascist Epoch", 2004, p. 353 Like many of his contemporaries in France, Carulla had been exposed to the syndicalism of Georges Sorel which, despite its avowedly leftist bent, was influential on the integrism of Charles Maurras with a number of French leftists of the time switching to this far right creed.
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Born on 1 November 1849 in Allex, Gailhard-Bancel was grandson of . Gailhard-Bancel was a Christian socialist in his politics. He is also credited by historian Kevin Passmore as a "pioneer of agrarian corporatism", dreaming of the day that French peasants would "look upon the château and say 'there's our star'". He has been named as a pioneer of agricultural syndicalism, believing syndicates would form a link between the nation's political system and its peasantry.
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Kowalik was a founding member of the Society for Scientific Courses (Towarzystwo Kursów Naukowych) from 1978, but was officially banned from teaching or publishing. In August 1980 in Gdańsk, he was a member of the advisory "Expert Commission" of the Inter-Enterprise Strike Committee. In 1981 the Solidarity labor union was suppressed. In the 1980s, Kowalik published extensively in the underground press, expressing his support for the principles of democratic syndicalism, and participated in Solidarity structures.
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The pillars for a New Spain in the Franco era became national syndicalism and national Catholicism. Following the Civil War, the legal status for women in many cases reverted to the terms of the Napoleonic Code that had first been incorporated into Spanish law in 1889. The post Civil War period saw the return of laws that effectively made wards of women. They were dependent on husbands, fathers and brothers if they wished to work outside the home.
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The Detroit IWW (which became the WIIU) created an industrial union structure that was similar to that of the IWW.Marion Dutton Savage, Industrial Unionism in America, 1922, page 173. The split between the Chicago IWW and the Detroit IWW was replicated in Canada, Australia, New Zealand and Britain.Verity Burgmann, The IWW in International Perspective: comparing the North American and Australasian Wobblies, Australian Society for the Study of Labour History, 2007, retrieved March 22, 2009. In 1909, the Detroit IWW reported 23 local organizations.Paul Frederick Brissenden, The I.W.W. A Study of American Syndicalism, Columbia University, 1919, page 231 In the United States, the areas represented were mostly in the East, including Philadelphia, Boston, Bridgeport, Brooklyn, and Paterson.Paul Frederick Brissenden, The I.W.W. A Study of American Syndicalism, Columbia University, 1919, page 229 Unlike the IWW, which from 1908 onwards constitutionally restricted itself from political alliances, the WIIU advocated political associations, and maintained its close association with the SLP, although (as of 1922) it declined to openly affirm this association.Marion Dutton Savage, Industrial Unionism in America, 1922, page 175.
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The uniform platform for Nabat was never truly decided upon, but Volin used what he had written and the inspiration from Nabat to create his Anarchist Synthesis. The proposed platform for Nabat included the following sentence which anticipated synthesis anarchism: "These three elements (syndicalism, communism and individualism) are three aspects of a single process, the building, of the organization of the working class (syndicalism), of the anarcho-communist society which is nothing more than the material base necessary for the complete fullness of the free individual.""Estos tres elementos (el sindicalismo, el comunismo, y el individualismo) son tres aspectos de un único y mismo proceso la construcción, por el método de la organización de clase de los trabajadores (el sindicalismo), de la sociedad anarcocomunista que no es más que la base material necesaria a la plenitud completa del individuo libre." Primera Conferencia de las Organizaciones Anarquistas de Ukrania "Nabat" Two texts made as responses to the Platform, each proposing a different organizational model, became the basis for what is known as the organisation of synthesis, or simply "synthesism".
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The uniform platform for Nabat was never truly decided upon, but Volin used what he had written and the inspiration from Nabat to create his Anarchist Synthesis. The proposed platform for Nabat included the following sentence which anticipated synthesis anarchism: "These three elements (syndicalism, communism and individualism) are three aspects of a single process, the building, of the organization of the working class (syndicalism), of the anarcho-communist society which is nothing more than the material base necessary for the complete fullness of the free individual"."Estos tres elementos (el sindicalismo, el comunismo, y el individualismo) son tres aspectos de un único y mismo proceso la construcción, por el método de la organización de clase de los trabajadores (el sindicalismo), de la sociedad anarcocomunista que no es más que la base material necesaria a la plenitud completa del individuo libre."Primera Conferencia de las Organizaciones Anarquistas de Ukrania "Nabat" The discussion about the anarchist synthesis arises in the context of the discussion on the Organisational Platform of the Libertarian Communists, written by the Dielo Truda group of Russian exiles in 1926.
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The Confederación Nacional del Trabajo was formed in 1910 as an anarcho-syndicalism organization. The framework of gender being part of the labor and anarchist union movement entered Confederación Nacional del Trabajo's platform between 1910 and 1913. At this time, when women internationally wanted to be involved in their own national organizations, they were locked out. This included leading feminists of the day like Clara Zetken, Rosa Luxemburg and Alexandra Kollantai who espoused the belief that the personal is political.
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Guillermo Viviani Contreras was a Chilean Roman Catholic priest. In the 1920s Viviani ran two organizations; a study circle called El Surco whose objective was to fight for legislation that was favorably to the working class promoting in the way the formation of labour unions and "La casa del pueblo" which sought to advocate syndicalism and some Christian teachings. Clotario Blest was for a time member of both organizations. Viviani was a supporter of the Catholic political party Partido Popular.
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In a city of tenements packed with poorly paid laborers from dozens of nations, the city became a hotbed of revolution (including anarchists and communists among others), syndicalism, racketeering, and unionization. In 1883, the opening of the Brooklyn Bridge established a road connection to Brooklyn, across the East River. In 1874 the western portion of the present Bronx County was transferred to New York County from Westchester County, and in 1895 the remainder of the present Bronx County was annexed.Macy Jr., Harry.
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In May 1928 the union sent out letters to all the growers asking for wage increases. They also requested an improvement in working conditions: ice for drinking water, picking sacks, lumber to build out-houses and legal compensation to injured workers. The strike leaders were arrested and sent to prison for violations of the state Criminal Syndicalism Law. The growers responded by employing vigilante strikebreakers, the Associated Farmers, which used threats and terror against the workers to prevent them from unionizing.
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FORA in 1915 Syndicalism is a radical current in the labor movement that was most active in the early 20th century. Its main idea is the establishment of local worker-based organizations and the advancement of the demands and rights of workers through strikes. According to the Marxist historian Eric Hobsbawm, it was predominant in the revolutionary left in the decade which preceded the outbreak of World War I because Marxism was mostly reformist at that time.Hobsbawm 1973, pg. 72.
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125 However, in fact he remained highly skeptical about secularism of the statute and was anxious that the autonomous region would fell prey to Anarcho- Syndicalism,Junyent predicted that the bourgeoisie Esquerra would be "the captive of the Anarcho-Syndicalists whose votes it has solicited four times in as many months". Accepting a potentially independent Catalonia would be surrending to what Junyent described as "the corpse", Blinkhorn 2008, p. 61 leaving Carlism trapped in the region ruled by leftist extremism.
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This development was influenced by the competition with the NVV and by Christiaan Cornelissen. Cornelissen, who was influenced by the French syndicalism of the CGT developed a syndicalist theory adapted to the local orientation of the NAS. Nevertheless, the chaotic internal organization of the NAS weakened it until Harm Kolthek took over as national secretary in 1907. Under his leadership, the NAS was able to broaden its base by emphasizing its political and religious neutrality and its membership doubled to 7,200 by 1913.
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Whitney's defense attorney, Thomas H. O'Connor, was unable to obtain a continuance in the case on the grounds that his daughter had fallen ill with influenza in the ongoing 1918 flu pandemic. O'Connor was himself stricken on the second day of the trial and was unable to continue the trial after the third. He would die of the illness a little over a week later, as did a woman on the original jury.Whitten, Criminal Syndicalism and the Law in California, pp. 44-45.
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Michels born to a wealthy German family, studied in England, Paris (at the Sorbonne), and at universities in Munich, Leipzig (1897), Halle (1898), and Turin. He became a Socialist while teaching at the University of Marburg and became active in the Social Democratic Party of Germany for whom he was an unsuccessful candidate in the 1903 German federal election. In Italy, he associated with Italian revolutionary syndicalism, a leftist branch of the Italian Socialist Party (PSI). He left both parties in 1907.
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It sought to share ideas about how to create anti-authoritarian social relations through a series of classes. All were invited to propose and attend classes, whose topics included: 1920s love songs, alternative economics, street art, and violence against women, though the longest running classes introduced anarchism and related politics of syndicalism and libertarian socialism. The course instructors served as facilitators, providing texts and encouraging participation, rather than as top-down lecturers. The free space also hosted art events, parties, and conversational forums.
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The rapidity of Ferrer's rise in influence troubled Spanish authorities. His monetary inheritance and organizing ability amplified his subversive efforts, and authorities viewed his school as a front for insurrectionary sentiment. Ferrer represented peril to many social institutions—the church, the state, the military, the family, gender segregation, property—and the conservatives who wished to preserve them. During the school's early years, Ferrer adopted principles of anarcho- syndicalism, a philosophy of worker co-ownership that grew in prominence during this period.
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His murder trial had made Haywood a celebrity, and he was in demand as a speaker for the WFM. But his increasingly radical speeches became more at odds with the WFM, and in April 1908, the union announced that they had ended Haywood's role as a WFM representative. Haywood left the WFM and devoted all his time to organizing for the IWW.Paul Frederick Brissenden, "The I.W.W., a study in American syndicalism," Studies in History, Economics and Public Law, 1919, v.
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Map of Spain in September 1936 with republican/anarchist control depicted in purple The Spanish Revolution of 1936 was the first and only time that libertarian socialism became an imminent reality. It stood on the ground of a strong anarchist movement in Spain that dated back to the 19th century. Anarchist groups enjoyed broad social support particularly in Barcelona, Aragon, Andalusia, Levante. Anarchism in Spain leaned towards syndicalism and this yielded to the formation of the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT) in 1910.
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He resigned in 1882, because union meetings clashed with cricket matches for his employer's team. However, the following year, he was elected as the union's assistant secretary. In 1891, he was elected to the national executive of the Miners' Federation of Great Britain (MFGB), serving on it in most subsequent years, and in 1894 he was the President of Chesterfield Trades Council. Politically a liberal, strongly opposed to socialism and syndicalism, Harvey became the vice-president of the Labour Electoral Association in 1894.
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It was dissolved in 1996. There are now two organisations, both calling themselves the Unión Nacional Sinarquista, one aligning to Francoist policies, National Synarchist Union (Website of the right-wing UNS) the other following the National Syndicalism of Primo De Rivera. Carlos Abascal, son of Salvador Abascal, was Mexico's Secretary of the Interior during Vicente Fox's presidency. Many sinarquistas are now militant in the National Action Party, PAN, of former presidents Vicente Fox (2000–2006) and Felipe Calderon (2006–2012).
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Louvet wrote on subjects such as anarcho-syndicalism, the anarchist movement, free thought, anticlericalism, pacifism and neo- malthusianism in journals such as Le Libertaire (1924), L'Éveil des jeunes libertaires (1925), L'Anarchie (1925), La Revue Anarchiste (1925), Controverse (1932), Ce Qu'il Faut Dire (1944-1945), Les Nouvelles pacifistes (1949) and Contre-Courant (1951). He was also involved in various publishing projects. In November 1959 he started a "Biographical Dictionary of Pacifist Anarchist Pioneers and Militants", but it did not progress beyond the letter "B".
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The mottos of Francoism are mottos which encapsulate the ideals of Francoist Spain. Although the regime had many ideological influences (Traditionalism, National Catholicism, Militarism and National syndicalism), it employed Falangism in its popular movements. Falangist ideology was easily incorporated in the creation of mottos as it is believed to demonstrate a certain reluctance towards political agendas, and to favour empiricism, taking action, and the simplification of ideas.Historians have discussed which of the Falange's qualities were most characteristic of the ideology.
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Anarchism in Canada spans a range of anarchist philosophy including anarchist communism, green anarchy, anarcho-syndicalism, individualist anarchism, as well as other lesser known forms. Canadian anarchism has been affected by thought from the United States, Great Britain, and continental Europe, although recent influences include a look at North American indigenism, especially on the West Coast. Anarchists remain a focal point in media coverage of globalization protests in Canada, mainly due to their confrontations with police and destruction of property.
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The per curiam majority opinion overturned the Ohio Criminal Syndicalism statute, overruled Whitney v. California, and articulated a new test – the "imminent lawless action" test – for judging what was then referred to as "seditious speech" under the First Amendment: In Schenck v. United States the Court had adopted a "clear and present danger" test that Whitney v. California subsequently expanded to a "bad tendency" test: if speech has a "tendency" to cause sedition or lawlessness, it may constitutionally be prohibited.
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The flag of the British Union of Fascists, which is also the symbol of the Friends of Oswald Mosley. The Friends of Oswald Mosley (FOM) is the last vestige of Oswald Mosley's British Union of Fascists (BUF) and its successors, the Union Movement and the Action Party. Their motto is "The spirit lives ... the rest will follow". The group is not politically active but has described itself as "pro-Arab, pro-EU, against US global supremacy, anti-capitalist, anti-state socialism, pro-syndicalism".
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Syndicalism was a radical current in the labor movement of the early 20th century. Syndicalists viewed class interests as irreconcilable and advocating overthrowing capitalism and replacing it with workers' collectivized control of industry. To this end, syndicalist doctrine emphasized the importance of revolutionary labor unions, independent of all political parties. Unions had to be politically neutral or even hostile to political activity in order to unite the entire working class, though in practice anarchism played a significant role in syndicalist unions.
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The issue of "syndicalism vs. socialism" was bitterly fought over the next two years, consummated by Haywood's recall from the Socialist Party's National Executive Committee (NEC) and the departure of a broad section of the left-wing from the organization. The memory of this split made the intra-party battles of 1919–1921 all the more bitter. Debs was the founding member of the Socialist Party of America The party's opposition to World War I caused a sharp decline in membership.
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When he rejoined civilian life, he wrote works on syndicalism and shortly thereafter helped plan the capture of the Dominican Republic. Later, his crimes were pardoned during the government of Belisario Betancur. When Carlos Toledo Plata was assassinated in 1984 in Bucaramanga, Almares organized the memorial service in Romero park, in front of the central cemetery of that city, as an insult to then-president Belisario Betancur and the Time newspaper. His group recruited young people for the armed resistance movement.
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He remained in Berlin till the early days of Hitler's rise to power, and leaders of the Indian movement who visited Europe at various times, Including Nehru and Subhas Bose, are believed to have met with him. By the early 1920s, Acharya had begun exploring Anarchism. He took an active role in promoting Anarchist works in and was contributed at this time to the Russian Anarchist publication Rabotchi Put. In 1931, he lived in Amsterdam working with the school of Anarcho-syndicalism.
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Over the first two or three years many of the syndicalists joined the communist movement, including leaders such as Alfred Rosmer and Pierre Monatte. Later the syndicalists became disillusioned with the control exerted by Moscow over the party, and the Trotskyite purges. Marie Guillot founded a new "unitary" confederation of teachers, with its first confederal Congress held at Saint-Étienne in June 1922. Marie Guillot took an intermediate position in the continuum of revolutionary syndicalism, while recognizing the merits of the Soviet Revolution.
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The pillars for a New Spain in the Franco era became national syndicalism and national Catholicism. Following the Civil War, the legal status for women in many cases reverted to that stipulated in the Napoleonic Code that had first been installed in Spanish law in 1889. In March 1938, Franco suppressed the laws regarding civil matrimony and divorce that had been enacted by the Second Republic. The post Civil War period saw the return of laws that effectively made wards of women.
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He saw science and reason as a defense against blind servitude to authority. He was critical of influential individualist thinkers such as Nietzsche and Stirner for promoting an asocial egoist individualism and instead promoted an individualism with solidarity seen as a way to guarantee social equality and harmony. He was highly critical of anarcho-syndicalism, which he viewed as plagued by excessive bureaucracy; and he thought that it tended towards reformism. Instead, he favored small groups based on ideological alignment.
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Regina de Lamo Jiménez (7 September 1870 – 17 November 1947) was a Spanish intellectual, a very versatile activist until the arrival of the Francoist dictatorship in Spain. She was a pianist, teacher of music and singing, writer, journalist, feminist proponent and activist for women's rights, promoter of the cooperative economic model, defender of syndicalism and anarchism, and propagandist. She signed her writings as Regina Lamo Jiménez, Regina de Lamo Ximénez, Regina Lamo de O'Neill, and under the pseudonym Nora Avante.
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The Center's radical politics made it a haven for anti-capitalist revolutionaries, anarchists, and libertarians. It hosted children from the 1912 Lawrence textile strike, supported Frank Tannenbaum's 1914 mobilization of the unemployed, and fed protesters. The Center's formation coincided with a resurgence of interest in radical politics: the rise of syndicalism, multiple revolutions (including Russia), and strike actions. While assimilation had eroded immigrant interest in radical politics for several decades, with this optimistic turn, anarchism had begun to escape the stigma of the 1901 McKinley assassination.
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They participated in the actions against the First and Second Chechen Wars, the war in South Ossetia (August 2008) and in other anti-war actions. In Baikalsk, members of CRAS-IWA were initiators of an inter-profession workers union which was subsequently destroyed by repressions to the End of the 1990s. The members of CRAS-IWA are actively involved in demonstrations, pickets and other protest actions, promoting experiences, methods and ideas of anarcho-syndicalism. Since late 2008, activists of CRAS-IWA organize actions against growth of prices.
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When he arrived in Copenhagen, he moved into an attic and got a job as a bicycle delivery man. He joined the Social Democratic Party, the party his parents had been members of for many years, and the Delivery Men's Union where he became shop steward. Through his political and union work he learned about syndicalism and the growing opposition to the Social Democratic Party in the labour movement. His views grew more radical and he took part in violent riots on the vegetable market in 1918.
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The sovietization of the political system of Cuba, starting in 1971 with the National Congress of Education and Culture and with the first Constitution of Communist Party in 1976, further catalyzed the closure of the many different and plural positions within socialism, Marxism, social democracy, and syndicalism during the first five years after the triumph of the Cuban Revolution. Ideological Diversionism was the operation by which power articulated a totalizing enframing of a national socialist culture. Figure 2. "El intelectualizado" as a "ideological diversionist" subject.
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Noam Chomsky (1928-) was born in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, to Jewish immigrants from Eastern Europe. Becoming academically involved in the field of linguistics, Chomsky eventually secured a job as Professor of Department of Linguistics & Philosophy at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. In the field of linguistics, he is credited as the creator or co-creator of the Chomsky hierarchy, the universal grammar theory, and the Chomsky–Schützenberger theorem. Politically, Chomsky had held radical leftist views since childhood, identifying himself with anarcho-syndicalism and libertarian socialism.
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Born in Hirsingue, he was the sworn enemy of the abbé Wetterlé and was an ardent Francophobe of peasant origin who was more at ease speaking with peasants than in the salons of Strasbourg. As a result, he had a great deal of popular success while at the same time remaining limited in his appeal to the bourgeoisie of Alsace. Stubborn on the point of dogma, he was nevertheless fairly liberal on social matters and attempted to promote Catholic syndicalism. He died in Colmar.
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In the first half of 1922 Marie Guillot was dedicated to implementing the new "unitary" confederation. The first confederal Congress was at St Etienne at the end of June 1922. The debate focused on accession to the Internationale syndicale rouge (ISR: Red International of Labor Unions), and on the greater or lesser degree of autonomy related to this organization. Marie Guillot, as with the postman Joseph Lartigue, took an intermediate position in the continuum of revolutionary syndicalism, while recognizing the merits of the Soviet Revolution.
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As opposed to reformist strikes, many of these strikers made no clear demands (or intentionally absurd demands; for example, the demand to be given seven and a half rest hours in an eight-hour day); in some cases workers demanded no less than the end of capitalism. The Spanish government responded harshly to these developments, and the Federation of Workers' Societies was suppressed. But the decentralized nature of anarcho-syndicalism made it impossible to completely destroy and attempts to do so only emboldened the spirit of resistance.
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The appellees argued that a tax exemption is a privilege and so its denial did not infringe on free speech. The lower California courts did not agree and recognize that conditions imposed on privileges provided by the state had to be reasonable. However, the Supreme Court of California construed the constitutional amendment to deny the tax exemption only to claimants who may be criminally punished under the California Criminal Syndicalism Act (California Statute 1919, c. 188) or the Federal Smith Act (18 U.S.C. 2385).
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The Conquest of Power: Liberalism, Anarchism, Syndicalism, Socialism, Fascism, and Communism. I. New York: Covici-Friede. p. 235. However, Proudhon warned that a society with private property would lead to statist relations between people, arguing: > The purchaser draws boundaries, fences himself in, and says, 'This is mine; > each one by himself, each one for himself.' Here, then, is a piece of land > upon which, henceforth, no one has right to step, save the proprietor and > his friends; which can benefit nobody, save the proprietor and his servants.
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Schapiro and Efim Iarchuk, another former editor of Golos Truda, represented the Russian syndicalist movement. Reflections on the Russian Revolution played a central role in the deliberations, as the Russian experience demonstrated the fundamental differences between syndicalism and state socialism, according to the delegates. Rocker pointed to the Bolshevik government's treatment of Schapiro in making the case against participation in the RILU and for the formation of a syndicalist international. Schapiro himself argued that participation in the RILU would be incompatible with syndicalist principles.
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Anarcho-Syndicalism: Theory and Practice. An Introduction to a Subject Which the Spanish War Has Brought into Overwhelming Prominence is a book written by the German anarchist Rudolf Rocker. Its first edition (158 pages) was published by Secker and Warburg, London in 1938 and was translated from Ray E. Chase. Rocker penned this political and philosophical work in 1937, at the behest of Emma Goldman, as an introduction to the ideals fueling the Spanish social revolution and resistance to capitalism and fascism the world over.
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After obtaining a degree in law Forges Davanzati, a member of the Italian Socialist Party, became a journalist with the party papers Avanti! and Avanguardia Socialista.Philip Rees, Biographical Dictionary of the Extreme Right Since 1890, 1990, p. 131 Associated with the syndicalist tendency of the party his interest in nationalism grew and in 1906 he left the PSI to take up a position at the paper Pagine Libre, which had been founded by Angelo Oliviero Olivetti and which soon became associated with national syndicalism.
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Monsaraz initially became even stronger in his national syndicalism and for a brief spell looked to Nazism, declaring Adolf Hitler to be his political idol. However this fervour did not last long and by 1936, when he returned to Portugal, Monsaraz had come full circle and was once again advocating Integralism. He remained a strong critic of Salazar, refusing to even mention his name and instead referring to him as "the orator of Sala do Risco", although by this time Monsaraz's political influence had all but ended.
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Tensions with French Canadian students inside NFCUS became apparent by 1961. The student society at the Université de Montréal (Association général des étudiants de l’Université de Montréal—AGEUM) had adopted a manifesto entitled “Charte de l’étudiant universitaire,” which declared students as intellectual workers, which could and should be catalysts for social change.Robert Fredrick Clift, The Fullest Development of Human Potential: The Canadian Union of Students, 1963-1969, Masters Thesis, University of British Columbia , (2002), p.15 Thus, "student syndicalism" became a distinct attribute of Quebec students.
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Radical political activist Jay Fox as he appeared in 1908. Jay Fox (August 20, 1870 – March 8, 1961) was an American journalist, trade unionist, and political activist. The political trajectory of his life ran through anarchism, syndicalism, and communism, and he played a significant role in each of these political movements. Fox is best remembered as a leading figure in a radical collective located in Home, Washington, near Tacoma, where he was editor of one of the leading English-language anarchist newspapers of the day, The Agitator.
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Ablett, a one-time checkweighman from the Mardy Colliery in Maerdy, was a founding member of the Plebs' League, a Marxist organisation originating from Ruskin College, Oxford. Syndicalism was quickly replaced by communist ideals. In the 1920s, the old Liberal Party was being surpassed by Labour and the trade unions began the transition from supporting the Liberals to Labour. In many communities constituency Labour parties had not already been established, and thus through worker efforts both Labour and communist organisations came into being at the same time.
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Modernism, industrialisation, reaction to capitalism and mass migration helped anarchism to flourish and to spread around the globe. Major schools of thought of anarchism sprouted up as anarchism grew as a social movement, particularly anarcho-collectivism, anarcho-communism, anarcho- syndicalism, and individualist anarchism. As the workers' movement grew, the divide between anarchists and Marxists grew as well. The two currents formally split at the fifth congress of the First International in 1872, and the events that followed did not help to heal the gap.
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The historian Kirwin R. Schaffer in his study of Cuban anarchism reports anarcho-naturism as "[a] third strand within the island's anarchist movement" alongside anarcho-communism and anarcho-syndicalism. Naturism offered a global alternative health and lifestyle movement. Naturists focused on redefining one's life to live simply, to eat cheap but nutritious vegetarian diets, and to raise one's own food if possible. The countryside was posited as a romantic alternative to urban living, and some naturists even promoted what they saw as the healthful benefits of nudism.
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The Central Revolutionary Committee (, CRC) was a French Blanquist political party founded in 1881 and dissolved in 1898. The CRC was founded by Édouard Vaillant to continue the political struggle of Auguste Blanqui (1805–1881). It was weakened by a split in 1888, when numerous members including Henri Rochefort followed General Georges Ernest Boulanger who synthesized Jacobin nationalism with socialism and many saw Boulangism as a possible way to socialism. Following the Boulangist dissidence, Vaillant re-centered the party around the idea of syndicalism and strike.
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The historian Kirwin R. Schaffer in his study of Cuban anarchism reports anarcho- naturism as "A third strand within the island's anarchist movement" alongside anarcho-communism and anarcho-syndicalism. Naturism was a global alternative health and lifestyle movement. Naturists focused on redefining one's life to live simply, eat cheap but nutritious vegetarian diets, and raise one's own food if possible. The countryside was posited as a romantic alternative to urban living, and some naturists even promoted what they saw as the healthful benefits of nudism.
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After Ōsugi's death, the dominant tendency within Japanese anarchism became 'pure' anarchism. This tendency, which was a form of anarcho- communism, was a reaction to the anarcho-syndicalism favoured by Ōsugi. It was championed by Iwasa Sakutarō and another anarchist named Hatta Shūzō. The label of 'pure' anarchism was not a self-descriptor, but originated as an attempt to ridicule the perceived arrogance of the ideology, which became appealing to many anarchists due to the fact that it was seen to be 'unadulterated' by Marxism.
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This is said to have been because of the newspaper being one of the main coherent voices in print against Sweden-German relations during World War II. Apart from its political and foreign correspondents, Arbetaren has also published many high-profile Swedish writers, not necessarily connected to syndicalism. During its first half-century, Arbetaren published works by authors including Stig Dagerman, Tage Danielsson, Nils Ferlin, Eyvind Johnson, Harry Järv, Ivar Lo-Johansson, Arthur Lundkvist, Harry Martinson, Moa Martinson, Vilhelm Moberg, Karl Vennberg and Per Wästberg.
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Nicolaas Steelink (October 5, 1890 - April 21, 1989) was a Dutch American labor activist who was a member of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), an international industrial union, and an important figure in the creation of the California Soccer League, which resulted in his induction into the United States Soccer Hall of Fame. During his time as a member of the IWW, due to his involvement with the union and radical ideals, he was convicted of criminal syndicalism and sentenced to prison in 1920.
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Influenced by Leo Tolstoy, Abramowski called himself a "state-rejecting socialist" in his most important work, Socialism & State. He went on to further his political philosophy in other works, such as The Republic of Friends, and General Collusion Against the Government. In later years, his thought increasingly tended towards anarcho-syndicalism, emphasising the importance of co-operative organization of the work force. Alongside this politico-social theorising, he also conducted an intense research activity in the field of experimental psychology, showing particular interest in the subconscious.
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Reflections on Violence (), published in 1908, is a book by the French revolutionary syndicalist Georges Sorel on class struggle and revolution. Sorel is known for his theory that political revolution depends on the proletariat organizing violent uprisings and strikes to institute syndicalism, an economic system in which ' (self-organizing groups of only proletarians) truly represent the needs of the working class. One of Sorel's most controversial claims was that violence could save the world from "barbarism". He equated violence with life, creativity, and virtue.
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Likewise, he envisaged independent Ireland as a socialist republic. His connection and views on Revolutionary Unionism and Syndicalism have raised debate on if his image for a workers republic would be one of State or Grassroots socialism. For a time he was involved with De Leonism and the Second International until he later broke with both. In Scotland, Connolly's thinking influenced socialists such as John Maclean, who would, like him, combine his leftist thinking with nationalist ideas when he formed the Scottish Workers Republican Party.
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In 1907 he escaped from prison and fled to France. He settled in Paris where he completed his studies, came under the influence of Russian anarchists and joined the movement, a small group of Apollon Karelin, in 1911. Volin's views eventually gravitated towards anarcho-syndicalism, and he decided to leave the Socialist- Revolutionary Party in 1913. During the first months of the First World War he participated in the International Commission for the Anti-militarist Section, for which he was detained by the French authorities in 1915.
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Industrial unions serving the interests of the proletariat will bring about the change needed to establish a socialist system. The only way this differs from some currents in anarcho-syndicalism is that—according to De Leonist thinking—a revolutionary political party is also necessary to fight for the proletariat on the political field. De Leonism lies outside the Leninist tradition of communism. It predates Leninism as De Leonism's principles developed in the early 1890s with De Leon's assuming leadership of the Socialist Labor Party.
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The regular police forces made no arrests in actions related to the strike, and general arrests dropped to less than half their normal number. Major General John F. Morrison, stationed in Seattle, claimed that he had never seen "a city so quiet and orderly." The methods of organization adopted by the striking workers bore resemblance to anarcho- syndicalism, perhaps reflecting the influence of the Industrial Workers of the World in the Pacific Northwest, though only a few striking locals were officially affiliated with the IWW.
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A-Io has dissent in its borders, including a few different oppositional left-wing parties, one of which is closely linked to the rival society of Thu. When a revolution is sparked in Benbili, the third major, yet undeveloped, area of Urras, A-Io invades the Thu-supported revolutionary area, generating a proxy war. The moon, Anarres, represents a more idealist ideological structure: anarcho- syndicalism. The Anarresti, who call themselves Odonians after the founder of their political philosophy, arrived on Anarres from Urras around 200 years ago.
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To many moderates the conflict seemed a confirmation of their worst fears. The defeat of the strike by the Reform Government, after a bitter struggle, severely weakened the UFL (whose membership declined rapidly) and significantly handicapped the SDP, for the latter became indelibly associated in the public mind with revolutionary syndicalism. These events strengthened the reflections of the militants on the merits of political, as opposed to industrial, action. Thereafter a concerted effort was made to achieve the aims of organised labour through legislative means.
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Geoffrey Nielsen Ostergaard (25 July 1926 – 22 March 1990) was a British political scientist best known for his work on the connections between Gandhism and anarchism, on the British co-operative movement, and on syndicalism and workers' control. His books included The Gentle Anarchists: A Study of the Sarvodaya Movement for Non-Violent Revolution in India (1971), coauthored with Melville Currell, and Nonviolent Revolution in India (1985), both dealing with the Sarvodaya movement. He spent the majority of his academic career at the University of Birmingham.
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Sorgue was born in 1864 to the Fourierist doctor and philosopher Joseph-Pierre Durand de Gros. Sorgue was known as the 'most dangerous woman in Europe' due to her role in spreading the ideas and methods of French syndicalism throughout Britain. In relation to the feminism of the time, Sorgue sided with the anti-parliamentarians and anarchists on the issue of women's suffrage and was a strong critic of marriage and the family. She was an orator and journalist, writing for the Journal des Débats.
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The magazine disappeared due to criticism of its main editors Ricardo Mella, Josep Prat, and Leopoldo Bonafulla. The magazine reappeared in 1923 aligned with a philosophical anarchism critical of the syndicalism of the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo, but it also defended the Federación Anarquista Ibérica. In this second stage, Federica Montseny, Max Nettlau, Adrià del Valle, Charles Malato (desde París), Diego Abad de Santillán, Jean Grabo, Rudolf Rocker, Sébastien Faure, Luigi Fabbri, and Camillo Berneri were among its collaborators. La Revista Blanca ended publication in 1936.
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Horace Nobbs (born 1880) was a British trade unionist and political activist. Born in Norwich, Nobbs joined the Post Office and became active in the Postal and Telegraph Clerks' Association (PTCA), working for it full-time in Manchester from 1911. He also became a supporter of syndicalism, and in 1914 he persuaded the union to back his motion, which called for the Post Office to come under workers' control. In 1918, he became the union's national organising secretary, then in 1919 briefly served as its treasurer.
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Noam Chomsky (1928-) was born in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, to Jewish immigrants from Eastern Europe. Becoming academically involved in the field of linguistics, Chomsky eventually secured a job as Professor of Department of Linguistics & Philosophy at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. In the field of linguistics, he is credited as the creator or co-creator of the Chomsky hierarchy, the universal grammar theory, and the Chomsky–Schützenberger theorems. Politically, Chomsky had held radical leftist views since childhood, identifying himself with anarcho-syndicalism and libertarian socialism.
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The Confédération Générale du Travail-Syndicaliste Révolutionnaire (General Confederation of Revolutionary Trade Unions) was a trade union federation in France founded in 1926 by Pierre Besnard with the help of the Spanish CNT. It was affiliated to the International Workers' Association.Facing the Enemy: A History of Anarchist Organization from Proudhon to May 1968, Alexandre Skirda, Tr. Paul Sharkey, AK Press, 2002, , , page 117. It was an anarchist split from the Confédération générale du travail unitaire (CGT-U)Syndicalism and the transition to communism: an international comparative analysis, Ralph Darlington, Ed. Ashgate Publishing, Ltd.
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In April 1946, Facerias was nominated for the post of Defence Secretary of the Regional Committee of Catalonia and the Balearics of the Federation of Libertarian Youth of Iberia (FIJL). On 17 August 1946 Facerias was arrested with almost all of the members of the Regional Committee along with other CNT activists: a total of 39 anarchists ended up in jail. He came out of prison in July 1947. commemorative plate, Plaza de Mayo Meanwhile, the Libertarian Resistance Movement (MLR) had been created which was intended to be the armed wing of Spanish anarcho-syndicalism.
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"Revolution, Sociolatry, and War", the May Pamphlet fifth essay, was first published in Politics as a libertarian response to Marxist theory typical for the magazine. Goodman approves of Karl Marx's social psychology but disagrees on topics of statism and history. Goodman holds that external institutions and narrow focus on socioeconomic progress are weak substitutes for small sets of individuals working in mutuality to realizing their personal desires, a kind of decentralized syndicalism. Goodman expects routine aggression to be relieved by "natural institutions" such as friendly competition and mutual interdependence.
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Before the American Civil War, Southern defenders of African American slavery invoked the concept to favorably compare the condition of their slaves to workers in the North. With the advent of the industrial revolution, thinkers such as Proudhon and Marx elaborated the comparison between wage labor and slavery in the context of a critique of property not intended for active personal use. The introduction of wage labor in 18th century Britain was met with resistance – giving rise to the principles of syndicalism.[The Making of the English Working Class, p.
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In 2006, the British anti-poverty charity War on Want reported that in addition to being the largest exporter of Israeli produce, Agrexco was the leading exporter of produce from Israeli settlements.Profiting from the Occupation , War on Want On 5 July 2007, ten activists entered Carmel Agrexco depot in Hayes Middlesex. The Israeli flag was replaced with a Palestinian flag and the black-and-red flag of anarcho-syndicalism took the place of the Union Flag. The activists handed leaflets to the workers and two locked themselves to equipment with D locks.
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Delesalle thought that anarchist activity had to start with syndicalism, and became active in the General Confederation of Labour (France) (CGT: Confédération Générale du Travail). He was assistant secretary of the Federation of Trade Councils (Fédération des bourses du travail), and assistant secretary of the CGT Trade Councils section from 1897 to 1907. He became one of the most influential anarcho-syndicalists in France during this period. At the Congress of Toulouse in 1897 his motion advocating the use of general strikes, boycotts and sabotage was adopted unanimously.
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The first issue of Solidarity was published on December 18, 1909, and publication lasted until March 18, 1917.Philip S. Foner, History of the Labor Movement in the United States, Vol. 4, The Industrial Workers of the World 1905-1917, International Publishers, 1997, page 149 In November, 1917, publication of Solidarity was suspended and replaced by Defense News Bulletin, which chronicled the IWW's legal campaign to defend union members and leaders who had been arrested under the government's anti-syndicalism campaign. Defense News Bulletin continued publication until July 1918.
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Paul Frederick Brissenden, The I.W.W. A Study of American Syndicalism, Columbia University, 1919, pages 234-236 These two factions became the most visible manifestations of a divided IWW. The Chicago, or "Red IWW" was referred to variously as the direct action, the economic, the bummery, or the anarchist faction. The Detroit, or "Yellow IWW" faction was called the doctrinaire, the political, or the socialist faction. However, there were other splits, both before and after this most significant split, in which some of the same philosophical differences played a role.
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It can also includes non-state controlled federated guild socialist, dual power industrial democracy and economic democracy, or federated worker cooperatives and workers' and consumers' councils replacing much of the present state system whilst retaining basic rights. In addition, it includes the trade union approach of anarcho-syndicalism, the social struggle strategies of platformism and specifism and the environmental philosophy of social ecology. As a term, social anarchism overlaps with libertarianism,"Anarchism". In Gaus, Gerald F.; D'Agostino, Fred, eds. (2012). The Routledge Companion to Social and Political Philosophy. p. 227.
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However, anarcho-syndicalists differ from anarcho- communists on wanting federations of (trade-based) workers' syndicates as the locus of organising the economy, rather than confederations of (territory- based) free communes. Its advocates propose labour organization as a means to create the foundations of a trade union centered anarchist society within the current system and bring about social revolution. An early leading anarcho- syndicalist thinker was Rudolf Rocker, whose 1938 pamphlet Anarcho-Syndicalism outlined a view of the movement's origin, aims and importance to the future of labour.Anarchosyndicalism by Rudolf Rocker.
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In addition to the federal laws and responding to the worries of the local opinion, several states enacted anti-communist statutes. By 1952, several states had enacted statutes against criminal anarchy, criminal syndicalism, and sedition; banned from public employment or even from receiving public aid, communists and "subversives"; asked for loyalty oaths from public servants, and severely restricted or even banned the Communist Party. In addition, six states had equivalents to the HUAC. The California Senate Factfinding Subcommittee on Un-American Activities and the Florida Legislative Investigation Committee were established by their respective legislatures.
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Winitsky was a participant in the party's trade union mass organization, the Trade Union Educational League, headed by William Z. Foster. Winitsky was a delegate to the ill-fated August 1922 convention of the underground CPA in Bridgman, Michigan — a gathering raided by state and federal law enforcement authorities. For attending this gathering Winitsky was indicted under Michigan's "Criminal Syndicalism" statutes, although he was never brought to trial on this charge. Winitsky worked as a manager of the Communist Party's Yiddish-language daily, Morgen Freiheit from 1922 to 1923.
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The federal question was whether the Syndicalism Act as applied in this case was repugnant to the due process clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. The state offered no evidence as to the true beliefs and practices of Fiske and his organization. Fiske claimed that his organization in no way sought to bring about industrial change by illegal or criminal means. The state of Kansas could prove neither that Fiske had any actual or imminent intent to illegally change the economic structure of the United States nor that he intended to overthrow the US government.
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Jesús Requejo San Román (1880-1936) was a Spanish Catholic militant, theorist of society and politician; the Catholic Church declared him a martyr and a candidate for sainthood. He was locally known in the provinces of Zamora and Toledo for his activity in education, charity and agrarian syndicalism. His key work, Principios de Orientación Social, made some moderate impact among Spanish Catholic intellectuals of the mid-1930s. Politically he evolved from centre-left to extreme right: initially Requejo supported the Romanonista dynastic Liberalism, then he turned towards accidentalist Acción Católica, and finally he joined Carlism.
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Marx and Bakunin's disputes eventually led to Marx taking control of the First International and expelling Bakunin and his followers from the organization. This was the beginning of a long-running feud and schism between libertarian socialists and what they call "authoritarian communists", or alternatively just "authoritarians". Some Marxists have formulated views that closely resemble syndicalism and thus express more affinity with anarchist ideas. Several libertarian socialists, notably Noam Chomsky, believe that anarchism shares much in common with certain variants of Marxism such as the council communism of Marxist Anton Pannekoek.
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As a political ideology, state socialism is one of the major dividing lines in the broader socialist movement. It is often contrasted with non-state or anti- state forms of socialism such as those that advocate direct self-management adhocracy and direct cooperative ownership and management of the means of production. Political philosophies contrasted to state socialism include libertarian socialist philosophies such as anarchism, De Leonism, economic democracy, free-market socialism, libertarian Marxism and syndicalism. These forms of socialism are opposed to hierarchical technocratic socialism, scientific management and state-directed economic planning.
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In an unrelated threat, labor radicals also threatened to destroy both the California State Capitol and the Governor's Mansion if a $50,000 ransom was not met. Stephens responded to threats from labor radicals, and to subversion worries during World War I, with the California Criminal Syndicalism Act, targeting radical labor unionists and their advocacy of violent confrontation with state authorities. Despite numerous threats on his life and state property, Stephens refused to pardon Thomas Mooney for the remainder of his administration. Mooney was eventually pardoned by labor-sympathetic Democratic governor Culbert Olson in 1939.
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Her family held deep anarchist convictions as a result of her father having had contact with anarchist media while working as an apprentice in Seville in the cork industry. At the time of Bruguera's birth, her home town was predominantly socialist with a corporatist political setup. While her father shared his anarcho-syndicalism thinking among political circles, it took time and the community had to self-teach themselves about the movement's teachings. Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT) had organized the majority of peasants and workers in the Badajoz region by the end of the 1920s.
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Bolshevik authoritarianism and the absence of freedoms or reforms reinforced the opposition and increased discontent among their own followers: in their eagerness and in their effort to secure Soviet power, the Bolsheviks predictably caused the growth of their own opposition. The centralism and bureaucracy of "war communism" added to the difficulties that had to be faced. With the end of the civil war, opposition groups emerged within the Bolshevik party itself. One of the more left wing opposition groups with a project very close to syndicalism aimed at the party leadership.
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Marie Guillot (9 September 1880 – 5 March 1934) was a teacher in Saône-et- Loire and a pioneer of trade unionism in primary education. She associated the social emancipation that syndicalism would bring with the empowerment of women. An anarcho-syndicalist, she was a member of the national leadership of the Confédération générale du travail unitaire (CGTU – General Confederation of Trade Unions) in 1922–1923. She was active in the struggle of the anarchists, who believed in a decentralized or federal organization of workers' syndicates, against the communists who believed in a central organization.
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Neozapatismo is generally held to be based to some extent on anarchism, Mayan tradition, Marxism,"The Zapatista Effect: Information Communication Technology Activism and Marginalized Communities " the thoughts of Emiliano Zapata, and the thoughts of Subcomandante Insurgente Galeano. Neozapatismo appears to have been influenced by libertarian socialism, libertarian Marxism (including autonomism), social anarchism, anarcho-communism, anarcho-collectivism, anarcho-syndicalism, communalism, direct democracy, and radical democracy. Subcomandante Marcos has offered some clues as to the origins of neozapatismo. For example, he states: > Zapatismo was not Marxist-Leninist, but it was also Marxist-Leninist.
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During the Primo de Rivera years, much of the CNT leadership began to espouse a "moderate" revolutionary syndicalism, ostensibly holding an anarchist outlook but holding that the fulfilment of anarchist hopes would not come immediately, and insisting on the need for a more disciplined and organised trade-union movement in order to work towards libertarian communism. The Federación Anarquista Ibérica (FAI) was formed in 1927 to combat this tendency. Its organization was based on autonomous affinity groups. The FAI remained a very secretive organization, even after acknowledging its existence two years after its formation.
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Black flags have traditionally been flown by anarchism, and left-wing radicals to represent the absence of all oppressive structures. A combination of the two colors in a black flag represents social anarchism, such as anarchist communism and anarcho syndicalism. Many groups use the political colour associated with their political philosophy, for example blue, particularly dark blue, is often associated with conservative parties. Cultural groups may use symbols in what many consider to be a political way, for example LGBT symbols like the Rainbow flag are used to promote the political goal of LGBT rights.
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A key structure which emerged from the popular struggle of the 1970s was the Federation of South African Trade Unions (FOSATU). The "workerist" tendency which developed in FOSATU, was indirectly influenced by anarchism and revolutionary syndicalism, among other currents. The "people's power" tendency in the United Democratic Front (UDF) paralleled anarchist ideas with its call for replacing state structures with grassroots "people's power." There is no evidence that this strategy arose from anarchist or syndicalist ideas, although the UDF was influenced by FOSATU's stress on "workers control" and prefiguration.
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It also recalled one individual that had been forced to the stand by the prosecution, San Francisco communist leader Max Bedacht. The defense attempted to show, through its testimony, that the Communist Labor Party was opposed to the use of terrorism, violence, or force to institute changes to the American system of government. Closing arguments were made on February 20, 1920, with the defense making the argument that the prosecution had failed to prove Whitney guilty of having committed a single illegal act.Whitten, Criminal Syndicalism and the Law in California, pg. 47.
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Schmidt, M. and van der Walt, L. (2009). Black Flame: The Revolutionary Class Politics of Anarchism and Syndicalism (Counter-Power vol. 1). Oakland and Edinburgh: AK Press. pp.164–170. anarchism (including its syndicalist variant) only began to re- emerge as a movement in South Africa with small anarchist collectives, established primarily in Durban and Johannesburg, in the 1990s. In 1993, the Anarchist Revolutionary Movement (ARM) was established in Johannesburg; its student section included militants from the anti-apartheid movement. In 1995, a larger movement, the Workers' Solidarity Federation (WSF), replaced the ARM.
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While committed to promoting syndicalism in the unions, ZACF work was in practice largely focused on the so-called "new social movements", formed in South Africa in response to the perceived failures of the African National Congress (ANC) government post- apartheid. The ZACF was involved in the campaigns of the Anti-Privatisation Forum (APF) and the Landless People's Movement (LPM). It has also been involved in solidarity work with Abahlali baseMjondolo and the Western Cape Anti-Eviction Campaign.CNT. (2011). "Zabalaza: A Voice for Organised Anarchism in South Africa", Barcelona: CNT.
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Anarcho- syndicalism has been criticised as anachronistic by some contemporary anarchists.Heider, Ulrike and Bode, Ulrike, Anarchism: Left, Right and Green (San Francisco: City Lights Books, 1994), p. 4. In 1992, Murray Bookchin spoke against its reliance on an outdated view of work: Bookchin has said that it prioritizes the interests of the working class, instead of communal freedom for society as a whole; and that this view ultimately prevents a true revolution. He argues that in instances like the Spanish Revolution, it was in spite of the syndicalist-minded CNT leadership that the revolution occurred.
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Melvyn Dubofsky, We Shall Be All: A History of the Industrial Workers of the World. [1969] New York: Quadrangle/New York Times Book Co., 1973; pp. 77–80.Paul Frederick Brissenden, The IWW: A Study of American Syndicalism. New York: Columbia University, 1919; pg. 103. This three-day conclave thrashed out their disagreements and issued a set of 11 principles and an Industrial Union Manifesto. It issued a call for a convention to be held in Chicago on June 27, 1905, to launch the new general industrial organization.Dubofsky, We Shall Be All, pp. 78–79.
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On September 3, 2009, six members of the Anarcho-Syndicalism Initiative (Tadej Kurepa, Ratibor Trivunac, Sanja Dojkić, Ivan Vulović, Nikola Mitrović, and Ivana Savić) were arrested and charged with international terrorism after they were involved in a Molotov attack on the Greek embassy in Belgrade. It has been claimed that this attack was carried out in solidarity with anti-police protestors who received unjust treatment at the hands of Greek police and prosecutors. The charge carried the possibility of 3–15 years imprisonment and the six were imprisoned for a total of five months.
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In 1890 a second attempt, this time international in scope, to organise for the eight-hour day was made. It had the secondary purpose of memorialising those workers killed as a result of the Haymarket affair. Although it had initially been conceived as a one-off event, by the following year the commemoration of International Workers' Day on May Day had become firmly established as an international workers' holiday. Syndicalism saw its heights from 1894 to 1914, with roots reaching back to 19th century labour movements and the trade unionists of the First International.
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L'anarquisme Individualista a Espanya 1923–1938 The individualist anarchism of Urales was influenced by Auguste Comte and Charles Darwin. He saw science and reason as a defense against blind servitude to authority. He was critical of influential individualist thinkers such as Nietzsche and Stirner for promoting an asocial egoist individualism and instead promoted an individualism with solidarity as a way to guarantee social equality and harmony. In the subject of organization, he was highly critical of anarcho-syndicalism as he saw it plagued by too much bureaucracy and thought that it tended towards reformism.
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At the CGT's first postwar congress, held in Lyon from 15 to 21 September 1919, Monatte was among the leaders of the minority, with Joseph Tommasi, Raymond Péricat and Gaston Monmousseau and denounced the CGT membership in the Amsterdam International of Labor Unions. They claimed that the CGT majority had broken with the principles of syndicalism and lost faith in revolution by dealing with the government. The minority wanted the CGT to join the Communist International. In 1923, Monatte joined the French Communist Party (PCF) and was close to Boris Souvarine and Alfred Rosmer.
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McLoughlin also joined the Socialist Party of Ireland (SPI), a broad labourist group with some sympathy for syndicalism. Within the group, he was a leading supporter of the Bolsheviks in the October Revolution, and formed a communist faction with Roddy Connolly and other supporters, aiming to build links with the Socialist Labour Party (SLP) in Britain. This faction proved popular within the party, and McLoughlin was elected as president of the SPI in September 1919.Charlie McGuire, "An Irish Socialist in Britain: Sean McLoughlin and the British Socialist Movement, 1920–1922", Irish Studies Review, vol.
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According to historian Jean Maitron, the anarchist movement in France was divided into those who rejected the sole idea of organisation, and were therefore opposed to the very idea of an international organisation, and those who put all their hopes in syndicalism, and thus "were occupied elsewhere".Jean Maitron, Le mouvement anarchiste en France, tome I, Tel Gallimard (François Maspero, 1975), pp.443-445 Only eight French anarchists assisted the Congress, among whom Benoît Broutchoux, Pierre Monatte and René de Marmande. A few tentatives of organisation followed the Congress, but all were short-lived.
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In 1927–28 Gaitskell lectured in economics for the Workers' Educational Association to miners in Nottinghamshire. His essay on Chartism was published as a WEA booklet in 1928. This was his first experience of interaction with the working class.Campbell 2010, p198 Gaitskell eventually came to oppose both Cole's Guild Socialism and Syndicalism and to feel that the General Strike had been the last failed spasm of a strategy - attempting to seize power through direct trade union action - which had already been tried in the abortive Triple Alliance Strike of 1921.
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He left for Trieste where he decided to convert by joining the Chiesa Evangelista Valdesa (Waldensian Evangelical Church), an Italian Protestant denomination. During his stay in Trieste, Vuličević took a part in early syndicalism in Italy and was a tutor for the young poet Aleksa Šantić. In 1916 died in Naples as one of the noted ministers of the Chiesa Evangelista Valdesa and its original thinker. As he was highly respected and influential in his own country, the Serbian Government took charge of the funeral arrangements in Naples.
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He returned to Italy in 1900, and in 1902 published a weekly called Avanguardia Socialista which became the center of activity for Italian revolutionary syndicalism. He nonetheless withdrew his support for revolution, and adopted Marxist Reformism, becoming a member of the Italian Parliament as an independent. Favourable to Italy's participation in World War I, Labriola also served as Minister of Labor in the last of Giovanni Giolitti's cabinets (1920). An opponent of Fascism, he had to take exile in France after Benito Mussolini came to power, but returned in 1935.
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Generally, the Left communist thinkers were to find these paths locked within the horizons of capitalism (the law of value, money, private property, class, the state), and they were to characterize these solutions as statist, substitutionist and authoritarian." Past and present currents and movements commonly described as libertarian socialist include anarchism (especially anarchist schools of thought such as anarcho-communism, anarcho-syndicalism collectivist anarchism, green anarchism, individualist anarchism,An Anarchist FAQ. "(Benjamin) Tucker referred to himself many times as a socialist and considered his philosophy to be "Anarchistic socialism."Armand, Émile (1907).
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The origins of the group go back to Foster's observations of European syndicalism in 1910-1911. Intrigued initially by the French CGT, he arrived in Paris in 1910. He spent the next year and a half studying the French syndicalist union, attending its 1910 Toulouse congress and actively participating in a CGT railroad strike. He also studied the labor and socialist movements in Germany and tried (without success) to represent the Industrial Workers of the World at the August 1911 Budapest congress of the International Secretariat of National Trade Union Centres.
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While originally conceived as a form of Social anarchism, he later developed Communalism into a separate ideology which incorporates what he saw as the most beneficial elements of Anarchism, Marxism, syndicalism, and radical ecology. Politically, Communalists advocate a network of directly democratic citizens' assemblies in individual communities/cities organized in a confederal fashion. This method used to achieve this is called Libertarian Municipalism which involves the establishment of face-to-face democratic institutions which are to grow and expand confederally with the goal of eventually replacing the nation-state.
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23 Friedrich Engels thought that the lack of a feudal past was the reason for the American working class holding middle-class values. Writing at a time when American industry was developing quickly towards the mass-production system known as Fordism, Max Weber and Antonio Gramsci saw individualism and laissez-faire liberalism as core shared American beliefs. According to the historian David De Leon, American radicalism was rooted in libertarianism and syndicalism rather than communism, Fabianism and social democracy, being opposed to centralized power and collectivism.Lipset & Marks, pp.
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They tend to favor progressive or even radical views and work with the alter-globalization or anti-globalization movement. The Group of 10 and the SUD Unions are part of the European Social Forum and the World Social Forum. Most of the SUD trade-union practice a syndicalism of struggle (syndicalisme de lutte), like factions of the CGT, FO and the CNT. That places it in opposition to the reformist or negotiation unions: the CFDT, Confédération Française des Travailleurs Chrétiens (CFTC), CFE-CGC and Union nationale des syndicats autonomes (UNSA).
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Bakunin's viewpoint on the illegitimacy of the state as an institution and the role of electoral politics was starkly counterposed to Marx's views in the First International. Marx and Bakunin's disputes eventually led to Marx taking control of the First International and expelling Bakunin and his followers from the organization. This was the beginning of a long-running feud and schism between libertarian socialists and what they call "authoritarian communists", or alternatively just "authoritarians". Some Marxists have formulated views that closely resemble syndicalism and thus express more affinity with anarchist ideas.
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In the 1860s Pillot supported the early French trade union movement and is therefore sometimes credited with being a pioneer of French syndicalism, although his role seems to have been minor. He joined the First International, whose French section was then dominated by followers of Proudhon. In 1870, with the siege of Paris during the Franco- Prussian War, Pillot resumed his revolutionary activities. He was a noted orator at the Club of the School of Medicine and was elected to the Council of the Commune as delegate from the first arondissement.
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Brandenburg v. Ohio, 395 U.S. 444 (1969), was a landmark decision of the US Supreme Court interpreting the First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution.. The Court held that the government cannot punish inflammatory speech unless that speech is "directed to inciting or producing imminent lawless action and is likely to incite or produce such action."Criminal Law - Cases and Materials, 7th ed. 2012, Wolters Kluwer Law & Business; John Kaplan (law professor), Robert Weisberg, Guyora Binder, , Specifically, the Court struck down Ohio's criminal syndicalism statute, because that statute broadly prohibited the mere advocacy of violence.
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Tommasi became secretary of the Car and Aviation Workers Federation, and secretary of the GGT in 1919. In 1919 he was a member of the CGT administrative committee. At the CGT's first postwar congress, held in Lyon from 15-21 September 1919, Tommasi was among the leaders of the minority, with Pierre Monatte, Raymond Péricat and Gaston Monmousseau. This group denounced the CGT membership in the Amsterdam International of Labor Unions, said the CGT majority had broken with the principles of syndicalism and lost faith in revolution by dealing with the government.
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Discussion turned to the question of what the exact goal of the meeting should be. The Dutch NAS, the British ISEL, and the German FVdG felt that "the creation of an autonomous Syndicalist International is a necessity for the self-preservation and onward development of syndicalism", as Die Einigkeit, the organ of the Germans, put it. Opposition to this view came from two different directions. Cornelissen felt it would easier to attract French unions to a congress meant to establish international relations rather than the foundation of an international organization.
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Juana Rouco Buela Juana Rouco Buela (Madrid, 1889 – Buenos Aires, 1969) was a Spanish-Argentine laundress, anarcha-feminist organizer, public speaker, and advocate of women's political militancy. She was committed to the emancipation of women and was a central figure of Argentine anarcho-syndicalism. She was one of the leading Argentine female trade unionists and one of the best public speakers. She also ran a book stand, selling pamphlets and literature pertaining to socialism, anarchism and such other works on political economy and other questions which interested the working people of Buenos Aires.
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Hall was also charged with criminal syndicalism. Strikers held as Kidnappers, The Milwaukee Journal, July 7, 1938 Iowa Judge Homer Fuller was brought in for the trial of these and other union leaders, including UE President James B. Carey, who had been arrested for violating Judge Bechly's injunctions. Three CIO men will face court, The Spartanburg Journal, July 8, 1938 Judge Fuller offered to dismiss charges if the union leaders would agree to end the strike. With no agreement, the union leaders were convicted and sentenced on July 13.
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Argentinian anarchist historian Angel Cappelletti reports that in Argentina: "Among the workers that came from Europe in the 2 first decades of the century, there was curiously some Stirnerian individualists influenced by the philosophy of Nietzsche, that saw syndicalism as a potential enemy of anarchist ideology. They established [...] affinity groups that in 1912 came to, according to Max Nettlau, to the number of 20. In 1911 there appeared, in Colón, the periodical El Único, that defined itself as 'Publicación individualista'".El Anarquismo en América Latina por Carlos M. Rama y Ángel J. Cappelletti. pg.
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The resolution was adopted, and implemented in 1907. An FVdG survey returned a vote of twenty-two to eight opposing rejoining the centralized unions. This led some of the masons, carpenters, and construction workers in the union to leave the FVdG in 1907 to avoid being expelled from the SPD, saying the organization was "taking a path, which would certainly lead to strife with the SPD and to syndicalism and anarchism." In 1908, the SPD's Nuremberg congress finally voted to make SPD and FVdG membership incompatible.Müller 1985a, p.
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Anarchism as a social movement in Cuba held great influence with the working classes during the 19th and early 20th century. The movement was particularly strong following the abolition of slavery in 1886, until it was repressed first in 1925 by President Gerardo Machado,Matthews, Herbert L., Revolution in Cuba, Charles Scribner's Sons, New York, 1975, p. 223 and more thoroughly by Fidel Castro's Marxist–Leninist government following the Cuban Revolution in the late 1950s. Cuban anarchism mainly took the form of anarcho-collectivism based on the works of Mikhail Bakunin and, later, anarcho-syndicalism.
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He also supported exclusion of women from juries and efforts to restore the full power of the judicial injunction against strikes. He was hailed in 1922 by the conservative magazine Oregon Voter as an "exceptionally vigorous debater and floor leader" who was "fearless and uncompromising" in his voting behavior. He was considered a "red blooded protagonist" of conservative Republican politics. Kubli was the author of Oregon's criminal syndicalism statute, introducing the bill House Bill 1 on January 14 at the opening of the 1919 session of the legislature.
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Before leaving he served for a few weeks as head of the Press Office of the Ministry of State to pass on his knowledge to the new Minister, Alejandro Lerroux. After completing his work at the Ministry of State he accepted the position of Civil Governor of Barcelona. In this role he worked conscientiously to consolidate the Republican reforms and to control anarcho-syndicalism, which he saw as a serious threat to a civil democracy. Esplá was elected Deputy for Alicante in the election of 28 June 1931.
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Liu Shipei and He Zhen The Tokyo group drew on the same influences but in a different order of preference. While the Paris group was enamored of western science and western civilization, leaders such as Liu Shifu rooted their anarchism in political traditions native to Asia. In practical terms this meant the Paris group studied Esperanto, advocated anarcho-syndicalism, and drew heavily upon the works of Mikhail Bakunin and Peter Kropotkin. The Tokyo group advocated an agrarian society built around democratically run villages organized into a free federation for mutual aid and defense.
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The gathering was attended by 49 regularly elected delegates, elected by election districts. In addition, the Central District Committee, Työmies, and the Work People's College each were granted one delegate with voice but no vote to the convention. An action was taken by the new Executive Committee on June 17, 1914, calling for sanctions against any local or individual supporting the new left-wing Finnish-language newspaper, Sosialisti, published in Duluth. Some 40 branches were expelled and another 30 withdrew amidst allegations that they advocated syndicalism and direct action, in contradiction to the constitution of the SPA.
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Between 1918 and 1920 CUSS was the only society in which socialists could meet. Through study circles, investigations, speakers, and joint action with the Cambridge Labour Party, CUSS sought 'the realisation of complete political and industrial democracy' and 'the supersession of the capitalist system by a co- operative commonwealth' using common ownership if land and industry. Its key concerns were the Labour Party programme, the land question, the Russian Revolution, German socialism, syndicalism, and American socialism. It continued to debate with the local party and invited such speakers as G. D. H. Cole, Bertrand Russell, George Bernard Shaw, and J. C. Squire.
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With these, he engages in petty theft from shops to survive. Apprehended during one such sortie, he is sentenced to re-education at a state institution, which is neither a prison nor a psychiatric hospital, but contains elements of both. At the re-education centre, Bev is subjected to propaganda films and lectures, which have the aim of converting him into a useful member of society (a theme which Burgess also examines in A Clockwork Orange). He meets the powerful union official Pettigrew, who warns Bev that his day is over and that Syndicalism is the future of Britain.
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One of the Act's best-known convictions was of Charlotte Anita Whitney in 1920, which led to the Act being upheld by the Supreme Court of the United States in Whitney v. California (1927). In April 1930, meetings of the Agricultural Workers' Industrial League (AWIL) across Imperial Valley but centered around El Centro were raided by the Imperial County Sheriff. Of the hundreds arrested, 16 were charged by the Imperial County Grand Jury with violations of the Criminal Syndicalism Act, and 8 were convicted on and received sentences ranging from deportation to 42 years in prison.
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Politically, Chomsky had held radical leftist views since childhood, identifying himself with anarcho-syndicalism and libertarian socialism. A staunch critic of U.S. foreign policy, he arose to public attention for these views in 1967, when The New York Times published his article, "The Responsibility of Intellectuals", a criticism of the Vietnam War. His media criticism has included Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media (1988), co-written with Edward S. Herman, an analysis articulating the propaganda model theory for examining the media. Chomsky is the author of over 100 books, and has been described as a prominent cultural figure.
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John Graham Brooks (1846–1938) was an American sociologist, political reformer, and author. A former Unitarian minister, Brooks resigned from the ministry in 1891 and became an academic specialist in the field of labor relations. A prominent lecturer and public intellectual, Brooks rejected the doctrine of socialism, instead advocating for the regulation of predatory monopolies and the initiation of progressive social reform legislation to ameliorate the most glaring problems suffered by the working class. Brooks advanced his ideas as the author of several books which gained a broad readership among American intellectuals, including The Social Unrest (1903) and American Syndicalism (1913).
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"Paul Frederick Brissenden, The I.W.W. A Study of American Syndicalism, Columbia University, 1919, page 234 From 1905 on, many workers in the West were unable to vote. This created a different dynamic from the experiences of early IWW supporters in the East. However, by the time the IWW began to organize textile workers in Lawrence, Massachusetts in 1912, the IWW would confront the same circumstance in the East. In 1913, IWW organizer Bill Haywood would declare, "I advocate the industrial ballot alone when I address the workers in the textile industries of the East where a great majority are foreigners without political representation.
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Those who chose to stay in prison were released in December 1923, but their circumstances were likewise divisive.Melvyn Dubofsky, We Shall Be All, A History of the Industrial Workers of the World, University of Illinois Press Abridged, 2000, pages 263-264 The IWW reacted to the repression commencing in 1917, in part, by making all former leaders of the IWW ineligible for office. Ralph Darlington observed that this "effectively severed the organization from its past, decapitating the IWW even more ruthlessly than the government had been able to."Ralph Darlington, Syndicalism and the transition to communism: an international comparative analysis, Ashgate Publishing, Ltd.
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Murray Bookchin Social ecology is closely related to the work and ideas of Murray Bookchin and influenced by anarchist Peter Kropotkin. Social ecologists assert that the present ecological crisis has its roots in human social problems and that the domination of human-over-nature stems from the domination of human-over-human. Bookchin later developed a political philosophy to complement social ecology that he called communalism. While originally conceived as a form of social anarchism, he later developed communalism into a separate ideology that incorporates what he saw as the most beneficial elements of anarchism, Marxism, syndicalism and radical ecology.
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Historian Paul Avrich describes the fallout over the support for the war an "almost fatal" division in the Russian anarchist movement. Muscovite anarchists split into two groups, with the larger faction supporting Kropotkin and his "defensist" associates; the smaller anti-war faction responded by abandoning Kropotkinite anarchist communism for anarcho-syndicalism. In spite of this, the anarchist movement in Russia continued to gain strength. In an article published in a December 1916 issue of The State and Revolution, Bolshevik leader Lenin accused the vast majority of Russian anarchists of following Kropotkin and Grave, and denounced them as "anarcho-chauvinists".
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It was involved in the New Unionism, the rank- and-file union militancy of the 1880s–1890s, which anticipated syndicalism in some key ways (Tom Mann, a New Unionist leader, was one of the first British syndicalists). The Socialist League was dominated by anarchists by the 1890s. The Independent Labour Party (ILP) formed at that time drew more on the nonconformist religious traditions in the British working class than on Marxist theory and had a libertarian socialist strain. Others in the tradition of the ILP and described as libertarian socialists included Michael Foot and most importantly, G. D. H. Cole.
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He was one of the contributors to the Temps Nouveaux (New Times) of Jean Grave, for which he reported on developments in revolutionary syndicalism. In 1906 Desplanques was imprisoned for a year for signing a poster of the Association internationale antimilitariste (AIA: International Anti-militarist Association). The affiche rouge, as it came to be called, was plastered all over Paris on the night of 6-7 October 1905 on the eve of the annual arrival of military conscripts at the caserne. It appealed to the conscripts to give their alleigance to the working class rather than the bourgeoisie.
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Anarchists would organize a strike and ranks would swell. Usually, repression by police reduced the numbers again, but at the same time further radicalized many strikers. This cycle helped lead to an era of mutual violence at the beginning of the 20th century in which armed anarchists and pistoleros, armed men paid by company owners, were both responsible for political assassinations. In the 20th century, this violence began to fade, and the movement gained speed with the rise of anarcho-syndicalism and the creation of the huge libertarian trade union, the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT).
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Furthermore, the Dreyfus affair divided again France into two rival camps, the Right (Charles Maurras) supporting the Army and the Nation, while the Left (Émile Zola, Georges Clemenceau) supported human rights and Justice. The Dreyfus Affair witnessed the birth of the modern intellectual engaging himself in politics, while nationalism, which had been previously, under the form of liberal nationalism, a characteristic of the Republican Left, became a right-wing trait, mutating into a form of ethnic nationalism. The Left itself was divided among Radical Republicans and the new, emerging forces advocating Socialism, whether in its Marxist interpretation or revolutionary syndicalism tradition.
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When the Free Union was founded, it initially presented itself as "the base organization for self-management and syndicalism", but has recently become less syndicalist and now presents itself as an anarchist organization. In its own words, the Vrije Bond strives for "an anarchist society in which a person can determine how to organize life." Principles, Free Union The Free Union aims at the abolition of social classes, borders, the state, and other social relations they deem oppressive. The Free Union advocates equality between people, the autonomy of the individual, and self-management and self- governance.
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91–98 The work advanced a fairly Traditionalist vision, founded on monarchical, Catholic, regionalist and organicist threads; it contained no reference to caudillaje system, by no means endorsed Falangist national- syndicalism and when discussing social issues focused on gremialist structures instead. What differed it from orthodox Carlism was that modernizing effort prevailed over focus on tradition; it contained even some democratic references stressing total mobility of the society, unheard of in tradition- entrenched typical Carlist outlook."nuestra política profesa un concepto rectamente democrático derivado del divino principio de a fraternidad verdadera", Heras y Borrero 2004, p. 96 The grouping was getting internally divided.
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A clip from the socialist Heimin Shinbun newspaper (13 November 1904) Anarchism in Japan has a long history, arguably having roots in the egalitarian structure of some communal villages during the Tokugawa era. Its modern form, however, originated in the political activities of Kōtoku Shūsui, an anarchist who edited the libertarian-socialist newspaper Heimin Shinbun in the early 20th century. He gained the permission of anarcho-communist writer Peter Kropotkin to translate his works into Japanese, which helped to steer the nascent anarchist movement in a communist direction. Others in the anarchist movement gravitated towards anarcho-syndicalism.
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Black flame: the revolutionary class politics of anarchism and syndicalism, Lucien van der Walt, Michael Schmidt, AK Press, 2009, , p. 317. Later Gerdzhikov studied in Switzerland (Lausanne and Geneva), where he made close connections with the revolutionary immigration and established the so-called Geneva group, an extension of MSRC. Gerdzhikov was under strong anarchist influence and rejected the nationalism of the ethnic minorities in the Ottoman Empire, favouring alliances with ordinary Muslim people against the Sultanate and the idea about a Balkan Federation. In 1899 he came back to the Balkans and worked as a teacher in Bitola.
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Wallerstein, Immanuel, > The Capitalist World-Economy, 1979, Cambridge University Press Piero Sraffa attempted to construct a value theory that was an explanation of the normal distribution of prices in an economy, as well that of income and economic growth. He found that the net product or surplus in the sphere of production was determined by the balance of bargaining power between workers and capitalists, which was subject to the influence of non-economic, presumably social and political, factors. The mutualist tendency associated with Pierre-Joseph Proudhon also continued, influencing the development of libertarian socialism, anarchist communism, syndicalism and distributivism.
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After the Fourth Party Congress (September–October 1918), the political and economic program of the Left Socialist Revolutionaries moved to positions close to anarchism and revolutionary syndicalism. In their opinion, industrial enterprises should be transferred to the self-government of labor collectives, united in a common federation of manufacturers. Consumption had to be organized through a union of cooperatives - local self-governing consumer societies, united in a common federation. Economic life should be organized by the joint arrangements of these two associations, for which it was necessary to create special economic councils, elected from production and consumer organizations.
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Whilst at university in Budapest, Lukács was part of socialist intellectual circles through which he met Ervin Szabó, an anarcho- syndicalist who introduced him to the works of Georges Sorel (1847–1922), the French proponent of revolutionary syndicalism. In that period, Lukács's intellectual perspectives were modernist and anti-positivist. From 1904 to 1908, he was part of a theatre troupe that produced modernist, psychologically realistic plays by Henrik Ibsen, August Strindberg, and Gerhart Hauptmann. Lukács spent much time in Germany, and studied at the University of Berlin from 1906 to 1907, during which time he made the acquaintance of the philosopher Georg Simmel.
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By 1908, the council represented 40,000 workers in 65 trade unions, and it grew further when the Building Trades Council finally merged in. Interest in syndicalism rose, although the city was not in the forefront of the movement. Later, the council became known for the Communist Party of Great Britain members among its leadership, with Ernie Cant important around 1930, and Jack Charlesworth becoming the secretary in 1950. The council was eventually renamed as the Nottingham and District Trades Council, then as the Nottingham and District Trades Union Council, and eventually as the Nottinghamshire Nottingham and Mansfield Trades Council.
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CNT flag waving in their Bilbao offices.The flag of the CNT is the traditional flag of anarcho-syndicalism, which joins diagonally the red color of the labour movement and the black color of anarchism, as a negation of nationalism and reaffirmation of internationalism. The anthem of the CNT is A las barricadas (To the Barricades), written by the Polish poet Wacław Święcicki with music by Józef Pławiński in 1883. Święcicki and Pławiński's work, called Warszawianka, was given Spanish lyrics by Valeriano Orobón Fernández and published with some musical arrangements for mixed choir by Ángel Miret in 1933.
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Despite the fact that its members referred to themselves as "fascists", the ideology was based around national syndicalism. The ideology of fascism would not fully develop until 1921, when Mussolini transformed his movement into the National Fascist Party, which then in 1923 incorporated the Italian Nationalist Association. The INA established fascist tropes such as colored shirt uniforms and also received the support of important proto-fascists like D'Annunzio and nationalist intellectual Enrico Corradini. The first declaration of the political stance of fascism was the Fascist Manifesto, written by national syndicalist Alceste De Ambris and futurist poet Filippo Tommaso Marinetti and published in 1919.
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The prosecution, on the other hand, argued at length that the Communist Labor Party was nothing more than "a political adjunct of the IWW" and called upon the jury "to uphold the sacred tenets of Americanism and to place, with its verdict, the seal of disapproval on the activities of the Communist Labor Party and its blood brother, the IWW." The jury deliberated six hours before finding Whitney guilty of the first count: having organized and joined an organization formed for the purpose of advocating criminal syndicalism. It disagreed on the other four counts. A motion for bail was denied.
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Petrescu, p.321 The party continued to threaten with strike actions during the closing months of 1919, and, although it won seats in the November election, boycotted Parliament.Petrescu, p.329-336 In parallel, the PS committees negotiated an understanding with socialist Romanians from those former regions of Austria- Hungary which had been incorporated into Greater Romania. In October 1920, the PS absorbed the Bukovina Social Democratic Party and the Transylvania Social Democratic Party. The reorganized party, an uneasy alliance of reformists and Bolshevized radicals, held sway over the 156 trade unions in Greater Romania, having blocked out competition from syndicalism and anarchism.
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Although in its initial phase the organization promoted the philosophy of communist anarchism, over time the ideology of the group evolved until in 1912 it declared itself for anarcho-syndicalism. In large measure through the efforts of Bill Shatoff, a Russian-born anarcho-syndicalist who worked for a time on the staff of the URW's newspaper, Golos Truda (The Voice of Labor), the URW developed close ties with the Industrial Workers of the World.Salvatore Salerno, Red November Black November: Culture and Community in the Industrial Workers of the World. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1989; pg. 89.
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Volin was a prolific writer and anarchist intellectual who played an important part in the organization and leadership of Nabat. He was one of the founders of Nabat along with being an editor of the newspaper that was published by the organization. Volin was considered to be a guiding spirit of the entire movement, and he was perpetually organizing, philosophizing, and publishing on behalf of the central body of Nabat in Kharkiv. Volin was charged with writing a platform that could be agreeable to all the major branches of anarchism, most importantly anarcho-syndicalism, anarcho-collectivism/communism, and anarcho- individualism.
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Etta Federn-Kohlhaas (April 28, 1883 – May 9, 1951) or Marietta Federn, also published as Etta Federn-Kirmsse and Esperanza, was a writer, translator, educator and important woman of letters in pre-war Germany. In the 1920s and 1930s, she was active in the Anarcho-Syndicalism movement in Germany and Spain. Raised in Vienna, she moved in 1905 to Berlin, where she became a literary critic, translator, novelist and biographer. In 1932, as the Nazis rose to power, she moved to Barcelona, where she joined the anarchist-feminist group Mujeres Libres, (Free Women), becoming a writer and educator for the movement.
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Anarcho-syndicalists view the primary purpose of the state as being the defense of private property in the forms of capital goods and therefore of economic, social and political privilege. In maintaining this status quo, the state denies most of its citizens the ability to enjoy material independence and the social autonomy that springs from it. Reflecting the anarchist philosophy from which it draws its primary inspiration, anarcho-syndicalism is centered on the idea that power corrupts and that any hierarchy that cannot be ethically justified must either be dismantled or replaced by decentralized egalitarian control.
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During the First World War he joined the Italian armed forces and fought in the alpine campaign, rising to the rank of second lieutenant. After the war, thanks to his brother Nello, he studied in Florence with Gaetano Salvemini, who was to be from then a constant companion of both the Rosselli brothers. It was in this period that he became a socialist, sympathetic to the reformist ideas of Filippo Turati, in contrast to that revolutionary thinking of Giacinto Menotti Serrati. In 1921 he graduated with a degree in political sciences from the University of Florence with a thesis titled: "sindacalismo" (Syndicalism).
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91 (March 4, 1922), pg. 68. The group's ideology blended what one historian has called "a muddled industrial unionism with traditional southern forms of countervigilantism, self-defense, and opposition to conscription" and arose as a complement to the radical syndicalism of the Industrial Workers of the World, an organization that barred membership by tenant farmers.Sellars (1998) Oil, Wheat, and Wobblies, pg. 78. Tenant farmers were predominantly young, the age group that was most impacted by conscription. Some 76% of Oklahoma farmers under 24 rented their land, and 45% of those between 25 and 33 were tenants.Sellars (1998) Oil, Wheat, and Wobblies, pg. 80.
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Camus was a strong supporter of European integration in various marginal organisations working towards that end. In 1944, he founded the Comité français pour la féderation européenne—(CFFE (French Committee for the European Federation))—declaring that Europe "can only evolve along the path of economic progress, democracy, and peace if the nation states become a federation." In 1947–48, he founded the Groupes de liaison internationale (GLI) a trade union movement in the context of revolutionary syndicalism ("syndicalisme révolutionnaire"). His main aim was to express the positive side of surrealism and existentialism, rejecting the negativity and the nihilism of André Breton.
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Carl Spitteler, and Karl Voll, and poetry by . Some of the cultural and social chronicles had nationalist undertones, debating over the requirements of German modernization. As Anglophiles, Hofmiller, Lujo Brentano, and suggested fusing Anglo–American lessons in modernity with the German Volkstum, to make Germany a more competitive capitalist nation; in 1906, a Dr. Paul Tesdorf went further, promoting eugenics as a means to engineer a better people.Alexandre, pp. 197–198, 200–202 In contrast, Naumann and other authors worried about finance capitalism and oligopolies, exhorting a German nationalism based on "democratic capitalism" or syndicalism, and following closely the development of Marxist revisionism.
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" (Roselló) Their ideas were important in individualist anarchist circles in France but also in Spain where Federico Urales (pseudonym of Joan Montseny), promotes the ideas of Gravelle and Zisly in La Revista Blanca (1898–1905). This tendency was strong enough as to call the attention of the CNT-FAI in Spain. Daniel Guérin, in Anarchism: From Theory to Practice, reports how "Spanish anarcho-syndicalism had long been concerned to safeguard the autonomy of what it called "affinity groups". There were many adepts of naturism and vegetarianism among its members, especially among the poor peasants of the south.
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Avram Noam Chomsky (born December 7, 1928) is an American linguist, philosopher, cognitive scientist, historian, social critic, and political activist. Sometimes called "the father of modern linguistics", Chomsky is also a major figure in analytic philosophy, and is one of the founders of the field of cognitive science. He is Laureate Professor of Linguistics at the University of Arizona and Institute Professor Emeritus at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT), and is the author of more than 100 books on topics such as linguistics, war, politics, and mass media. Ideologically, he aligns with anarcho-syndicalism and libertarian socialism.
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Kōtoku was executed for treason in 1911, and the movement was subject to severe repression for a decade. The next leading figure was Ōsugi Sakae, who involved himself heavily in support for anarcho- syndicalism and helped to bring the movement out of its 'winter period', until he was murdered by military police in 1923. Another leading figure was Hatta Shūzō, who reoriented the anarchist movement in a more anarcho-communist direction during the late 1920s, opposing labour unions as a tool of revolution. This produced a split between anarcho-syndicalists and anarcho- communists, which dominated anarchist politics and weakened the movement.
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Armstrong's union involvement increased markedly helped found the new Waihi Amalgamated Miners' and Workers' Union. In 1907 he helped conduct its first case in the Court of Arbitration in 1907, which was able secure only modest salary increases. As a result of this the union and Armstrong himself grew disillusioned with the arbitration process and became attracted to the more radical idea of syndicalism they were introduced to through the New Zealand Federation of Miners (to whom they were affiliated). Armstrong was elected vice president of the miners' federation in October 1908 holding the office for two years.
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The anti-syndicalism law used to prosecute her had recently been upheld by the U.S. Supreme Court which held that threats of violence against the state and individuals did not constitute free speech and was not protected by the First Amendment. Following the high court's decision, Young granted Whitney an unconditional pardon, believing that putting her into a cell was "unthinkable." Young added that the law under which she was convicted was undoubtedly constitutional, but that "abnormal conditions attending the trial" greatly influenced the jury and that "under ordinary circumstances" the case never would have been prosecuted. state capitol.
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The use of the word 'Mardy' in colloquial English to describe a sullen and sulky individual would appear to stem from the old Welsh word for slave. The area grew from a farming community to town around the coal mining industry and the development of Mardy Colliery in the late 19th century, but its last pit (Mardy Main) shut in 1990. Maerdy was not originally an area of industrial confrontation, with the Cambrian mines of Pentre showing far more socialist ideals. This view would change by the mid to late 20th century when Maerdy became synonymous with working class syndicalism and solidarity.
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Upon Sorel's death, an article in the Italian Fascist doctrinal review Gerarchia edited by Benito Mussolini and Agostino Lanzillo, a known Sorelian, declared "Perhaps fascism may have the good fortune to fulfill a mission that is the implicit aspiration of the whole oeuvre of the master of syndicalism: to tear away the proletariat from the domination of the Socialist party, to reconstitute it on the basis of spiritual liberty, and to animate it with the breath of creative violence. This would be the true revolution that would mold the forms of the Italy of tomorrow."Sternhell et al., p. 93.
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Lynx's politics can be generally described as anarchist, but he also referred to himself as an autonomist, indigenist and feminist and described his vision of an ideal future as a blend between anarcho-syndicalism and mutualism. He augmented the traditional anarchist emphasis on class with a heavy emphasis on culture and history. According to interviews, his major political influences include Noam Chomsky, Ward Churchill, Emma Goldman, Peter Kropotkin, Mikhail Bakunin, Michael Collins, Lucy Parsons, and Mutualists like Pierre-Joseph Proudhon. He was a member of the Industrial Workers of the World, supporting their organizing and linking to their website.
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Shortly thereafter, he joined the organizers of the Kursk Conference, which commissioned him to draft adopted resolutions and prepare a statement that could be accepted by all the trends and nuances of anarchism - allowing everyone to work in a single organization. Thus, Volin formulated his idea of Synthesis anarchism, which included syndicalism, communism and individualism, since he considered these to be the three main aspects of anarchism. In the autumn of 1918, Volin created, together with other colleagues, the Nabat, an organization that had a great capacity for mobilization due to its high number of affiliates.
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Kuskova, in particular, became a proponent of Eduard Bernstein's Revisionism, which she championed in her famous and highly controversial 1899 article Credo. Kuskova believed that the orthodox Marxist theory of the inevitable collapse of capitalism was wrong, that the development of capitalism in Russia was beneficial, and that capitalism could develop into socialism by means of gradual reform. These views were labeled 'Economism' by her critics (a somewhat vague term the orthodox Marxists applied to a number of different heresies, from revolutionary syndicalism to revisionism). These critics included George Plekhanov, Pavel Axelrod, V.I. Lenin and many others.
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This accounts for the fact > that European Syndicalism, unlike the I.W.W., is not organized into One Big > Union on the basis of perfectly co-ordinated, centralized industrial > departments. It also accounts for the fact that the form of the I.W.W. is > designed to serve not only as a powerful combative force in the everyday > class struggle, but also as the structure of the new society both as regards > production and administration. In 1981 Conlin gave up the "non-syndicalist" cause as a semantic exercise, while simultaneously complimenting Dubofsky for his superior treatment of the IWW's American roots.
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Wobblies have been called socialist, anarchist, and syndicalist. Some would argue that none of these fit well. Writing of French syndicalism in The revolutionary internationals, 1864-1943, Milorad M. Drachkovitch offered the perception that, > It did not occur to the syndicalists that the capitalist state, "eliminated" > by the "expropriatory general strike", would be replaced by a new state with > a new ruling class—the self-taught officials of the labor unions. It was > only after the Bolshevik Revolution that most French syndicalists, dropping > the last vestiges of anarchist anti-statism, adopted the slogan au syndicat > le pouvoir, i.e.
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They adopted the red-and-black flag of anarcho-syndicalism. In the city of La Paz, FOL maintained the periodical Luz y Verdad, while FOI published the Defensa Obrera, which launched a campaign for an eight-hour day. 1918 the FOI was renamed the Federación Obrera del Trabajo (FOT), which moved ideologically towards marxism. During the 1920s, the presence of anarchism within the labor movement was at its highest point, with anarchist participating in the struggles of the Bolivian miners. Many strikes - such as in Huanuni in 1919 - were started to demand an eight-hour work day.
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Reformists and French syndicalists were critical of the congress. The British Socialist Party's journal Justice labeled the declaration of principles "a strange mixture of Socialism and Anarchism", while the organ of the German Free Trade Unions claimed it "contains nothing but trite phrases". The congress itself, the German socialists declared, was "unquestionably a complete fiasco". Meanwhile, in his report for La Vie Ouvrière, Alfred Rosmer said the declaration of principles lacked clarity, predicted only the Germans, Dutch, and Swedes would truly adhere to the Information Bureau, and predicted the congress would be harmful to syndicalism and the labor movement in general.
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The divisions with communism saw Acharya move away to later identify himself as an anarcho-syndicalist. He is known to have been in touch with French anarchists, along with Chatto, in the early 1920s, and insisted including anarcho-syndicalists at the Congresses of the Communist International. In 1923, he began including Anarchist works in the mails sent to those in India who were in the cominterns mailing list. He was contributing at this time to the Russian Anarchist publication Rabochii Put, and the Indian activist Indulal Yagnik notes having met Acharya in Amsterdam in 1931 working with the school of Anarchist-Syndicalism.
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He was enthusiastic about the 1917 October Revolution in Russia. This gave him an enduring internationalist and pacifist outlook. He wrote later, At the first postwar congress of the General Confederation of Labor (CGT: Confédération générale du travail), held in Lyon from 15–21 September 1919, Monmousseau was among the leaders of the minority, with Pierre Monatte, Raymond Péricat and Joseph Tommasi. This group denounced the CGT membership in the Amsterdam International of Labor Unions, and said the CGT majority had broken with the principles of syndicalism and lost faith in revolution by dealing with the government.
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It also called for a social revolution that would have seen Spanish society transformed by National Syndicalism. Following the execution of its leader, José Antonio Primo de Rivera, by the Republicans, the party swelled in size to several hundred thousand members. The leadership of the Falange suffered 60 percent casualties in the early days of the civil war, and the party was transformed by new members and rising new leaders, called camisas nuevas ("new shirts"), who were less interested in the revolutionary aspects of National Syndicalism.Arnaud Imatz, "La vraie mort de Garcia Lorca" 2009 40 NRH, 31–34, pp. 32–33.
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Argentine anarchist historian Angel Cappelletti reports that in Argentina "[a]mong the workers that came from Europe in the 2 first decades of the century, there was curiously some stirnerian individualists influenced by the philosophy of Nietzsche, that saw syndicalism as a potential enemy of anarchist ideology. They established [...] affinity groups that in 1912 came to, according to Max Nettlau, to the number of 20. In 1911 there appeared, in Colón, the periodical El Único, that defined itself as 'Publicación individualista'". Vicente Rojas Lizcano, whose pseudonym was Biófilo Panclasta, was a Colombian individualist anarchist writer and activist.
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In 1914 and 1915, factional differences within the Finnish Socialist Federation erupted and led to a split of the federation. This controversy was a reprise of a similar fight which had swept the Socialist Party of America in 1912 and 1913, over the issues of syndicalism and sabotage and the party's relationship to the radical industrial union, the Industrial Workers of the World. The constructive socialist Eastern District, centered around the newspaper Raivaaja, named a slate of candidates for the Executive Committee of the Federation in the 1914 referendum election. Apparently supported by a moderate group then heading the newspaper Työmies, the Raivaaja group was elected in its entirety.
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The anarchist ideology arrived in Palestine at the beginning of the 20th century, carried by a big wave of emigrants from Eastern Europe (Russia, Lithuania, Ukraine, Poland). The ideas of Peter Kropotkin and Leo Tolstoy had remarkable influence on famous exponents of some Left Zionists, such as Yitzhak Tabenkin, Berl Katznelson, and Mark Yarblum. The organizer of the Jewish self-defense movement, Joseph Trumpeldor, who later became a hero of the Israeli right, was very close to anarcho-syndicalism and even declared himself an anarcho-communist. Anarchism has also had some influence on the constitution of socio-political movements such as Poalei Zion, Tzeirei Zion, HeHalutz, and Gdud HaAvoda.
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Foster took his own advice and became a union business agent for a local of the Brotherhood of Railway Carmen of America in Chicago. He continued his syndicalist campaign, this time through the International Trade Union Educational League, while obtaining a position as a general organizer for the AFL in 1915. His syndicalism led him to drop any criticism of the more conservative union leaders; in his eyes, organizing workers was a step toward dismantling capitalism. The ITUEL did not so much seek to take power in those organizations in which its members were active, as to steer them in a more progressive direction.
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They announced that "the time has come for radical elements from the groups devoted to war resistance, socialism, militant labor unionism, consumer cooperation, and racial equality to attempt to come together in a common program of revolutionary action." The CNVR promoted civil disobedience, and it opposed the formation of the United Nations, picketing outside the Waldorf Astoria Hotel in 1946. The group also published a number of bulletins and managed to sponsor another conference, whose theme was Radicalism in the Next Five Years, from August 8 to 10, 1947. However, the wide variety of views held by the members, ranging from pacifism to anarcho-syndicalism, made effective organization difficult.
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Confederation of revolutionary anarcho-syndicalists publishes paper "Pryamoye Deystviye" ("Direct Action") (since 1994, some time in the past in the form of a theoretical review) and the magazine "Libertarnaya Mysl" ("Libertarian thought") (from the end of 2008). In addition, during a few years after 1998, bulletin «The new workers movement» was published. Also a series of booklets was issued by CRAS-IWA ("Positive program of anarchists" of G. Hadjiev, «What is anarcho-syndicalism?» and some others). The paper Chornaya Zvezda (Black Star) published by CRAS-IWA in 2003–2008, is now in the hands of splinter group MPST and has no relation with CRAS after 2008.
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He lived in Buenos Aires from 1885, where he resumed publication of La Questione Sociale, and was involved in the founding of the first militant workers' union in Argentina, the Bakers Union, and left an anarchist impression in the workers' movements there for years to come. Returning to Europe in 1889, he published a newspaper called L'Associazione in Nice until he was forced to flee to London. During this time he wrote several important pamphlets, including L'Anarchia. Malatesta then took part in the International Anarchist Congress of Amsterdam (1907), where he debated in particular with Pierre Monatte on the relation between anarchism and syndicalism (or trade-unionism).
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David D. Roberts, The Syndicalist Tradition and Italian Fascism, University of North Carolina Press, 1979, p. 290 Rossoni strove to build a “collective interest in the economy,” that would subject employers to Fascist discipline while providing a more substantial role for workers to make economic decisions.David D. Roberts, The Syndicalist Tradition and Italian Fascism, University of North Carolina Press, 1979, p. 289 In an effort to set the basic revolutionary direction of the Fascist state, Rossoni argued that Fascist syndicalism should be at the forefront, proclaiming in Mussolini's Il Popolo d'Italia newspaper that “only the Fascist syndicates could complete the revolution.”Martin Blinkhorn, edit.
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Rather, anarchism (including syndicalism) emerged as a movement in the International Workingmen's Association, or "First International," founded in 1864: the new anarchist current emerged simultaneously in Europe and Latin America. After the International split in 1872, the anarchist majority (sometimes known as the Anarchist St. Imier International) attracted affiliates in central Asia and North Africa. This is ignored by flawed twentieth century scholarship, which reduced anarchism to anti-statism, so conflating the movement with earlier (as well as parallel) libertarian currents. Thus, anarchism is regarded here as a distinct, continuous and novel ideological and political tradition, not a gallery of superficially similar moments and thinkers.
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Curiel's fascination with Steiner's philosophy diminished with time, as he gradually developed an interest in the dominant currents of idealist philosophy, in particular Kant, Fichte, Hegel, Benedetto Croce and Giovanni Gentile. At the same time, he was drawn into the study of more practical philosophical issues through a reading of the works of Georges Sorel and anarchic syndicalism. He pursued these studies at the Institute of the Philosophy of Law, where he became friends with Ettore Luccini and Enrico Opocher. But, during his sojourn in Padua at this period, a decisive event was his renewal of acquaintance with his childhood friend, Atto Braun, with whom he shared lodgings.
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He was one of the founders of the pacifist Committee for the Resumption of international relations, and he and Bourderon were the spokesmen for the committee. In all trade union and socialist congresses, he supported the position of the Zimmerwald Conference. Loriot leaned towards the socialist rather than the syndicalist, side in the committee, but towards the end of his life, he moved towards syndicalism. In February 1917, the Committee for the Resumption of International Relations split, with Jean Raffin-Dugens, Bourderon and Pierre Brizon joining the SFIO minority, led by Jean Longuet, and Loriot and fellow socialists Charles Rappoport, Louise Saumoneau and François Mayoux took control of the committee.
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Anarchism in Spain has historically gained much support and influence, especially before Francisco Franco's victory in the Spanish Civil War of 1936–1939, when it played an active political role and is considered the end of the golden age of classical anarchism. There were several variants of anarchism in Spain, namely expropriative anarchism in the period leading up to the conflict, the peasant anarchism in the countryside of Andalusia; urban anarcho-syndicalism in Catalonia, particularly its capital Barcelona; and what is sometimes called "pure" anarchism in other cities such as Zaragoza. However, these were complementary trajectories and had many ideological similarities. Early on, the success of the anarchist movement was sporadic.
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From the late 2000s onward, the ZACF has come under the influence of especifismo, a tendency which originated in the Federación Anarquista Uruguaya (FAU, or Uruguayan Anarchist Federation). While committed to promoting syndicalism in the unions, ZACF work was in practice largely focused on the so-called "new social movements", formed in South Africa in response to the perceived failures of the African National Congress (ANC) government post-apartheid. The ZACF was involved in the campaigns of the Anti-Privatisation Forum (APF) and the Landless People's Movement (LPM). It has also been involved in solidarity work with Abahlali baseMjondolo and the Western Cape Anti-Eviction Campaign.
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Charlotte Anita Whitney (July 7, 1867 – February 4, 1955), best known as "Anita Whitney," was an American women's rights activist, political activist, suffragist, and early Communist Labor Party of America and Communist Party USA organizer in California. She is best remembered as the defendant in a landmark 1920 California criminal syndicalism trial, Whitney v. California, which featured a landmark U.S. Supreme Court concurring opinion by Justice Louis Brandeis that only a "clear and present danger" would be sufficient for the legislative restriction of the right of free speech. This standard would ultimately be employed against the Communists again during the Second Red Scare of the 1950s.
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On February 24, 1920, the other four counts, which caused a deadlock in the jury, were dismissed. Whitney was given an indeterminate sentence of from 1 to 14 years in prison at San Quentin Penitentiary. The appeals process was begun. After 11 days imprisonment, Whitney was permitted to post $10,000 bail pending appeal only after three physicians gave testimony that continued incarceration would present a danger to her health.Whitten, Criminal Syndicalism and the Law in California, pg. 48. The first appeal was filed on February 28 in the District Court of Appeal in the First Appellate District, San Francisco, citing 16 grounds for appeal and points of error.
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CNT was established Hubert Lagardelle wrote that Pierre-Joseph Proudhon laid out fundamental ideas of anarcho-syndicalism and repudiated both capitalism and the state in the process since he viewed free economic groups and struggle, not pacifism, as dominant in humans.Jameson, J. F., The American Historical Review (American Historical Association, 1895), p. 731. In September 1903 and March 1904, Sam Mainwaring published in Britain two issues of a short-lived newspaper called The General Strike, a publication that made detailed criticisms of the "officialism" of union bureaucracy and publicized strikes in Europe making use of syndicalist tactics."The Great Dock Strike of 1889," Direct Action #47, 11 August 2009.
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The Anarcho- Syndicalism Initiative (ASI) is currently one of the more active anarchist groups operating in Serbia. They are known as the Union Confederation Anarcho- Syndicalist Initiative section that forms part of the International Workers Association and they have committees in many Serbian towns and cities, including Kragujevac, Kula, Cervenka, and Vrsac. They spread their ideology through the magazine Direct Action (Direktna Akcija), which is distributed through various channels to workers instead of being sold on newsstands, and in which they publish pieces against the state, authoritarian control, and capitalism. The group is believed to consist of approximately 1,000 anarchists, many of whom are students and workers.
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From 1911 the ideas of syndicalism began to gain a foothold in the Auckland area under the banner of the Industrial Workers of the World, while the anti-political impossibilist ideas of the Socialist Party of Great Britain made their mark upon others. All of these tendencies would contribute adherents to the pioneer New Zealand communist movement. Particularly worthy of note were a small network of Marxist study circles were formed during the wartime years, concentrated mainly in the small mining communities of the South Island.Bert Roth, "New Zealand," in Witold S. Sworakowski (ed.), World Communism: A Handbook, 1918–1965. Stanford, CA: Hoover Institution Press, 1973; p. 337.
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Minguijón Street, Zaragoza As a conservative theorist who strove to stimulate organization of the working class Minguijón failed; he is not noted as influencing Carlist syndicates either in their Catholic or pistolerismo format.Minguijón is not a single time mentioned in works dealing with Catholic and Carlist syndicalism as developing in the early 20th century, compare Colin M. Winston, Carlist workers groups in Catalonia, 1900–1923, [in:] Stanley G. Payne. (ed.), Identidad y nacionalismo en la España contemporánea: el carlismo, 1833–1975, Madrid 2001, , pp. 85–101, his also The Proletarian Carlist Road to Fascism: Sindicalismo Libre, [in:] Journal of Contemporary History 17/1 (1982), pp.
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Juan Perón built his power base on his alliance with trade unions in Argentina, many of whom supported syndicalism whilst his government would go on to maintain links with Franco. However, Falangism in the country was largely ill at ease with Peronism until the emergence of the Tacuara Nationalist Movement in the 1960s. This violent movement looked to José Antonio Primo de Rivera for its inspirationFederico Finchelstein, The Ideological Origins of the Dirty War: Fascism, Populism, and Dictatorship in Twentieth Century Argentina, Oxford University Press, 2017, p. 98 and was also inspired by the works of Julio Meinvielle, himself a strong admirer of Falangism.
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The term "Falangism" should not be applied to the military dictatorships of such figures as Alfredo Stroessner, Augusto Pinochet and Rafael Trujillo because while these individuals often enjoyed close relations to Francisco Franco's Spain, their military nature and frequent lack of commitment to national syndicalism and the corporate state mean that they should not be classed as Falangist (although individuals within each regime may have been predisposed towards the ideology). The phenomenon can be seen in a number of movements both past and present. The popularity of Falangism in Latin America declined after the defeat of Fascism and the Axis powers in World War II.
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Monatte often referred himself to Fernand Pelloutier and did not disguise his anarchist sympathies although he drifted away from that current of socialism after the International Anarchist Congress of Amsterdam in 1907. There, Monatte argued in particular with Errico Malatesta concerning the methods of organisation. Invoking the 1906 Charter of Amiens, which established the principle of "political neutrality" of trade unions, Monatte considered syndicalism itself to be revolutionary, but Malatesta advocated the creation of some sort of anarchist organisation to superate internal conflicts among the workers' movement itself.Monatte and Malatesta's speech during the 1907 Congress Monatte was the first secretary general of the Comités syndicalistes révolutionnaires (Revolutionary Syndicalist Committees).
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The SDF became the British Socialist Party in 1911, and MacDougall attended its first conference, the following year, at which he was appointed to a committee to investigate grievances in the Aberdeen branch.The first annual conference of the British Socialist Party, British Socialist Party, p.10 Around this time, he became interested in syndicalism, a position which Maclean did not share, but this did not produce a lasting rift, and MacDougall was soon back to acting as Maclean's chief supporter.Brian John Ripley and J. McHugh, John Maclean, pp.57 In 1914, MacDougall was elected to the Eastwood School Board, joining his comrade James Blair, the SDF's greatest success in the area.
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Kanson Arahata, who was one of those in prison at the time of the Incident, retreated to the countryside during the winter period, not returning to Tokyo until 1916. Ōsugi and Arahata were both anarcho- syndicalists, and helped to push the anarchist movement in that direction. Ōsugi understood French, and his translations of French media became the principal source of information in Japan on the French CGT union, a pioneer of syndicalist tactics. Together, the two began to publish a journal in October 1912 called Modern Thought (Kindai Shisō), which explored anarchist syndicalism through a literary and philosophical lens, so as to avoid government persecution.
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In their new party and state roles some actively promoted Traditionalism e.g. by means of propaganda or personal appointments, some strictly stuck to the official "unificated" line, and some turned into zealous new Falangists, advancing national-syndicalism and at times engineering anti-Traditionalist measures. for a variety of positions taken by the Carlist militant towards the unification see e.g. Peñalba Sotorrio 2013, pp. 51-91, Martorell Pérez 2009, pp. 28-175, Peñas Bernaldo 1996, pp. 294-300 In the late 1930s and early 1940s it was already clear that a significant section of Carlism was actively engaged in development of Francoism. Francisco Javier Caspistegui Gorasurreta, El naufragio de las ortodoxias.
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Headed by Frederick Law Olmsted, Jr., the survey commission investigated lands across the state suitable for state protection and developed plans for their future financing. A year later in a voter initiative supported by Young, state voters approved the creation of California State Park system. In late June 1927, Young personally intervened for Charlotte Anita Whitney, a member of the Communist Party of the United States, who had been convicted under the 1919 Criminal Syndicalism Act passed under Governor William Stephens. In 1919, Whitney had been arrested in Oakland after defying civic authorities in making a speech in behalf of John McHugh, a member of the Industrial Workers of the World.
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Bakunin's methods of realizing his revolutionary program were consistent with his principles. The working class and peasantry were to organize from below through local structures federated with each other, "creating not only the ideas, but also the facts of the future itself." Their movements would prefigure the future in their ideas and practices, creating the building blocks of the new society. This approach was exemplified by syndicalism, an anarchist strategy championed by Bakunin, according to which trade unions would provide both the means to defend and improve workers' conditions, rights and incomes in the present, and the basis for a social revolution based upon workplace occupations.
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Independence anarchism frames national questions primarily in terms of equality, and the right of all peoples to cultural autonomy, linguistic rights, etc. Being grounded in such concepts, independence anarchism is strongly opposed to racism, xenophobia, national supremacism and isolationism of any kind, favouring instead internationalism and cooperation between peoples. Independence anarchists also stand opposed to homogenisation within cultures, holding diversity as a core principle. Those who identify as part of the tendency may also ground their position in a commitment to anti-racism (postcolonial anarchism), class struggle (anarcho-communism and anarcho- syndicalism), ecology (green anarchism), feminism (anarcha-feminism) and LGBT liberation (queer anarchism).AAVV.
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Volin was a prolific writer and anarchist intellectual who played an important part in the organization and leadership of Nabat. The Nabat Confederation of Anarchist Organizations, better known simply as Nabat (Набат), was an anarchist organization that came to prominence in Ukraine during the years 1918 to 1920. The area where it held the most influence is sometimes referred to as the Free Territory, though Nabat had branches in all of the major cities in southern Ukraine. Volin was charged with writing a platform for Nabat that could be agreeable to all the major branches of anarchism, most importantly anarcho-syndicalism, anarcho-collectivism/communism and anarcho-individualism.
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Giovanni Roberti was born in 1909 in Naples. During the Second World War he was captured by the British and interned in the Hereford concentration camp (known as "Fascists' criminal camp") in Texas. A Labor lawyer and professor of labor legislation at the University of Naples, he was co-founder and president from 1950 and secretary general from 1964 to 1977 of CISNAL, the union close to the positions of national syndicalism. Roberti was elected in 1948 to the Chamber of Deputies in the constituency of Naples among the ranks of the Italian Social Movement and he sat uninterruptedly in Montecitorio from the first to the seventh parliamentary legislature (1976–1979).
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At the 1907 Colne Valley by- election, Littlewood was a leading supporter of Victor Grayson, an ILP member who was refused national support because he did not support the Labour Party.David Clark, Victor Grayson: Labour's Lost Leader Grayson was successful, and Littlewood regained his seat on the Urban District Council, in addition to one on the Board of Guardians. However, the newly renamed Colne Valley Socialist League followed Grayson in moving away from the ILP and towards syndicalism, a position which Littlewood opposed. In 1910, Grayson lost his seat, and the local group split from the ILP, joining the British Socialist Party on its formation, the following year.
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State Socialism and Anarchism: How Far They Agree and Wherein They Differ. As an anti-capitalist and libertarian socialist philosophy, anarchism is placed on the far-left of the political spectrum and much of its economics and legal philosophy reflect anti-authoritarian interpretations of left-wing politics such as communism, collectivism, syndicalism, mutualism, or participatory economics. As anarchism does not offer a fixed body of doctrine from a single particular worldview, many anarchist types and traditions exist and varieties of anarchy diverge widely. As a result, anarchist schools of thought can differ fundamentally yet maintain the common tenets of anarchism, supporting anything from extreme individualism to complete collectivism.
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Demonstration on 10 July 2010 (Barcelona), against the ruling by the Constitutional Court of Spain rejecting the new Statute of Autonomy (2006) Demonstration in favour of unity with Spain, Barcelona, 10 October 2017 Before the Civil War, followers of the Catalanist Lliga were largely of the middle class, while industrial workers (many of whom did not speak Catalan) were more likely to support either socialism, represented by different political parties and the UGT union, or anarcho-syndicalism (CNT and FAI).Carr, p. 554. A left- wing nationalist party, the Republican Left of Catalonia (Esquerra or ERC) was formed in 1931 and soon grew to overshadow the Lliga.Carr, p. 609.
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Location of Aragon in Spain The three provinces making up the present-day Autonomous Community of Aragon roughly coincide with the former Kingdom of Aragon, up to the early 18th century a discrete entity within the wider Crown of Aragon. The irrigated Ebro valley contrasts with mountainous areas of low rainfall, marked in the past by rural poverty, a stronghold of anarcho-syndicalism in the earlier 20th century and, in the Maestrazgo, of Carlism in the 19th century.Brenan, p. 98. Aragon, like Catalonia, maintained much of its independence under the Crown of Castile, up to the point of a revolt in 1591-1592 over their regional rights and independence.
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Volin was a prolific writer and anarchist intellectual who played an important part in the organization and leadership of Nabat. The Nabat Confederation of Anarchist Organizations, better known simply as Nabat (Набат), was an anarchist organization that came to prominence in Ukraine during the years 1918 to 1920. The area where it held the most influence is sometimes referred to as the Free Territory, though Nabat had branches in all of the major cities in southern Ukraine. Volin was charged with writing a platform for Nabat that could be agreeable to all the major branches of anarchism, most importantly anarcho- syndicalism, anarcho-collectivism, anarcho-communism, and anarcho- individualism.
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Following the split from the SPD, the FVdG was increasingly influenced by French syndicalism and anarchism. In 1908, Kater called the Charter of Amiens, the platform of the French General Confederation of Labor (CGT), the earliest and largest syndicalist union worldwide, "a new revelation".Bock 1969, p. 31–32. Although there was no contact between German "intellectual anarchists" (like Gustav Landauer and Erich Mühsam) and the FVdG, it did have influential anarchist members, most notably Andreas Kleinlein and Fritz Köster. Kleinlein and Köster increasingly influenced the federation from 1908 on,Bock 1989, p. 306. and this led to the founding of Der Pionier in 1911.
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On the other hand, the influence which Castro took from Marx was his "concept of what human society is", without which, Castro argued, "you can't formulate any argument that leads to a reasonable interpretation of historical events". Castro attended schools run by Jesuits that "contributed to my development and influenced my sense of justice". Castro also stated that it was at his Jesuit-run high school that he became influenced by Falangism, the Spanish variety of national syndicalism, and its founder, José Antonio Primo de Rivera. Castro also participated in Hispanidad, a movement that criticized Anglo Saxon material values and admired the moral values of Spanish and Spanish American culture.
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Even The Times conceded too that Dr Macnamara had formidable electioneering experience.The Times, 3 March 1920 p16 Macnamara and Carroll both issued election addresses on 23 March, Macnamara defending the government’s record and promising that the Coalition was doing all it could to keep the cost of living down, increase housing provision and restore the economy after the great expenses of the war. He also attacked the socialism and syndicalism of the Labour Party with great rhetorical flourish.The Times, 24 March 1920 p18 In this he may have been influenced by the behaviour Labour supporters at one of his public meetings on 26 March who rushed in and howled him down attempting to disrupt the event.
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As he initiated a campaign in New York city to advance the rights of the most exploited migrant workers, his scholarly output also centered on the immigrant workers. He is completing the co-authored work: Migration in a World of Inequality (Monthly Review Press 2014). Ness is also writing on working class self-activity, labour migration, anarcho-syndicalism, workers' councils and cooperatives and new forms of worker organization in the United States, Caribbean, Africa, South Asia, Latin America, and Europe. He is researching independent workers organisations and documenting mobilizations outside of traditional labour models—including efforts to organise autonomous and syndicalist unions outside traditional labour jurisdictions, anti-capitalism, and opposition to global neoliberal governance.
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586-7 In late nineteenth century, and at the beginning of the twentieth century, industrial democracy, along with anarcho-syndicalism and new unionism, represented one of the dominant themes in revolutionary socialism and played a prominent role in international labour movements. The term industrial democracy was also used by British socialist reformers Sidney and Beatrice Webb in their 1897 book Industrial Democracy. The Webbs used the term to refer to trade unions and the process of collective bargaining. While the influence of the movements promoting industrial democracy declined after the defeat of the anarchists in the Spanish Revolution in 1939, several unions and organizations advocating the arrangement continue to exist and are again on the rise internationally.
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Dutch resistance members with US 101st Airborne troops in Eindhoven, September 1944 Anti-fascism is a political movement in opposition to fascist ideologies, groups and individuals. It began in a few European countries in the 1920s and eventually spread around the world. It was at its most significant shortly before and during World War II, where the Axis powers were opposed by many countries forming the Allies of World War II and dozens of resistance movements worldwide. Anti-fascism has been an element of movements across the political spectrum and holding many different political positions such as anarchism, communism, pacifism, republicanism, social democracy, socialism and syndicalism, also including some centrist, conservative, liberal and nationalist viewpoints.
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WCF-backed politicians constituted fully one third of the seats in the 1937 Washington House, a voting bloc that enabled the passage of a bevy of bills addressing longtime progressive concerns, including repeal of the state's California Criminal Syndicalism Act, passage of a pure food and drug act, establishment of a minimum wage for state employees, establishment of a graduated income tax, and other measures. The Communist Party showed a pattern of impressive growth in Washington state during these last years of the 1930s. From a membership of 1,137 in 1936, total CPUSA membership in the state grew to 5,016 by the end of 1938 and continued to increase in the first months of 1939.
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However the International was formed as many countries were entering periods of extreme repression, and many of the largest IWA unions were shattered during that period.Vadim Damier (2009), Anarcho- syndicalism in the 20th Century As a result, by the end of World War II all but one of the International's branches had ceased to function as unions, a slump which continued throughout the 1940s and 1950s. It would not be until the late 1970s, with the death of Spanish caudillo Francisco Franco, that it would see a major union, the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT) reform within its ranks. After the 1970s, the International expanded and currently counts 14 member sections and 6 Friends.
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Mafune was born in what is now Koriyama city, Fukushima prefecture to the wealthy family of a local sake brewer and landowner. Adopted into the household of a family friend in Hokkaido, he was treated as a servant, and fled his adopted household back to Fukushima. Mafune studied English literature at the Literature Department of Waseda University in Tokyo, where he became interested in the Irish theater, and where he started to write one-act plays. He was influenced by the works of Henrik Ibsen and August Strindberg as well as the politics of Irish revolutionary leader James Connolly. He left school to join a leftist agrarian commune in the late 1920s modeled after Connolly’s views on syndicalism.
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A Kansas statute defined "criminal syndicalism" as "the doctrine which advocates crime, physical violence, arson, destruction of property, sabotage, or other unlawful acts or methods, as a means of accomplishing or effecting industrial or political ends, or as a means of effecting industrial or political revolution, or for profit . . ." The law was applied by a state court and was charged if the accused in some fashion held these views and formed a group of followers with a similar intent. Fiske was tried and convicted of violating this act, and the judgement was upheld in the Supreme Court of Kansas. He then appealed to the Federal Supreme Court where his case was heard.
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Hagerty was not long in moving outside of the Socialist Party's orbit altogether, changing the focus of his efforts to the construction of new radical industrial unions. In 1904 Hagerty took a position as editor of a short-lived monthly publication of the American Labor Union called Voice of Labor, through which he gave voice to his ideas about organization of workers in industry. It was in this capacity as a leading union magazine editor of the day that Hagerty was invited early in January 1905 as one of 23 industrial union activists from 9 organizations to a secret Chicago conference for the planning of a new national union.Paul Frederick Brissenden, The IWW: A Study of American Syndicalism.
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A 'labor federation' is a group of unions or labor organizations that are in some sense coordinated. The terminology used to identify such organizations grows out of usage, and has sometimes been imprecise; For example, according to Paul Frederick Brissenden nationals are sometimes named internationals, federations are named unions, etc."...the so-called 'international' union [is] rarely more than national in scope..." Paul Frederick Brissenden, The I.W.W. A Study of American Syndicalism, Columbia University, 1919, page 70 The issues that divided labor federations and fostered competition were many and varied. The oft conflicting philosophies between the craft unionists and the industrial unionists played a role, as did differing ideas about political vs.
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Murray Bookchin Social ecology is closely related to the work and ideas of Murray Bookchin and influenced by anarchist Peter Kropotkin. Social ecologists assert that the present ecological crisis has its roots in human social problems and that the domination of human-over-nature stems from the domination of human- over-human. Bookchin later developed a political philosophy to complement social ecology which he called Communalism (spelled with a capital C to differentiate it from other forms of communalism). While originally conceived as a form of social anarchism, he later developed Communalism into a separate ideology which incorporates what he saw as the most beneficial elements of anarchism, Marxism, syndicalism and radical ecology.
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He was also made President of the Académie des Sciences morales et politiques, and in addition, he became Officier de la Légion d'honneur, and Officier de l'Instruction publique. Bergson found disciples of many types. In France movements such as neo-Catholicism and Modernism on the one hand and syndicalism on the other endeavoured to absorb and appropriate for their own ends some central ideas of his teaching. The continental organ of socialist and syndicalist theory, Le Mouvement socialiste, portrayed the realism of Karl Marx and Pierre-Joseph Proudhon as hostile to all forms of intellectualism, and argued, therefore, that supporters of Marxist socialism should welcome a philosophy such as that of Bergson.
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Hinke Bergegren in 1891 Cartoon of Hjalmar Branting trying to clean the mouth of Hinke Bergegren Henrik "Hinke" Bergegren (1861-May 10, 1936) was a Swedish Social Democratic politician. Bergegren was an early member of the newly founded Swedish Social Democratic Party and he represented a revolutionary tendency, best described as Anarcho-syndicalism (but did not later join the SAC, co-founded by followers of Hinke, and continued to criticize the union from an anarchist standpoint). He was an important figure in the publishing of the Brand, one of the oldest still published anarchist magazines in the world. Because of his anarchistic standpoints, Bergegren was later expelled from the Social Democratic Party by its leader Hjalmar Branting.
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December 4, 1914. Following the suppression of the Russian Revolution of 1905 and the consequent exile of political dissidents from the Russian Empire, Russian-language journalism in New York City enjoyed a revival. Among the fledgling publications were a number of political newspapers and labor union periodicals, including Golos Truda, which the Union of Russian Workers in the United States and Canada began publishing in the city in 1911, initially on a monthly basis. The newspaper adopted its ideology an anarchist version of syndicalism, a fusion of trade unionism and anarchist philosophy which had emerged from the 1907 International Anarchist Congress of Amsterdam and along similar lines in America through the influential Industrial Workers of the World.
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A new generation of anarchist youth decided to re- establish the FIJL in 2006, deviating from its predecessor in identifying as a formal organisation (something insurrectionary anarchism disavows), as well as being sympathetic to anarcho-syndicalism, although this did not prevent it from criticizing institutions such as the CNT.Anarchist Youths of León, "La Teoría de Cuerdas del Sindicalismo" ("Syndicalism's String Theory") Archived copy. Archived from the original the 15th of April, 2013.Black Flag Group "Lo que es y no es el 19 de julio" ("What is and isn't the 19th of July") In the year 2007 it claimed itself to be the direct continuation of the previous FIJL, since it did not have news from the insurrectionist organization.
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World War I tore the party apart. The orthodox socialists were challenged by advocates of national syndicalism, who called for revolutionary war to liberate Italian-speaking territories from authoritarian Austrian control and force the government by threat of violence to create a corporatist state. The national syndicalists intended to support Italian republicans in overthrowing the monarchy if such reforms were not made and if Italy did not enter the war together with the Allied Powers and their struggle against the Central Empires, seen as the final fight for the worldwide triumph of freedom and democracy. The dominant internationalist and pacifist wing of the party remained committed to avoiding what it called a "bourgeois war".
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A central debate concerned the relation between anarchism and syndicalism (or trade unionism). The Spanish Workers Federation in 1881 was the first major anarcho-syndicalist movement; anarchist trade union federations were of special importance in Spain. The most successful was the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (National Confederation of Labour: CNT), founded in 1910. Before the 1940s, the CNT was the major force in Spanish working class politics, attracting 1.58 million members at one point and playing a major role in the Spanish Civil War. The CNT was affiliated with the International Workers Association, a federation of anarcho-syndicalist trade unions founded in 1922, with delegates representing two million workers from 15 countries in Europe and Latin America.
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After the SDB split into the revolutionary Socialist League and the parliamentary Social Democratic Workers' Party (SDAP) in 1894, both remained members and the NAS did not get involved in the conflict between them, but the relations between the NAS and the parties soon deteriorated to the point that in 1896 both the Socialist League and the SDAP were expelled from the NAS, leaving only unions in the organization.Marcel van der Linden, "The Many Faces of Dutch Revolutionary Trade Unionism," in Marcel van der Linden and Wayne Thorpe (eds.), Revolutionary Syndicalism: An International Perspective. Aldershot, England: Scolar Press, 1990; pp. 46-47. By 1896 thirteen national and 16 local unions were part of the NAS.
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Anarchism in South Africa dates to the 1880s, and played a major role in the labour and socialist movements from the turn of the twentieth century through to the 1920s. The early South African anarchist movement was strongly syndicalist. The ascendance of Marxism–Leninism following the Russian Revolution, along with state repression, resulted in most of the movement going over to the Comintern line, with the remainder consigned to irrelevance. There were slight traces of anarchist or revolutionary syndicalist influence in some of the independent left-wing groups which resisted the apartheid government from the 1970s onward, but anarchism and revolutionary syndicalism as a distinct movement only began re-emerging in South Africa in the early 1990s.
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The All-Russian Executive Committee of the Union of Railwaymen (Russian: Всероссийский исполнительный комитет железнодорожного профсоюза), commonly known in English by its Cyrillic acronym, Vikzhel, was the governing body of an industrial union established in revolutionary Russia during the summer of 1917. Inclined towards syndicalism and standing as one of the most radical Russian unions of the period, Vikzhel played a decisive role in stymying the attempted Kornilov coup in August 1917. At the time of the October Revolution Vikzhel was the largest and best organized union in Russia. Simultaneously but independent of the Bolshevik Party's seizure of state power, Vikzhel would seize control of Russia's railways in the fall of 1917.
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In the following years she fought against exploitation of home workers in the garment industry, for higher wages and improved working conditions, for establishing a law defining minimum wages (which was enacted on 10 July 1915), for equal pay and for the promotion of syndicalism through education of the workers. Duchêne was a member of the council of the Chemiserie-Lingerie union, and from 1913 to 1915 she was president of the labor section of the National Council of French Women (CNFF: Conseil National des femmes françaises). She founded the French Office of Home Labor (OFTD: Office français du Travail à domicile) in 1913. She also founded the French Office for Women's Interests (OFIF: Office français des intérêts féminins).
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Cipriano Damiano González (Comares, September 22, 1916 – Sabadell, April 17, 1986) was a prominent leader in Spanish anarcho-syndicalism, an outstanding fighter in the resistance against Franco's dictatorship and a noted editor of political publications. His father Federico Damiano y Silva, team foreman of Public Works, was based in a small town (Comares) where he met Cipriano's mother, Consuelo González Fernández. But his father died in 1922 of stomach cancer and she was forced to move to the province's capital (Málaga) due to the difficult economic situation in which the family was left. In that city Cipriano was interned with his elder brother in the Casa de la Misericordia, a shelter for homeless kids.
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At times Requetés refused to share the barracks with Falange units, Peñalba Sotorrío 2012, p. 105 and to embrace the official national-syndicalism. internal FET statistics of conflicts devised a number of rubrics the categorize them, with headings like "Falange exige el sometimiento al requeté", "Catalanismo del requeté", or "apoyo del clero al requeté", Peñalba Sotorrío 2012, pp. 100-103 During the 1940s the Falangists and groups were referred to as "Requetés" engaged in intimidation e.g. in 1940 requeté militants used to visit bookstores and demand that books of José Antonio Primo de Rivera and other pro-Falangist prints be removed from windows, otherwise "the Requeté police will come and burn you down", Martorell Pérez 2009, p.
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Soon abandoning his dramatic ambitions, Fort-Whiteman next spent two or three years in the Yucatán peninsula of Mexico, where he worked as an accounting clerk for a rope manufacturer, gaining fluency in the Spanish language and studying the rudiments of French. Fort-Whiteman was deeply inspired by the Mexican Revolution which swept the Yucatán in the spring of 1915, advancing a reform program over the staunch opposition of wealthy landowners and the Roman Catholic church.Gilmore, Defying Dixie, pg. 34. He became a committed adherent to the idea of radical transformation of society through trade unions, syndicalism, as a member of an organization called Casa del Obrero Mundial (House of the World Worker, or COM).
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When the local held elections, Bridges and fellow members of the Albion Hall group made up a majority of the executive board and held two of the three business agents positions. The Albion Hall Group stressed the self-help tactics of syndicalism, urging workers to organize by taking part in strikes and slowdowns, rather than depending on governmental assistance under the NIRA. It also campaigned for membership participation in the new ILA local, which had not bothered to hold any membership meetings. Finally, the group started laying the groundwork for organizing on a coastwide basis, meeting with activists from Portland, Oregon and Seattle, Washington and organizing a federation of all of the different unions that represented maritime workers.
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Those that remained, in particular Dieppa, lashed against the new PS affiliates. Vega Santos responded by calling him a traitor and accused him of being a double agent for the wealthy. Dieppa countered by recalling that this was not the first time that Vega Santos had participated in political parties and that he was paid well for it. Despite this, in El porvenir social he would argue that even a "Republican socialist regime" would be better than the current state, but not as ideal as anarcho-syndicalism. In 1914, Capetillo joined the organized workers in Cuba, the following year becoming involved in a strike and endorsing a manifest created by the Federación Anarchists de Cuba.
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Following his graduation in 1904 he taught briefly at his alma mater, as a temporary lecturer in constitutional history. Apart from a brief stint as acting professor of philosophy at the University of Adelaide in 1906, a posting he apparently regretted, he would lecture in Melbourne until his departure for the London School of Economics. In September 1908 he left Australia to attend the LSE where he intended to pursue a D.Sc., although his studies would ultimately be cut short due to illness. While there he studied French syndicalism and was influenced by the Fabian Society and prominent British socialists such as George Bernard Shaw and Sidney Webb and Beatrice Webb, whom he came to know personally.
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In the early 1920s Raposo also became close to a minor group known as Cruzada Non'Alvares, which was the first group in Portugal to openly endorse Benito Mussolini and Italian fascism. Like others in the Integralist movement Raposo also keenly watched the development Movimento Nacional- Sindicalista but, although he personally had some sympathies towards the cause of national syndicalism, he did not follow the likes of Monsaraz in switching to the new movement. However despite his flirtations with fascism Raposo, unlike Sardinha, had no truck with the racialist theories associated with Nazism and similar ideologies and indeed considered the Black African populations of colonies such as Portuguese Angola and Portuguese Mozambique to be as much Portuguese as himself.
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The governments of David Toro and Germán Busch were vaguely committed to corporatism, ultra-nationalism and national syndicalism but they suffered from a lack of coherence in their ideas. The ideas were taken up by the Revolutionary Nationalist Movement (MNR), which was open about its ideological debt to fascism and which joined the military in a pro-Axis powers government under Gualberto Villarroel in 1943.Stanley G. Payne, A History of Fascism 1914-45, 2001, pp. 343-4 After the war the MNR largely turned away from its fascist roots and when Víctor Paz Estenssoro came to power as MNR leader in a 1952 coup any vestiges of fascism had been abandoned.
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Green anarchists protesting the Iraq war Social ecology is closely related to the work and ideas of Murray Bookchin and influenced by anarchist Peter Kropotkin. Social ecologists assert that the present ecological crisis has its roots in human social problems, and that the domination of human-over-nature stems from the domination of human-over-human. Bookchin later developed a political philosophy to complement social ecology which he called "Communalism" (spelled with a capital "C" to differentiate it from other forms of communalism). While originally conceived as a form of Social anarchism, he later developed Communalism into a separate ideology which incorporates what he saw as the most beneficial elements of Anarchism, Marxism, syndicalism, and radical ecology.
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Several attempts by other anarchists to publish radical newspapers and journals in this period were repeatedly banned as well, and some editors were imprisoned. The theoretical split between anarcho-communism and anarcho- syndicalism that emerged within European anarchism was not yet a significant issue within Japanese anarchism, particularly due to the fact that labour unions were still illegal. However, when Kropotkin, a leading advocate of the former faction, signed the Manifesto of the Sixteen in support of the Allied cause in the First World War, it detracted sharply from his reputation amongst Japanese anarchists. The Japanese movement was strongly anti-militarist, and so the reaction against Kropotkin also detracted from the reputation of the communist faction.
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Mussolini declared his opposition to Bolshevism because "Bolshevism has ruined the economic life of Russia" and because he claimed that Bolshevism was incompatible with Western civilization; he said that "we declare war against socialism, not because it is socialism, but because it has opposed nationalism", that "we intend to be an active minority, to attract the proletariat away from the official Socialist party" and that "we go halfway toward meeting the workers"; and he declared that "we favor national syndicalism and reject state intervention whenever it aims at throttling the creation of wealth."Stanislao G. Pugliese. Fascism, anti-fascism, and the resistance in Italy: 1919 to the present. Oxford, England, UK: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc.
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Whilst this proposal was not accepted by the MNS as a group many members approved, resulting in a split within the movement in early 1934, with many of those in favour of the moderate approach rewarded with positions within Salazar's government. Salazar announced the dissolution of the group on July 29, 1934, condemning the group for its defense of syndicalism. Salazar used to call the MNS "National Communists". Despite this official end the National Syndicalists carried on in secret and Rolão Preto helped to lead a conspiracy against the government, which also involved moderate monarchists, some members of the Portuguese Republican Party, and even a few socialists and anarchists who simply wanted to overthrow the regime.
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In 1910 he was again arrested but when he was sent to Siberia, he escaped to Paris, where he worked for the motor-car manufacturer Clément-Bayard. Here he first became familiar with quality assurance which was carried out in a particularly thorough fashion. By 1912 he was working for Citroën where he witnessed the application of assembly line production which André Citroën was introducing following a visit to the Ford plant in the United States. At that time, he became familiar with French Syndicalism and adopted many of the views of that movement, seeing trade unions as a chief means of confronting capitalism by bringing concrete improvements into the lives of workers.
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In total, 2,000 Wobblies (IWW members) were arrested between 1917 and 1918 for "anarchism" or "anti-war efforts". Weeks after the trial of the 46 IWW members, the California Criminal Syndicalism Act was signed into law, making it a felony, punishable by 1 to 14 years in prison, to advocate "violence or sabotage" as a means of bringing about "a change in industrial ownership or control, or affecting any political change." The statute was used to broadly intimidate political opponents from speaking out and was ruled unconstitutional almost 50 years later. This harsh crackdown on labor and the months long anti-union campaigning by the Chamber of Commerce and Downtown Association led many progressives to voice their suspicion.
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Some individualist anarchists are willing to recognize such communism as a legitimate form. Kevin Carson writes that "free market, libertarian communist, syndicalism, and other kinds of collectivist anarchists must learn to coexist in peace and mutual respect today, in our fight against the corporate state, and tomorrow, in the panarchy that is likely to succeed it". As a response, there emerged in the 1980s United States the tendency of post-left anarchy which was influenced profoundly by egoism in aspects such as the critique of ideology. Jason McQuinn says that "when I (and other anti-ideological anarchists) criticize ideology, it is always from a specifically critical, anarchist perspective rooted in both the skeptical, individualist-anarchist philosophy of Max Stirner".
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Black flame: the revolutionary class politics of anarchism and syndicalism, Lucien van der Walt, Michael Schmidt, AK Press, 2009, , p. 317. Later Kilifarski became a member of the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization and a friend with Gotse Delchev. In 1907, together with Michail Gerdjikov, he founded the first periodic anarchistic newspaper in Bulgaria. In 1912 he moved to France and influenced by the experiments of Francisco Ferrer's Modern School, Kilifarski went back to Bulgaria and began constructing his own school, which had to be aborted when the Balkan war broke out in 1912. Antimilitarist, he marched to Switzerland, later to Paris, where he exerted like professor in “The Ruche”, of Sébastien Faure.
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Sébastien Faure Two texts made as responses to the Platform, each proposing a different organizational model, became the basis for what is known as the organisation of synthesis, or simply "synthesism". Voline published in 1924 a paper calling for "the anarchist synthesis" and was also the author of the article in Sébastian Faure's Encyclopedie Anarchiste on the same topic. The main purpose behind the synthesis was that the anarchist movement in most countries was divided into three main tendencies: communist anarchism, anarcho-syndicalism and individualist anarchism and so such an organization could contain anarchists of these 3 tendencies very well. The platformists wanted to push their ideas forward through organizing an international anarchist congress on February 12, 1927.
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By 1914, he was serving on the union's London District Committee, but was expelled from the union in 1915 along with most of the committee's members, for sending circulars to union members without the permission of the national executive. Bolton was soon readmitted to the union, and by 1919 he was a member of its executive committee. On the committee, he was known as a supporter of syndicalism, who often worked closely with Jock Muir. He resigned from the executive after a strike for shorter hours which he supported was ended by a vote of all the members, but he personally retained much support from members, and was persuaded to rescind his resignation.
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It considered the trade-union to be the future group of production and of social repartition and the basis for a social reorganization -- a main view of the syndicalism movement. Considering that all employees were submitted to the same exploitation and alienation, both material and spiritual, it stated that it was a duty for all of them to belong to a trade-union. This, in turn, was followed by the proclamation of the complete freedom for its members to choose the form of political struggle (and, therefore, any party membership) which it deemed the fitter. In exchange, it requested for the union member not to introduce in the union opinions which it professed outside.
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His declarations of the time contained a hardly veiled criticism of Falangist syndicalism, compare La Espiga 06.05.39, available here During 1939 and 1940 CNCA claimed it could operate “sin rozar la función de los Sindicatos verticales”El Dia de Palencia 30.04.39, available here and fought marginalization.e.g. a CNCA document of October 1939 referred to earlier Francoist legislation on cooperatives, adopted on November 29, 1938, and in line with the January 28, 1906 legislation attempted to carve out a space within the rural regime where Catholic syndicated might operate, La Espiga 28.10.39, available here working the fields, early Francoism In the early 1940s militant syndicalist Falangism enjoyed its climax in the Francoist Spain; it translated also into outcome of power struggle within the rural agricultural ambience.
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Encyclopedia Britannica, "Italy: Fascist Era" The accommodation of the political right into the Italian Fascist movement in the early 1920s created internal factions within the movement. The "Fascist left" included Michele Bianchi, Giuseppe Bottai, Angelo Oliviero Olivetti, Sergio Panunzio, and Edmondo Rossoni, who were committed to advancing national syndicalism as a replacement for parliamentary liberalism in order to modernize the economy and advance the interests of workers and the common people. The "Fascist right" included members of the paramilitary Squadristi and former members of the Italian Nationalist Association (ANI). The Squadristi wanted to establish Fascism as a complete dictatorship, while the former ANI members, including Alfredo Rocco, sought to institute an authoritarian corporatist state to replace the liberal state in Italy while retaining the existing elites.
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Black Flame's "core theses" include the propositions "that the global anarchist movement emerged in the First International, that syndicalism is an integral part of the broad anarchist tradition, that this tradition centres on rationalism, socialism and anti- authoritarianism, that the writings of Mikhail Bakunin and Pyotr Kropotkin are representative of its core ideas, and that this 'narrow' definition is both empirically defensible and analytically useful." According to the book, the core ideas of anarchism (including its syndicalist variant) include revolutionary class struggle by the working class and peasantry, internationalism, opposition to all forms of social and economic inequality, anti-imperialism, and a commitment to creating a self-managed global system of libertarian socialism, based on participatory planning and the abolition of markets and states.
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In 1922, Gerlach was accepted as the future director of the Frankfurt Institute for Social Research (Institut für Sozialforschung) in Frankfurt by the Prussian ministry of education and he taught economy and sociology at Frankfurt University. He had already designed the agenda of the institute, but because of his untimely death from diabetes in 1922, Carl Grünberg became the founding director in his stead, followed by Max Horkheimer in 1930. Gerlach had been close to adherents of a moderate socialism from above, coupled with social reforms (Kathedersozialisten), but became a member of the SPD in November 1914 and changed to the more radical USPD in the autumn of 1919. Later on, he sympathised with Anarcho-Syndicalism and became a Marxist.
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He contrasted the German cartel to the American trust, writing, In La question ouvrière en Angleterre (1895) de Rousiers describes a process common to all economically advanced societies of constant advances in mechanization, changes in industrial job requirements and changes to markets, and examines how the different branches of industry are affected by the changes, and how the workers react. While he was in Britain there was a miners' strike. In the conclusion of his work he outlines a concept of syndicalism, with organizations independent of workers and owners that would favor the evolution of industry and solve the "labor question". The way in which the strike was resolved through a conciliation board chaired by a third party seemed to him to foreshadow this new approach.
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In 1930, he approached David Neto and other sidonista (conservatives, initially members of the Partido Republicano Nacionalista), with whom he created the Liga Nacional 28 de maio, self-proclaimed defender of the "national revolution". Rolão Preto gained notoriety as an advocate of national syndicalism and as editor of the Diário Académico Nacionalista da Tarde, first published in 1932, which soon changed its name to the Diário Nacional- Sindicalista da Tarde. He founded the Blue Shirts, which used the Order of Christ Cross, displayed the Roman salute, and became very popular in universities and among the youngest officers of the Portuguese Army. The Preto personality cult grew in 1933 as the movement took to the streets and Preto engaged himself in a national propaganda tour.
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Among the appointees 12 had earlier Cortes experience.none of them Falangist; these who used to seat in the Cortes (either during Restoration or the Republic) were Rodezno, Bilbao, Baleztena, Yanguas, Valiente, Serrano, Sainz, Aunos, Urbina, Arellano and Toledo The appointments marked the end of the constituent phase of Falange Española Tradicionalista. Though the balance of power within the new state party was yet to be established and though its actual political line initially remained vague, some key features were already set and would not be subject to change; firm personal leadership of Franco, predominance of original Falange and its syndicalism, decorative role of formal collective executive bodies like Junta Política or Consejo Nacional and general dependence on state administrative bureaucratic structures.
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Patrick with other anarchists had an ambivalent attitude towards the formation of the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB), and along with Aldred, she helped form the Anti-Parliamentary Communist Federation (APCF) a breakaway group. The key points of contention were the proposed use, by the new group, of parliament and its relationship to the Labour Party. This is seen as a left-wing break from the communist movement and Comintern's view is best encapsulated in Lenin's "Left-Wing" Communism: An Infantile Disorder with its comments chiefly directed at Sylvia Pankhurst. Patrick and others were simply carrying on a popular tradition which had been developed through the politics of the Socialist League and the struggles of syndicalism in Britain prior to the inception of the CPGB.
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Worker self-management became a primary component of some trade union organizations, in particular revolutionary syndicalism which was introduced in late 19th century France and guild socialism in early 20th century Britain, although both movements collapsed in the early 1920s. French trade-union CFDT (Confédération Française Démocratique du Travail) included worker self- management in its 1970 program before later abandoning it. The philosophy of workers' self-management has been promoted by the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) since its founding in the United States in 1905. Critics of workers' self-management from the left such as Gilles Dauvé and Jacques Camatte do not admonish the model as reactionary, but simply as not progressive in the context of developed capitalism.
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An Industrial Workers of the World stickerette or silent agitator The black cat, also called the "wild cat" or "sabot-cat", usually with an arched back and with claws and teeth bared, is closely associated with anarchism, especially with anarcho-syndicalism. It was designed by Ralph Chaplin, who was a prominent figure in the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW). As its stance suggests, the cat is meant to suggest wildcat strikes and radical unionism. The IWW was an important industrial union and was the first American labor union to recruit and organize women and people of color, playing a critical role in the fight for the eight-hour day and in free speech fights all over the country in the early 20th century.
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They ultimately rejected all of the political status options offered to Puerto Rico, considering them unsatisfactory and unrevolutionary, instead promoting anarcho-syndicalism as the real solution. Sandalio Marcial attacked the Union Party on the topic, arguing that the institution did not argue in favor of removing power from the capitalists and that Puerto Rico would still remain economically tied to the United States, a type of "bourgeois independence". In 1914's , socialist Rojas argued that even if Puerto Rico became independent, the economy would be in the hands of "foreign capitalists" and argued that in order to overcome capitalism, patriotic ideas would need to be pushed out so that a unified front could emerge between all of the left's spectrum.
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Finding themselves increasingly isolated, they opted to join the workers' movements after 1890. With the aid of Peter Kropotkin's optimism and persuasive writing, anarcho-communism became the major anarchist current in Europe and abroad—except Spain where anarcho- syndicalism prevailed. The theoretical work of Kropotkin and Errico Malatesta grew in importance later as it expanded and developed pro-organisationalist and insurrectionary anti-organisationalist sections. Kropotkin elaborated on the theory behind the revolution of anarcho-communism saying, "it is the risen people who are the real agent and not the working class organised in the enterprise (the cells of the capitalist mode of production) and seeking to assert itself as labour power, as a more 'rational' industrial body or social brain (manager) than the employers".
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Argentine anarchist historian Angel Cappelletti reports that in Argentina "[a]mong the workers that came from Europe in the 2 first decades of the century, there was curiously some stirnerian individualists influenced by the philosophy of Nietzsche, that saw syndicalism as a potential enemy of anarchist ideology. They established...affinity groups that in 1912 came to, according to Max Nettlau, to the number of 20. In 1911 there appeared, in Colón, the periodical El Único, that defined itself as 'Publicación individualista'". Vicente Rojas Lizcano, whose pseudonym was Biófilo Panclasta, was a Colombian individualist anarchist writer and activist. In 1904, he began using the name Biofilo Panclasta ("Biofilo" in Spanish stands for "lover of life" and "Panclasta" for "enemy of all").
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Hatta was an archetypal pure anarchist, seeking particularly to eliminate the influences of capitalism and bolshevism. He interpreted the two as being essentially similar, as Bolshevik industrialisation in Russia involved the same exploitative elements that capitalism did, namely the division of labour and a failure to focus on the livelihood of the people. In much the same way as he found fault in bolshevism, he opposed anarcho-syndicalism due to the fact that it incorporated labour unions, and was therefore a mirror image of the capitalist division of labour. Instead, Hatta advocated for a decentralised society in which local communes engaged mainly in agriculture and small-scale industry, which he perceived as the only way in which unequal distribution of power could be avoided.
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A.S. Edwards was elected editor of the Bulletin in 1906.Paul Frederick Brissenden, The I.W.W. A Study of American Syndicalism, Columbia University, 1919, page 176 The second series of the Industrial Worker commenced in 1909 in Spokane, Washington, and has continued to this day, with only one major interruption, during the period of 1913-1916. In the early years, it was printed weekly and mainly circulated west of the Mississippi, while the IWW's "Official Eastern Organ" was Solidarity published in New Castle, Pennsylvania and later, Cleveland, which continued until it merged with the Industrial Worker in Chicago in the 1930s. The Spokane paper was the birthplace of the comic strip character Mr. Block, later commemorated in a Joe Hill song.
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After Wills was forced to resign, Kater served as co-president with Jack Tanner. The congress had difficulty agreeing on many issues, the main source of conflict being whether further schisms in the European labor movement (as had occurred in Germany and the Netherlands) should be risked. The FVdG generally agreed with their Dutch comrades in calling on other unions to decide between syndicalism and socialism, while their Italian, French, and Spanish counterparts, most notably Alceste De Ambris of the Italian USI, were more intent on preventing further division. Accordingly, the congress was divided on the question of whether its purpose was to simply pave the way for deeper relations between the syndicalist unions or whether a Syndicalist International was to be founded.
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In 1971 its office was attacked by an organization calling itself the Minutemen, and IWW member Ricardo Gonzalves was indicted for criminal syndicalism along with two members of the Brown Berets. These ties to anti-authoritarian and radical artistic and literary currents would link the IWW even more heavily to the 60s counterculture, exemplified by the publication in Chicago in the 1960s of Rebel Worker by the surrealists Franklin and Penelope Rosemont. One edition was published in London with Charles Radcliffe, who went on to become involved with the Situationist International. By the 1980s, the Rebel Worker was being published as an official organ again, from the IWW's headquarters in Chicago, and the New York area was publishing a newsletter as well.
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In 2010, Italy's postal service intercepted a threatening letter containing a bullet addressed to Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi. A large envelope containing a letter addressed to Berlusconi with the threat "you will end up like a rat" was discovered on Friday in a post office in the Libate suburb of the northern city of Milan. On 23 December 2010, credit for exploding parcels delivered to the Swiss and Chilean embassies in Rome was claimed by the Informal Anarchist Federation. Anarchists organizing a protest During the first years of the 2000s, the Iberian Federation of Libertarian Youth in Spain started to evolve towards insurrectionary anarchist positions and its differences with anarcho- syndicalism became more evident due to the influence of the Black bloc in alterglobalization protests and the examples of developments from Italy and Greece.
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The Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) is a union of wage workers which was formed in Chicago in 1905. The IWW experienced a number of divisions and splits during its early history. When the office of the IWW president was abolished at the convention in 1906, deposed President Sherman and his supporters, many from the Socialist Party and the Western Federation of Miners, formed a rump IWW, which ceased to exist after about a year.Paul Frederick Brissenden, The I.W.W. A Study of American Syndicalism, Columbia University, 1919, pages 174-184 After the 1908 convention of the original IWW, at which Socialist Labor Party (SLP) head Daniel DeLeon was barred from voting via credentials challenges, DeLeon and the SLP bolted to form another rump IWW, which came to be called the Detroit IWW.
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Its > propaganda was couched in abstract formulas; just as its sectarian spirit > developed a sort of subconscious idea that revolutionary activity consisted > in enunciating formulas. This sectarian spirit produced dogmas, intemperate > assertions, and a general tendency toward caricature ideas and caricature > action; and discouraged men of ability from joining the S. L. P.Paul > Frederick Brissenden, The I.W.W. A Study of American Syndicalism, Columbia > University, 1919, page 241, quoting Louis C. Fraina, "DeLeon", New Review, > July, 1914, vol. ii, p. 398 Because IWW President Sherman and some of his followers, who left as a result of the 1906 split, had been associated with the Socialist Party, a member of the Chicago IWW expressed the impression that they had purged the Socialist Party during the 1906 split, and then the Socialist Labor Party during the 1908 split.
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The theoretical work of Peter Kropotkin, who believed that in anarchy workers would spontaneously self-organize to produce goods for all of society, took importance later as it expanded and developed pro-organizationalist and insurrectionary anti-organizationalist sections."Anarchist-Communism" by Alain Pengam. In terms of its vision for a post-capitalist economy, it differs from anarcho-syndicalism in seeing the centre of political-economic organisation as the commune, rather than the workplace, with economic issues being administered primarily on a communal (territorial), rather than unionist (industrial), basis. Although most anarcho-syndicalists agree with the communist method of distribution—"From each according to his ability, to each according to his needs"—they disagree with the commune-based method of organising production and structuring society, making them communists in one sense, but not the other.
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Anarchism was, that is, born as a radical, anti-capitalist current in the radical working class and peasant milieu. Since this milieu was the product of modern capitalist and the modern state in the 1800s, the first anarchist formations emerged in the 1860s and 1870s in areas by then being reshaped by these forces: parts of East as well as West Europe, North Africa as well as North America, and Latin America and the Caribbean. As capitalist modernity expanded into southern Africa from the 1880s and east Asia from the 1890s, anarchism spread into those regions as well. Further, since syndicalism is a variant of anarchism, argues Black Flame, syndicalists who rejected the anarchist label, like James Connolly and Bill Haywood are nonetheless still part of the anarchist tradition.
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This alone was a manifestation of the strengthening of the more extreme Zionist positions. Several changes occurred in this period in tandem, including a reaction to the strengthening of the Zionist component in the government. Still, not all of the numerous changes occurring in tandem are due to one factor, and they are not all attributable to the phenomenon called post-Zionism. The transformations in Israeli society accompanying the phenomenon of post-Zionism are found in a number of fields: ;Economic characteristics: Just as there are no economic characteristics unique to Zionism, which encompasses the full range of economical ideologies from Marxism, Communism, and Syndicalism to Capitalism, there are no economic characteristics unique to post-Zionism, which encompasses extreme left-wing components as well as components that maintain a capitalist ideology.
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Wilshire was a frequent and far-ranging political candidate. He stood as the Nationalist Party Congressional candidate for the 6th California District in 1890, as the candidate of the Socialist Labor Party for Attorney General in 1891, for the British Parliament in 1894, for Congress in the California 6th District again in 1900, this time on the ticket of the Social Democratic Party of America, for the Canadian Parliament in 1902, and for Congress from New York in 1904. In 1909 Wilshire was a candidate for city council in Los Angeles as a part of the Socialist Party slate, which was backed at that time by the Los Angeles unions. By about 1911 Wilshire began to have his doubts about electoral politics, and shifted his allegiance to revolutionary syndicalism and advocacy of the general strike.
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Similarly, there is a strong critique of modern technology among green anarchists, although not all reject it entirely. Important contemporary currents include anarcho-naturism as the fusion of anarchism and naturist philosophies; anarcho-primitivism which offers a critique of technology and argues that anarchism is best suited to uncivilised ways of life; eco- anarchism which combines older trends of primitivism as well as bioregional democracy, eco-feminism, intentional community, pacifism and secession that distinguish it from the more general green anarchism; green syndicalism, a green anarchist political stance made up of anarcho-syndicalist views; social ecology which argues that the hierarchical domination of nature by human stems from the hierarchical domination of human by human;The Anarchist FAQ Collective (2008). "A.3.3 What kinds of green anarchism are there?". "An Anarchist FAQ".
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The seal of the Committee of the Macedonian revolutionaries-terrorists. The Bulgarian anarchist movement grew in the 1890s, and the territory of Principality of Bulgaria became a staging-point for anarchist activities against the Ottomans. Its activists were the students Michail Gerdjikov, Petar Mandjukov, Petar Sokolov, Slavi Merdjanov, Dimitar Ganchev, Konstantin Antonov and others. In 1893 they started in Plovdiv revolutionary activity as founders of the MSRC, which was proclaimed there in 1895.Black flame: the revolutionary class politics of anarchism and syndicalism, Lucien van der Walt, Michael Schmidt, AK Press, 2009, , p. 317. At the end of 1897 part of the group moved to Switzerland (Lozana and Geneva), where it made close connections with the revolutionary immigration and founded in 1898 the so-called Geneva group, an external extension of MSRC.
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Social systems of every ideological persuasion, from Marxism to syndicalism to the American Dream, have attempted to achieve a successfully functioning classless society in which honest, productive manual labourers can have every bit of social status and power that honest, productive managers can have. Humans have not yet succeeded in instantiating any such utopia, but some social systems have been designed that go far enough toward the goal that hope yet remains for further improvement. Rail track construction, Kansas, USA, 1974 Road construction by women in Myanmar, (2019). At its highest extreme, the rationalised distortion by economic elites produces cultures of slavery and complete racial subordination, such as slavery in ancient Greece and Rome; slavery in the United States; or slavery under Nazism (which was defeated in 1945).
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It was the influence of student syndicalism in France and Quebec that helped change NFCUS into a student movement and less of a service and single-issue lobby group. At the 1963 NFCUS Congress, NFCUS’ name was changed to Canadian Union of Students (CUS), in order to recognize Quebec's unique status. CUS also became a French and English organization, instituted a bi-national veto in its constitution, and adopted an agreement to cease lobbying the federal government. However, by 1964, this arrangement fell apart and many of Quebec's universities pulled out of CUS in order to join the UGEQ, which had been officially created that year. Quebec students were more interested in provincial politics and felt CUS’ bias towards lobbying of the federal government conflicted with their nationalist orientation.
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Labour unions had supported the war effort and grew rapidly until 1919. The general strike and railway strikes of 1920 were a total failure; 25,000 railwaymen active in the unions were later fired, the companies blacklisted union leaders and trade union membership plunged. In 1921, the General Confederation of Labour (CGT) split permanently, with more extreme elements forming the Confédération générale du travail unitaire (CGTU) It enlisted the syndicalists who wanted direct union ownership and control of the factories by and for the benefit of the workers. It soon lost the spirit of revolutionary syndicalism and came under the close control of the Communist Party, which in turn was controlled by the Profintern, the Red Trade Union International, based in the Kremlin.Alexander Werth and D. W. Brogan, The Twilight of France, 1933-1940 (2nd ed.
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This was followed by the formation of a 'Society for the Study of Syndicalism' in 1913, delivering lectures on the CGT and the efforts of British syndicalist Tom Mann. In both of these outlets, discussion tended towards the abstract and remained disconnected from the workers it supposedly concerned, which was a natural result of the restrictions of the winter period. Generally speaking, Ōsugi's endeavours were strongly academic and theoretical in nature at this point, and in his literary work he became influenced by thinkers such as Henri Bergson, Georges Sorel, Max Stirner, and Friedrich Nietzsche. In October 1914, Ōsugi and Arahata attempted to replace Modern Thought with a revival of the old Heimin Shinbun newspaper, but this was met with repeated suppression of its issues and was forced to fold in March 1915.
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The vision was based on Christian social theory, laid out in Spain by Severino Aznar Embid and developed ideas drafted in Araúz's earlier pamphlet La nueva politica: ideas sobre el futuro de España (1929). The works proposed to defuse social conflict by political representation of labor, wage control, pension schemes, unemployment and sick plans, arbitration boards, cooperatives, anti-speculation laws etc. They endorsed a regulated state, though fell short of syndicalism schemes and vehemently criticized fascism;Manuel Martorell Pérez, La continuidad ideológica del carlismo tras la Guerra Civil [PhD thesis], Valencia 2009, p. 256 some scholars view it as a hybrid of Christian-social and Traditionalist patterns,Carlos Ibáñez, Política social y económica del carlismo, referred after Foro Alfonso Carlos 2011, available here ; Luis Infante, Economía, Tradición available here though some classify it as corporativism.
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The Friends also organise dinners, reunions, social events and film-shows of speeches by Oswald Mosley and BUF rallies, which are attended by veteran former members of Mosley's post-war Union Movement and younger sympathisers. Diana Mitford, Mosley's second wife was associated with FOM and spoke at a number of their functions in London. In a 2016 article on the British far right published by The Guardian, a spokesperson described the group's views as "...pro-Islam, pro-EU, against US global supremacy, anti-capitalist, anti-state socialism, [and] pro- syndicalism". However, FOM spokesperson, Gordon Beckwell subsequently stated on the Stormfront Britain forum claiming that he actually said to the Guardian reporter at the time that FOM was "pro-Arab" and therefore sympathetic to the Palestinians not specifically "pro-Islam" per se.
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During the Third National Workers' Congress in 1926, the Bolivian communists proposed that the labor organizations should affiliate with the Third International, an idea which was rejected by the anarcho-syndicalists. The FOL was also present in the agrarian peasantry, organizing the Federación Agraria Departamental (FAD), which later disappeared due to intense government repression. Bolivian anarcho-syndicalism had a strong presence of foreign activists, many of which had fled their countries due to political persecution. Among them were one Fournarakis, an activist of the Argentine Regional Workers' Federation (FORA) sent into exile, Armando Treviño who was a Chilean cobbler belonging to the Industrial Workers of the World, the Peruvian Francisco Gamarra and Paulino Aguilar, and the Spanish Nicolás Mantilla and Antonio García Barón, the later who came to the country in the 1950s.
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Paterson silk strike leaders Patrick Quinlan, Carlo Tresca, Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, Adolph Lessig, and Bill Haywood In 1907, Flynn became a full-time organizer for the Industrial Workers of the World, and attended her first IWW convention in September of that year.Paul Frederick Brissenden, The I.W.W. A Study of American Syndicalism, Columbia University, 1919, pages 180-181 Over the next few years she organized campaigns among garment workers in Pennsylvania, silk weavers in New Jersey, restaurant workers in New York, miners in Minnesota, Missoula, Montana, and Spokane, Washington; and textile workers in Massachusetts. During this period, author Theodore Dreiser described her as "an East Side Joan of Arc". In 1909, Flynn participated in a free speech fight in Spokane, in which she chained herself to a lamp-post in order to delay her arrest.
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Italian Fascism (), also known as Classical Fascism or simply Fascism, is the original fascist ideology as developed in Italy by Giovanni Gentile and Benito Mussolini. The ideology is associated with a series of two political parties led by Benito Mussolini; the National Fascist Party (PNF), which ruled the Kingdom of Italy from 1922 until 1943, and the Republican Fascist Party that ruled the Italian Social Republic from 1943 to 1945. Italian Fascism is also associated with the post-war Italian Social Movement and subsequent Italian neo-fascist movements. Italian Fascism was rooted in Italian nationalism, national syndicalism, revolutionary nationalism and the desire to restore and expand Italian territories, which Italian Fascists deemed necessary for a nation to assert its superiority and strength and to avoid succumbing to decay.
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The new organization was to be known as International Labor Defense (ILD) and Cannon was appointed as its chief organizer. Cannon was sent on the road to build support for the fledgling ILD, making use of his extensive network of personal contacts with present and former members of the IWW (so-called "Wobblies"). Cannon and Haywood in Moscow had drawn up an initial list of 106 "class war prisoners" needing legal and financial support, mostly convicted Wobblies jailed under various state criminal syndicalism charges. the next month, the list had 128 names, including such high-profile cases as those of anarchists Nicola Sacco and Bartolomeo Vanzetti, purported Preparedness Day bombers Tom Mooney and Warren Billings, and John B. McNamara, who had confessed to the Los Angeles Times Bombing.
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The FIJL faced repression from the state, which led to inactivity A new generation of anarchist youth decided to establish a new FIJL in 2006. It tried to establish a clear difference with the other insurrectionist FIJL while defending anarcho-syndicalism critically.Juventudes Anarquistas de León, "La Teoría de Cuerdas del Sindicalismo" o Grupo Bandera Negra "Lo que es y no es el 19 de julio" In 2007 it re-established itself as the FIJL since it did not have news from the other insurrectionist organization, but after finding out of a communique by the insurrectionist organization it decided to name itself "Iberian Federation of Anarchist Youth" (spa: Federación Ibérica de Juventudes Anarquistas or FIJA) but knowing that they are the continuing organization to the previous FIJL from the 1990s. They publish a newspaper called El Fuelle.
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The convention, called by the CPA as its annual gathering for the election of officers and making of internal decisions, was attended by a delegate who was secretly an employee of the Bureau of Investigation, who informed his superiors of the date and general location of the gathering. The convention was raided by local and federal law enforcement authorities on August 22, 1922, and a number of participants and a large quantity of documents seized in an operation which garnered national headlines. Two 1923 test trials of the Michigan criminal syndicalism law resulted from the arrests, with trade union leader William Z. Foster freed by a "hung jury," while Communist Party leader C. E. Ruthenberg was convicted. Ruthenberg ultimately died of peritonitis in 1927, just after his appeals were exhausted and just before sentence was enforced.
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In 1919 Paul Brissenden wrote that while the departure of Sherman and the Western Federation of Miners in 1906, and the DeLeon faction in 1908, meant the loss of its "most reputable, best financed, and most respectable elements, their loss tended to give sharp definition and emphatic impulse toward a more revolutionary policy."Paul Frederick Brissenden, The I.W.W. A Study of American Syndicalism, Columbia University, 1919, page 177 As a result, the IWW became the champion of unskilled and migratory workers, including workers facing frequent unemployment, during the decade that followed. Brissenden commented in 1919 that, > [The Wobblies] were able to develop great strength because they had modified > their theories to the extent necessary to make some appreciable application > of them to the actual conditions of economic life. They were confronted by > conditions and met them at the cost of doctrinal consistency.
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Woodcock, p. 21: "Finally, somewhat aside from the curve that runs from anarchist individualism to anarcho-syndicalism, we come to Tolstoyanism and to pacifist anarchism that appeared, mostly in Holland, Britain, and the United states, before and after the Second World War and which has continued since then in the deep in the anarchist involvement in the protests against nuclear armament." Opposition to the use of violence has not prohibited anarcho- pacifists from accepting the principle of resistance or even revolutionary action provided it does not result in violence; it was in fact their approval of such forms of opposition to power that lead many anarcho-pacifists to endorse the anarcho-syndicalist concept of the general strike as the great revolutionary weapon. Later anarcho-pacifists have also come to endorse the non-violent strategy of dual power.
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For Spargo, the ideal of "one big union" meant in practice "authoritarianism and bureaucracy" and "the creation of a despotic industrial State in place of a political State." He asked his readers, "If all the unions are to be centralized in one big union and its power centralized in the hands of a single authority, can the government of society by that union be other than democratic?"Spargo, Syndicalism, Industrial Unionism and Socialism, New York: B. W. Huebsch, 1913; pp. 39-40. While many adhering to the syndicalist and revolutionary socialist ideals of the SPA's left wing exited the party following their defeat at the 1912 National Convention and the successful recall of "Big Bill" Haywood from the party's National Executive Committee, there remained a strong radical current in the party, dissatisfied with the temporizing parliamentarism of the party majority.
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The basic principles of anarcho-syndicalism are the following: # Workers' solidarity # Direct action # Workers' self-management Flag often used by anarcho-syndicalists and anarcho-communists and the flag of Revolutionary Catalonia, a 20th-century example of an anarcho-syndicalist society Workers' solidarity means that anarcho-syndicalists believe all workers—no matter their race, gender, or ethnic group—are in a similar situation in regard to their boss (class consciousness). Furthermore, it means that, within capitalism, any gains or losses made by some workers from or to bosses will eventually affect all workers. Therefore, all workers must support one another in their class conflict to liberate themselves. Anarcho- syndicalists believe that only direct action—that is, action concentrated on directly attaining a goal, as opposed to indirect action, such as electing a representative to a government position—will allow workers to liberate themselves.
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While the pattern of voting was similar, increased membership of the largest affiliates and stronger support among them, led to the earlier decision being overturned by 213,137 votes to 168,446. On affiliation to Labour, MPs sponsored by member unions were asked to join the Labour Party group in parliament. Many did, but a small number negotiated an exemption and remained Lib-Labs until 1918 causing ongoing disputes among members, but in 1918 the retirement of the remaining Lib-Labs and Labour's adoption of a programme championing nationalisation cemented the relationship. Syndicalism had short-lived popularity among members, but the defeat of the 1926 UK general strike ended it as a significant force, and the MFGB leadership adopted a policy of strong support for the Labour Party leadership, putting great effort into securing parliamentary majorities for the party.
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The growing influence of the Communist Party of Spain's (PCE) Popular Front government and their desire to nationalize revolutionary committees and militias brought it into conflict with the CNT and POUM, resulting in the May Days and the eventual replacement of the CNT by the PSUC as the major political force in Catalonia until their defeat to the Nationalist forces in 1939. The governance of Catalonia was deeply rooted in the ideas of anarcho-syndicalism and anarcho-communism, making Catalonia the largest territory in history to have been so governed. Both of these ideologies draw heavily on the ideas of Peter Kropotkin and his book The Conquest of Bread, which lays out a future where the workers form trade unions and take over the management of industry so that companies and businesses are directly controlled by the workers.
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On two occasions, local vigilante committees seized prisoners as they were released, took them miles into the country, and beat them; once, the vigilantes tarred and feathered their victims and put linoleum cement in their shoes before freeing them. The prisoners were charged with criminal syndicalism, later changed to vagrancy. At the trial on December 17, 1933, twelve men eventually pleaded guilty to vagrancy and agreed not to take civil action against the county, while non- resident Wobblies promised to leave the county for at least one year; in return, Yakima authorities dropped all other charges. The Yakima repression "utterly smashed" the strike and agricultural unionism in the Valley, but the wooden stockade remained on the county courthouse grounds until 1943 as a "silent reminder to future malcontents that the spirit of 1933 remained alive in the region".
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Chilean society faced a crisis from the late 19th century onwards: what was delicately referred to at the time as the "social question"Grez (1995), opening sentence: "fenómenos que a partir de la década de 1880 fueron conocidos bajo el nombre de «cuestión social»" [phenomena which from the 1880s on were known under the name of "social question"]—namely, "the problem of worsening living and working conditions in the country's mining centers and major cities"Barr-Melej (2001), p. 3 The nitrate miners' strike of December 1907 was the last of a series of strikes and other forms of unrest that began in 1902, chief among them being the strike in Valparaíso in 1903 and the meat riots in Santiago in 1905.Correa et al. (2001) In Chile, the workers' movement in general, and syndicalism in particular, got started among the nitrate miners.
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The balance of the seven days of the anarchist insurrection was 75 dead and 101 wounded, among the insurgents, and 11 civil guards and 3 assault guards killed and 45 and 18 wounded, respectively, among law enforcement. For its part, the failure left the CNT broken and disjointed, and without organs of expression. The more moderate trade union leaders who had been expelled from the CNT, such as Juan Peiró from the Libertarian Syndicalist Federation, blamed the disaster on the most radical faction of anarcho-syndicalism, the FAI, whose members had dominated the "revolutionary committee" of the insurrection. During the insurrection, there were violent clashes with the police force, train derailments, explosions, destruction of files, burning of churches, sabotage of railways and bridges, as well as telegraph and telephone lines, along with numerous shootings and skirmishes.
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However heavy repression in France of the Paris Commune, as well as in Spain and Italy, alongside the rise of propaganda of the deed within the anarchist movement and a dominant strand of social- democracy on the wider left wing in Europe, meant that serious moves to establish an anarcho-syndicalist international would not begin until the early 20th century.Rudolph Rocker (1960), Anarchism and Anarcho-Syndicalism The 1900s saw a major leap forward for the labor movement with the adoption of a new method of organizing, industrial unionism and in 1913 there was an international syndicalist congress held in London which aimed at building stronger ties between the existing syndicalist unions and propaganda groups. Present at the congress were delegates from the FVdG (Germany), NAS (Netherlands), SAC (Sweden), USI (Italy), and ISEL (Britain). Observers attended from the Industrial Workers of the World (US), CNT (Spain), and FORA (Argentina).
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1, 2002, , 9788470903205 p. 240 Some students claim that the Integrist intransigence and their insistence on the annihilation of the opposition hardened ideological divisions, fuelled aggressive political militancy and contributed to sectarian politics of the 1930s.Schumacher 1962, p. 364 Despite vehemently anti-Francoist stand of key former Integrists,like Manuel Fal, Jose Luis Zamanillo or Manuel Senante; in their perspective, Francoist omnipotent state, centralization, monopolist party, arbitrarily designed representation, aggressive syndicalism and Church subservient to state were incompatible with the Integrist vision of a withdrawn state, regionalisation, abolishment of parties, corporative representation, anti-socialist stand and state subservient to Church there are authors who maintain that Integrism enjoyed its triumph in the Francoist Spain;some scholars classified Nocedal as a predecessor of the extreme Spanish Right, see Pedro Carlos González Cuevas, Las tradiciones ideologicas de la extrema derecha española, [in:] Hispania LXI/I (2001), p.
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The first series expired on 15 October 1912. A second series was published between 1921 and 1925 on a monthly basis, eventually becoming a single supplement. At the time of its founding near the start of the twentieth century, France was divided on crucial issues such as the extension of military service, revanchism (the call of French nationalists to avenge and reclaim from Germany the annexed territories of Alsace-Lorraine), right of association, separation of church and state, freedom of speech, and the emergence of new and radical political and social ideas in France such as revolutionary syndicalism, antimilitarism, anti-clericalism, Proletarian internationalism, feminism and the rise of labour law, which were all subjects of feature in the magazine. L'Assiette au Beurre is a valuable iconographic testament of the Belle Époque ("Beautiful Era") period in France, characterized by optimism, peace at home and in Europe, new technology and scientific discoveries.
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A.J. Cook Political activism in the Rhondda has deep links with trade unions and the socialist movement, but was initially slow to develop. In the 1870s the Amalgamated Association of Miners won support, but was destroyed by employer hostility. The Cambrian Miners' Association was more successful and the creation of the South Wales Miners' Federation after the 1898 coal strike gave South Wales miners a reputation for militancy, in which the Rhondda Valley played its part.Lewis (1959), pp. 172–173. As part of the Redistribution Act of 1885 the Rhondda was granted its first seat in Parliament, which was won by a moderate trade union leader, William Abraham, who was notably the only working-class member elected in Wales.Davies (2008), p. 650. Socialism and syndicalism grew in the 20th century and industrial struggle reached a crescendo in the 1910–1911 Tonypandy riots.Morgan (1988), p. 62.
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Flyer distributed in Lawrence, Massachusetts, September 1912. The Lawrence textile strike was a strike of immigrant workers The Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), whose members became known as "Wobblies", was founded in Chicago in 1905 by a group of about 30 labor radicals. Their most prominent leader was William "Big Bill" Haywood.Joseph A. McCartin, et al., "Power, politics, and 'pessimism of the intelligence'", Labor History, August 1999, Vol. 40 Issue 3, pp. 345+, an evaluation of the standard history by Melvyn Dubofsky, We Shall Be All: A History of the IWW, The Industrial Workers of the World (1969) The IWW pioneered creative tactics, and organized along the lines of industrial unionism rather than craft unionism; in fact, they went even further, pursuing the goal of "One Big Union" and the abolition of the wage system. Many, though not all, Wobblies favored anarcho- syndicalism.
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As a union organization, and in accordance with its bylaws, the aims of the CNT are to "develop a sense of solidarity among workers" hoping to improve their conditions under the current social system, and prepare them for future emancipation, when the means of production have been socialized, to practice mutual aid amongst CNT collectives, and maintain relationships with other like-minded groups, hoping for emancipation of the entire working class. Estatutos de la CNT de 1977 ("1977 Statutes of the CNT"), accessed online on Wikisource 31 January 2007. The CNT is also concerned with issues beyond the working class, desiring a radical transformation of society through revolutionary syndicalism. To achieve their goal of social revolution, the organisation has outlined a social-economic system through the confederal concept of anarchist communism, which consists of a series of general ideas proposed for the organisation of an anarchist society.
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Though he was born in the Sants neighborhood of Barcelona, Peiró spent a large portion of his life in Mataró, just outside Barcelona, where he worked as a glass worker all his life in the cooperative glass factory Cristalleries de Mataró . Contrary to most anarchists' principles, in 1930, during the reign of Alfonso XIII of Spain, Peiró signed the "Manifesto of the Catalan Intelligentsia", which called for the establishment of a republic. A short time later, Peiró was stripped of his position of speaking for the CNT at a rally in Barcelona, but Peiró announced that he had removed his signature from the manifesto, and held his faith in anarcho-syndicalism. Later, in 1931, Peiró signed Ángel Pestaña's Manifiesto de los Treinta ("Manifesto of the Thirty"), which was critical of the more radical Federación Anarquista Ibérica influence on the CNT, which would have him temporarily removed from the CNT.
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A political science graduate of the University of Padua, he completed his education with a thesis of excellence on "Anarcho-syndicalism and Catalanism in Republican Spain (1931-1936)", after carrying out an extensive research programme at the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. He began his career in the marble sector as an administration and production manager for the family-run business, until he later accepted a job offer as a consultant for a financial services company. In 2010 he moved to Brussels, where he took up duties at the European Parliament in the capacity of accredited parliamentary assistant to Lorenzo Fontana MEP. After six years of service, he was appointed as political adviser to the Parliament’s Europe of Freedom and Nations (ENF) political group, which assigned him to the legislative committee on Industry, Research and Energy (ITRE) and the legislative committee on Transport and Tourism (TRAN).
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Much of its economics and legal philosophy reflect anti- authoritarian, anti-statist, libertarian and radical interpretations of left- wing and socialist politics such as collectivism, communism, individualism, mutualism and syndicalism, among other libertarian socialist economic theories. As anarchism does not offer a fixed body of doctrine from a single particular worldview, many anarchist types and traditions exist and varieties of anarchy diverge widely. One reaction against sectarianism within the anarchist milieu was anarchism without adjectives, a call for toleration and unity among anarchists first adopted by Fernando Tarrida del Mármol in 1889 in response to the bitter debates of anarchist theory at the time. Despite separation, the various anarchist schools of thought are not seen as distinct entities, but rather as tendencies that intermingle and are connected through a set of uniform principles such as individual and local autonomy, mutual aid, network organisation, communal democracy, justified authoritiy and decentralisation.
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Communist Labor Party against state criminal syndicalism charges, 1920 U'Ren associated himself with many initiative efforts, including banning free railroad passes, establishing popular election of U.S. Senators, and creating the first presidential primary in the United States. Two of the more significant early initiatives he sponsored were a 1906 constitutional amendment extending initiative and referendum powers to local jurisdictions, and a 1908 amendment that gave voters power to recall elected officials. In 1912, he proposed an amendment to the Oregon Constitution to essentially weigh each legislator's vote on proposed bills according to the number of votes he received in the last election; this measure failed by a large margin. In 1908 U'Ren led the successful effort to amendArticle II Section 16 of Oregon Constitution the Oregon state constitution to accommodate proportional representation that would provide voters with first, second and third choices on the ballot.
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Mark Mazower of Bookforum commended the book for showing the significance of the period between 1870 and 1914 in shaping the leftism, activism and terrorism, and political repression, and wrote that it was "none the worse for" being "very much a tale of anarchism for own times". In the New Statesman, philosopher John N. Gray described the book as "one of the most absorbing depictions of the dark underside of radical politics in many years" but questioned its lack of extended analysis. Richard Alexander of Lobster assessed The World That Never Was as "a highly readable and entertaining (and occasionally thoughtful) text" and recommended it as an introduction to the activities of the revolutionaries and anti-revolutionaries of the period. David Peers, in the anarchist newspaper Freedom, recommended the "racily and colourfully written" book while pointing outs its omission of anarcho- syndicalism and anarchism in Ukraine and Mexico.
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The Spanish Syndical Organization (; OSE), popularly known in Spain as the Sindicato Vertical (the "Vertical Trade Union"), was the sole legal trade union for most of the Francoist dictatorship. A public-law entity created in 1940, the vertically-structured OSE was a core part of the project for frameworking the Economy and the State in Francoist Spain, following the trend of the new type of "harmonicist" and corporatist understanding of labour relations vouching for worker–employer collaboration developed in totalitarian regimes such as those of Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy in the first half of the 20th century. Up until the early 1950s, it internally worked—at least on a rhetorical basis—according to the discourse of national syndicalism. Previous unions, like the anarchist CNT and the socialist UGT, were outlawed and driven underground, and joining the OSE was mandatory for all employed citizens.
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While all libertarians begin with a conception of personal autonomy from which they argue in favor of civil liberties and a reduction or elimination of the state, left-libertarianism encompasses those libertarian beliefs that claim the Earth's natural resources belong to everyone in an egalitarian manner, either unowned or owned collectively. Traditionally, left-libertarian schools are communist and market abolitionist, advocating the eventual replacement of money with labor vouchers or decentralized planning. Contemporary left-libertarians such as Hillel Steiner, Peter Vallentyne, Philippe Van Parijs, Michael Otsuka and David Ellerman believe the appropriation of land must leave "enough and as good" for others or be taxed by society to compensate for the exclusionary effects of private property. Socialist libertarians such as anarchists (green anarchists, individualist anarchists and social anarchists) and libertarian Marxists (council communists, De Leonists and Luxemburgists) promote usufruct and socialist economic theories, including collectivism, mutualism and syndicalism.
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Editorial "The Futility of Reform" by Socialist Standard, October 1904 The concept of impossibilism—though not the specific term—was introduced and heavily influenced by American Marxist theoretician Daniel De Leon on the basis of theory that De Leon generated before his interest in syndicalism began. It came to be focused especially on the question of whether socialists should take part in government and pursue policy reforms that benefited the working- class under capitalism. At the Paris Congress of the Second International in 1900, those who favored entry into government with all the implied compromises called themselves "Possibilists" while those who opposed them (those around Jules Guesde) characterized them as political "Opportunists". Conversely, the revolutionary socialists who opposed ameliorative reforms and participation in existing governments were called "Impossibilists" by their detractors because they allegedly sought the impossible by refusing to partake in the governing of capitalism.
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Vladimir Lenin, one revolutionary social democrat who paved the way for the split between Communists and Social Democrats Before social democracy was associated to a policy regime with a specific set of socioeconomic policies, its economics ranged from communism to syndicalism and the guild socialists, who rejected or were opposed to the approach of some Fabians, regarded as being "an excessively bureaucratic and insufficiently democratic prospect". Communists and revolutionary socialists were a significant part of social democracy and represented its revolutionary wing. Although they remained committed to the concept of social democracy representing the highest form of democracy, social democracy became associated with its reformist wing since the communist split starting in 1917. The Russian Revolution further exacerbated this division, resulting in a split between those supporting the October Revolution renaming themselves as Communist and those opposing the Bolshevik development (favouring the liberal social-democratic development as argued by the Mensheviks) remaining with the Social Democrat label.
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599 Estelada, flag used by Estat Català and the most visible symbol of Catalan independentism, even today The Catalan workers movement at the turn of the twentieth century consisted of three tendencies: syndicalism, socialism, and anarchism, part of the last openly embracing "propaganda of the deed" as advocated by Alejandro Lerroux. Along with Asturias, Catalonia in general and Barcelona in particular was a center of radical labor agitation, marked by numerous general strikes, assassinations (especially in the late 1910s), and the rise of the anarchism Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (National Confederation of Labour, CNT, founded in Barcelona in 1910).Que es CNT CNT website Growing resentment of conscription and of the military culminated in the Tragic Week in Barcelona in 1909, resulting in the deaths of over 100 citizens. The anarchists had been active throughout the early 20th century, achieving, after a successful strike which paralyzed much of the industry of Catalonia, the first eight-hour workday of Western Europe in 1919.
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The vigilantes were untrained in police tactics but were nonetheless armed with 20 inch pick axe handles, and in some cases tear gas, and turned loose on strikers." By 1936, led by Colonel Walter E Garrison, “...the emphasis was on breaking all strikes through the mass deputization of farmers." In 1939 Carey McWilliams characterized the Associated Farmers of California as Farm Fascists. The Associated Farmers used California's anti- syndicalism laws to prevent strikes and destroy the CAWIU. Local anti- picketing ordinances sprang up throughout California, and “the Associated Farmers helped secure the passage of such ordinances.” These ordinances had sweeping prohibitions on speech (and were later deemed unconstitutional) including “prohibit[ing] the use of language...that tended to provoke a breach of the peace...” and making it “unlawful for any person to utter...or to make any loud noise or to speak in a loud or unusual tone...” to prevent people from patronizing a business under labor negotiations.
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1, 6. Initially intended as a legal cudgel to be used against the syndicalist Industrial Workers of the World, the new law made it a felony to advocate in word or writing any doctrine involving "crime, sabotage, violence or any other unlawful methods of terrorism as a means of accomplishing industrial or political reform." Anyone editing, printing, or circulating a newspaper or pamphlet advocating such doctrines or assisting in formation of an organization or society in support of such activities was to be subject to the law, which called for penalties of up to 10 years in prison and potential fines of up to $5,000. Authorities made immediate use of the new law, arresting Harlin Talbert, State Secretary of the Socialist Party of Oregon, and five others for selling copies of The Western Socialist on the streets of Portland and for "distributing handbills without a license" less than one week after the criminal syndicalism law took effect.
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During an interview by Chuck W. Morse with Fernando López on 13 October 2002 where he talked about the principles of the group, how the militant entered, and how the group despite several "insurgent cadres" never had a dissemination organ effective enough like other guerrilla groups, in addition to other armed actions and the influence that this group had on the next generations of anarchists. Fernando López Trujillo (former R.L. militant) gave an interview during a talk in Paraná on 22 March 2004, published in "Documents for debate Nº3", Libertarian Socialist Organization, where he spoke about the background of anarcho-syndicalism in Argentina and the theoretical support for the group. He also spoke about how some militants perceived Peronism and its impact on the social movements of the time (either from the right or left perspective), as well as the leftist militancy, reaching 1978, the final year of the organization, which had suffered several blows and disappearances of members before the 1978 FIFA World Cup in Argentina.
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In 2003, the platformist Zabalaza Anarchist Communist Federation (ZACF, or ZabFed) was founded, drawing in the BMC and Zabalaza Books (whose Zabalaza journal became the journal of the ZACF) as well as a number of other collectives that had been set up in Soweto and Johannesburg, including a local chapter of the Anarchist Black Cross. In 2007, in order to strengthen its structures, ZabFed reconstituted itself as the Zabalaza Anarchist Communist Front (ZACF, or ZabFront). The new ZACF is a unitary "federation of individuals", as opposed to a federation of collectives like ZabFed, and has recently also come under the influence of especifismo, a tendency which originated within the Federación Anarquista Uruguaya (FAU, or Uruguayan Anarchist Federation). While committed to promoting syndicalism in the unions, ZACF work was in practice largely focused on the so-called "new social movements", formed in South Africa in response to the perceived failures of the African National Congress (ANC) government post-apartheid.
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This is the desire to move from hidden or emerging democratic opportunities to a radical transformation of society, to a communitarian society focused on human needs, satisfying environmental requirements and developing a new ethic based on solidarity. This means a new definition of politics, a return to the primordial Greek meaning - the management of the community or the polis through the general meeting, on which the principal policy directions are formed, relying on reciprocity and solidarity. Communalism as a political philosophy (spelled with a capital "C" to differentiate it from other forms) was first coined by the well-known libertarian socialist author and activist Murray Bookchin as a political system to complement his environmental philosophy of social ecology. While originally conceived as a form of social anarchism, he later developed Communalism into a separate ideology which incorporates what he saw as the most beneficial elements of left anarchism, Marxism, syndicalism, and radical ecology.
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In order to get to Moscow, they had to divert the course of a ship. On arrival they held discussions with Zinoviev, president of the Communist International, and with Lenin. On the basis of Lenin’s text "Left-Wing" Communism: An Infantile Disorder, they discussed at great length, refuting among other things the false accusation of syndicalism (in other words the rejection of the role of the party) and of nationalism. Thus Appel, in his article ‘Information on Moscow’ and ‘Where is Rühle heading?’ in the KAZ, defended the position that Laufenberg and Wolffheim ought to be excluded “since we can have more confidence in the Russian communists than in the German nationalists who have left the terrain of the class struggle”. Appel declared also that he had “judged that Ruhle also no longer found himself on the terrain of the programme of the party; if this vision had proven itself to be wrong, the exclusion of Ruhle would not have been posed.
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After the war Heffer briefly lived in Hertford again with his parents, and fought as a Communist candidate for Hertford Urban District Council in 1946, but was defeated. He then settled in Liverpool, where there was a strong working-class community and within it a large group of left-wing workers waiting to be organised. Although from the east of England, Heffer grew to love his adopted city and supported Everton F.C.. He responded to the demand for a left-wing political organisation in 1954 by linking with a group led by Harry McShane (from Glasgow) and the Militant Socialist Group from London to establish the 'Federation of Marxist Groups' (later renamed the 'Socialist Workers Federation') which had a policy of syndicalism. This group was a compromise: while it insisted that it itself was not a revolutionary political party, it simultaneously said that there was a need for such a party, and actively rejected the Labour Party.
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De Ambris was born in Licciana Nardi, province of Massa-Carrara, as the first of the eight children of Francesco De Ambris and Valeria Ricci. In 1913 he was elected member of the Italian Parliament, with popular plebiscitary vote in the Electoral College of Parma - Reggio Emilia - Modena for the Partito Socialista Italiano. He engineered the split within the Milanese Syndical Union (USM) through his August 18, 1914, public speech, when he took the side of interventionism and advocated Italy's entry into World War I. As a partisan of national syndicalism, he believed the war to represent an opportunity equal to the impact of the French Revolution, and took his supporters (USM and Parma Labor Chamber) out of the Unione Sindacale Italiana to found the Fasci d'Azione Rivoluzionaria Internazionalista. The manifesto of the new movement attracted Benito Mussolini, who led his own movement, the Fasci Autonomi d'Azione Rivoluzionaria, into a merger that gave birth to Fasci d'Azione Rivoluzionaria.
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El Siglo Futuro 23.05.89, available here Historiographic works on either Catalancompare Canal i Morell 1998; Teodoro Mas is not mentioned a single time; his father is noted 3 times or nationwidecompare Agustín Fernández Escudero, El marqués de Cerralbo (1845–1922): biografía politica [PhD thesis], Madrid 2012; Teodoro Mas is not mentioned a single time Traditionalist politics at the turn of the centuries do not record him as engaged in internal party structures, their propaganda or electoral campaigns, and this is despite Vich having been among most Carlist districts in Spain, with one Cortes ticket won in 1891 and another in 1907.in 1891 the Cortes ticket from Vich went to Duque de Solferino; in 1907 it was claimed by Miguel Junyent Nothing is known about Mas’ views on questions which caused vehement debates and undermined unity of the Catalan Carlism of the era: temptations of another insurgency, position versus rising Catalanism, violent urban pistolerismo or emerging syndicalism.
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Those thinkers eventually split along nationalist lines from the original communist movement, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels contradicting nationalist theories with the idea that "the working men [had] no country". The main reason for that ideological confusion can be found in the consequences of the Franco-Prussian War of 1870, which according to Swiss historian had completely redesigned the political landscape in Europe by diffusing the idea of an anti-individualistic concept of "national unity" rising above the right and left division. As the concept of "the masses" was introduced into the political debate through industrialization and the universal suffrage, a new right-wing founded on national and social ideas began to emerge, what Zeev Sternhell has called the "revolutionary right" and a foreshadowing of fascism. The rift between the left and nationalists was furthermore accentuated by the emergence of anti- militarist and anti-patriotic movements like anarchism or syndicalism, which shared even less similarities with the far-right.
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The strike was a failure, but would lay the groundwork for the amalgamation in 1921 of the IWA and a number of other black unions into the Industrial and Commercial Workers' Union (ICU), which embodied both syndicalism and Garveyism in South Africa. Quickly spreading to modern-day Zimbabwe, Namibia, and Zambia, the ICU adopted a preamble similar to the IWW's and presented the One Big Union concept as its model for the reorganization of southern African society. With a base among poor sharecroppers and black urban communities, it was more well-positioned for growth than white-dominated organizations, and boasted 100,000 members in 1927. Though the American IWW was consistently supportive of the ICU and chronicled its victories and tribulations in the Industrial Worker, the principles of the two unions diverged as the ICU began to rely more heavily on the (white-run) court system and to recast itself as moderate and orthodox syndicalist, as opposed to the IWW's emphasis on direct action.
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Inside the FAI a tendency grouped as (GAAP - Anarchist Groups of Proletarian Action) led by Pier Carlo Masini was founded which "proposed a Libertarian Party with an anarchist theory and practice adapted to the new economic, political and social reality of post-war Italy, with an internationalist outlook and effective presence in the workplaces...The GAAP allied themselves with a similar development within the French Anarchist movement, the Federation Communiste Libertaire, whose leading light was Georges Fontenis."Masini, Pier Carlo, 1923-1998 In the IX Congress of the Italian Anarchist Federation in Carrara, 1965 a group decided to split off from this organization and creates the Gruppi di Iniziativa Anarchica which was mostly composed of individualist anarchists who disagreed with important aspects of the "Associative Pact" and was critical of anarcho-syndicalism. The GIA published the bi-weekly L'Internazionale. Another group split off from the Anarchist Federation and regrouped as Gruppi Anarchici Federati.
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American Vice President Spiro Agnew praised the junta as "the best thing to happen to Greece since Pericles ruled in ancient Athens". The junta, trying to control every aspect of politics, had interfered with student syndicalism since 1967, by banning student elections in universities, forcibly drafting students and imposing non-elected student union leaders in the national students' union, EFEE. These actions eventually created anti-junta sentiments among students, such as geology student Kostas Georgakis who committed suicide in 1970 in Genoa, Italy as an act of protest against the junta. The first massive public action against the junta came from students on 21 February 1973, when law students went on strike and barricaded themselves inside the buildings of the Law School of the University of Athens in the centre of Athens, demanding repeal of the law that imposed forcible drafting of "subversive youths", as 88 of their peers had been forcibly drafted to the army.
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" As anarcho-communism emerged in the mid 19th century it had an intense debate with Bakuninist collectivism and as such within the anarchist movement over participation in syndicalism and the workers movement as well as on other issues."This inability to break definitively with collectivism in all its forms also exhibited itself over the question of the workers' movement, which divided anarchist-communism into a number of tendencies.""Anarchist- Communism" by Alain Pengam So "In the theory of the revolution" of anarcho- communism as elaborated by Peter Kropotkin and others "it is the risen people who are the real agent and not the working class organised in the enterprise (the cells of the capitalist mode of production) and seeking to assert itself as labour power, as a more 'rational' industrial body or social brain (manager) than the employers." So "between 1880 and 1890" with the "perspective of an immanent revolution", who was "opposed to the official workers' movement, which was then in the process of formation (general Social Democratisation).
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Alan Pedley (1996) As Mighty as the Sword: A Study of the Writings of Charles de Gaulle. pp. 170–72. Intellect Books; . De Gaulle was educated in Paris at the Collège Stanislas and studied briefly in Belgium where he continued to display his interest in reading and studying history and shared the great pride many of his countrymen felt in their nation's achievements. At the age of fifteen he wrote an essay imagining "General de Gaulle" leading the French Army to victory over Germany in 1930; he later wrote that in his youth he had looked forward with somewhat naive anticipation to the inevitable future war with Germany to avenge the French defeat of 1870.Lacouture 1991, p13 France during de Gaulle's teenage years was a divided society, with many developments which were unwelcome to the de Gaulle family: the growth of socialism and syndicalism, the legal separation of Church and State in 1905, and the reduction in the term of military service to two years in the same year.
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In the 1920s the inhabitants of the anarchist community at Whiteway, near Stroud in Gloucestershire, shocked the conservative residents of the area with their shameless nudity.""Nudism the radical tradition" by Terry Phillips "LA INSUMISIÓN VOLUNTARIA. EL ANARQUISMO INDIVIDUALISTA ESPAÑOL DURANTE LA DICTADURA Y LA SEGUNDA REPÚBLICA (1923-1938)" by Xavier Diez. Important contemporary currents include anarcho- naturism as the fusion of anarchism and naturist philosophies; anarcho- primitivism which offers a critique of technology and argues that anarchism is best suited to uncivilised ways of life; eco-anarchism which combines older trends of primitivism as well as bioregional democracy, eco-feminism, intentional community, pacifism and secession that distinguish it from the more general green anarchism; green syndicalism, a green anarchist political stance made up of anarcho-syndicalist views; social ecology which argues that the hierarchical domination of nature by human stems from the hierarchical domination of human by human;"While almost all forms of modern anarchism consider themselves to have an ecological dimension, the specifically eco- anarchist thread within anarchism has two main focal points, Social Ecology and "primitivist".""A.
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A number of times he spoke against separation of state and the Church, envisioned sort of reversal of mid-19th century desamortización, opposed parliamentary elections and despised syndicalism,Ballestero 2014, p. 109 claiming that representation should be exercised by traditional social bodies.Ballestero 2014, p. 112 In the 1940s convinced that the Francoist regime must evolve towards an authoritarian monarchical solution, in the 1950s he realized that this path was a long-time perspective. In 1955 he entered the Francoist Cortesas personal Franco’s nominee, see the official Cortes service available here and remained appointed to 6 successive legislatures also in 1958,as Franco’s nominee, see the official Cortes service available here. 1961,as Franco’s nominee, see the official Cortes service here and from 1963 as president of Instituto de Ingenieros Civiles, Ballestero 2014, p. 110 1964,as Franco’s nominee, see the official Cortes service available here from 1966 as president of Instituto de Ingenieros Civiles, Ballestero 2014, p. 111 1967simulaltaneously as Franco’s nominee, see the official Cortes service available here and as president of Instituto de Ingenieros Civiles, Ballestero 2014, p.
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Spargo was a bitter opponent of the syndicalism which was sweeping parts of the Socialist Party and staunchly supported the established craft unionism of the American Federation of Labor against the radical industrial unionism of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW). A battle royal between the dominant center-right coalition that controlled the Socialist Party and its pro-syndicalist left wing erupted in 1912. As Spargo's biographer notes: > Throughout, the faction fight was about much more than just a struggle for > power. To Spargo and his fellow right-wingers, it subsumed under its rubric > the larger question of where and how the socialist movement was headed, that > is, whether it was to be led by those schooled in theoretical Marxian > exegesis and historical study or by those who discarded such exegesis and > study and opted instead for direct catastrophic action.Ruotsila, John Spargo > and American Socialism, pg. 60. The brewing skirmish erupted into an open fight at the 1912 National Convention of the Socialist Party, to which Spargo was once again a delegate from New York as well as the elected Chairman of the Resolutions Committee.
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Another similar case, though disputed by anarcho-syndicalism or even anarchism, was the Spanish Revolution of 1936 (often missed or unmentioned by official historiography), during which much of Spain's economy in most of Republican areas, some of which enjoyed a practical absence of state, was put under workers' direct collective control. In addition to this, the term communism (as well as socialism) is often used to refer to those political and economic systems and states dominated by a political, bureaucratic class, typically attached to one single Communist party that follow Marxist-Leninist doctrines and often claim to represent the dictatorship of the proletariat in a non-democratic fashion, described by critics as in a totalitarian and bureaucratic. These systems are also often called Stalinism, state capitalism, state communism or state socialism. With the Soviet Union's creation after the end of Russian Civil War that followed to initial success of Red October Revolution in Russia, other socialist parties in other countries and the Bolshevik party itself became Communist parties, owing allegiance of varying degrees to the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (see Communist International).
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Various themes were treated during the Congress, in particular concerning the organisation of the anarchist movement, popular education issues, the general strike or antimilitarism. A central debate concerned the relation between anarchism and syndicalism (or trade unionism). The Federación Obrera Regional Española (Workers' Federation of the Spanish Region) in 1881 was the first major anarcho-syndicalist movement; anarchist trade union federations were of special importance in Spain. The most successful was the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (National Confederation of Labour: CNT), founded in 1910. Before the 1940s, the CNT was the major force in Spanish working class politics, attracting 1.58 million members at one point and playing a major role in the Spanish Civil War. The CNT was affiliated with the International Workers Association, a federation of anarcho-syndicalist trade unions founded in 1922, with delegates representing two million workers from 15 countries in Europe and Latin America. Federación Anarquista Ibérica Some anarchists, such as Johann Most, advocated publicising violent acts of retaliation against counter-revolutionaries because "we preach not only action in and for itself, but also action as propaganda." Numerous heads of state were assassinated between 1881 and 1914 by members of the anarchist movement.
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Guinovart i Escarré 1997, p. 380 Ringing a typically Carlist tone he saw Liberalism as primordial source of evil, anti- Christian, anti-fueristaGuinovart i Escarré 1997, p. 32 and anti-social, leading to alienation of enslaved proletarian masses.Guinovart i Escarré 1997, p. 380 To Caylà the popular movements of the Left, undistinguished into Anarchism, Socialism or Communism and approached jointly as “red syndicalism”, were deceiving the masses by utopian visions of fictitious liberty“El sindicalisme roig invandint-ho tot trepithava tota justicia. Les masses populars, enlluernades per un fictici sol de llibertat, no veien com els seus predicadors, tot sentat que la propietat era un robatori, anaven fincant-se i adquirint valors com qualsevol borges desocupat”, quoted after Guinovart i Escarré 1997, p. 40 and turning the Catalan idea into “branch of the Russian ideology”.Guinovart i Escarré 1997, p. 285; Caylà was hostile to what he considered dictatorships in Mexico and the Soviet Union, Guinovart i Escarré 1997, p. 79 According to Caylà, there were two concepts of tackling the burning social issue: the Socialist one and the Christian one, the latter laid out in papal teachings of Rerum novarum and Quadragesimo anno.
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Katterfeld was one of five people elected to the governing Central Executive Committee of the CLPBranko Lazitch and Milorad M. Drachkovitch, Biographical Dictionary of the Comintern: , pg. 212. and served as Organization Director from 1919. Katterfeld remained one of the top leaders of the CLP and its organizational successors, the United Communist Party of America and the unified Communist Party of America (CPA) into the middle 1920s. Katterfeld was a defendant in the July 1920 trial of the Communist Labor Party, at which Clarence Darrow served as chief attorney. Katterfeld was found guilty of violating the state's criminal syndicalism law and sentenced to 1 to 5 years in the state penitentiary and fined $2,000. Freed pending appeal, Katterfeld did not immediately serve time on this sentence, instead serving as Executive Secretary of the unified Communist Party of America, using the pseudonym "John Carr," from July 27 through October 15, 1921, and which time the Central Executive Committee of the CPA dispatched him to Moscow as the representative of the CPA to the Executive Committee of the Communist International. Katterfeld occupied this position from November 1921 through March 1922. He was elected by the 1st Expanded Plenum of the Executive Committee of the Communist International to the Presidium of ECCI on March 2, 1922.
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Soviet trade unions, headed by the All-Union Central Council of Trade Unions (Всесоюзный Центральный Совет Профессиональных Союзов, ВЦСПС [VTsSPS]), traced their history back to the 1905 Russian Revolution, roughly 15 years before the Soviet Union was founded. At the time there was a flourishing movement in the Russian Empire toward workers' rights, not just among those socialists who sought workers' control of industry (syndicalism, union democracy, and so on) but also among socially conservative workers who simply wanted better education, working conditions, and remuneration and were willing to organize to get them. Simultaneously, however, the founding of trade unions in the Russian Empire at this time was salted with influence by the Okhrana, which sought to co-opt this movement from its beginning in order to keep it under control.. It is not easy today to know how much influence the police had in controlling the budding popular movement, as Soviet historiography mostly overwrote any pre-revolution historical traces that remained. Many trade unions were shut down or restricted on the eve of World War I and during that war, but they revived after the February Revolution of 1917, and their leaders were democratically elected in the following months.
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Roland Sarti, Italy: A Reference Guide from the Renaissance to the Present, New York, NY, Facts on File, Inc., 2004, p. 534 Much of the increased membership in Fascist syndicates stemmed from the deteriorating economic conditions that occurred during the long factory strikes in the early 1920s that had been spearheaded by revolutionary socialists. The occupied factories suffered financial problems, a shortage of cash to pay wages, and a slump in productivity levels.”A. James Gregor, Italian Fascism and Developmental Dictatorship, Princeton: NJ, Princeton University Press, 1979, p.178 When factory workers started to abandon factories, “red guards” were employed to keep workers at their work stations, in some cases forcing workers to “work under threat of violence.”A. James Gregor, Italian Fascism and Developmental Dictatorship, Princeton: NJ, Princeton University Press, 1979, p.178 What also contributed to the success of the Fascist union organizations was their strong affiliation to the Fascist party, a policy that was not taken up by the Italian Socialist Party and other labor confederations.A. James Gregor, Italian Fascism and Developmental Dictatorship, Princeton: NJ, Princeton University Press, 1979, p. 182 There were a number of variants of Fascist syndicalism, ranging from the more moderate to the radical.
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During the period of repression of leading Communists in New York conducted by the Lusk Committee, Wolfe fled to California. In 1920 he became a member of the San Francisco Cooks' Union. He also edited a left wing trade union paper called Labor Unity from 1920 to 1922. Wolfe was a delegate to the ill-fated August 1922 convention of the underground CPA held in Bridgman, Michigan, for which he was indicted under Michigan's "criminal syndicalism" law. In 1923, Wolfe departed for Mexico, where he became active in the trade union movement there. He became a member of the Executive Committee of the Communist Party of Mexico and was a delegate of that organization to the 5th World Congress of the Communist International, held in Moscow in 1924. Wolfe was also a leading member the Red International of Labor Unions (Profintern) from 1924 to 1928, sitting on that body's Executive Committee. Wolfe was ultimately deported from Mexico to the United States in July 1925 for activities related to a strike of Mexican railway workers. Upon his return to America, Wolfe took over as head of the Party's New York Workers School, located at 26 Union Square and offering 70 courses in the social sciences to some 1500 students.
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