Buddhist ultranationalism has eroded the center ground of Burmese politics.
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Imperial Japan's official worldview was race-based, far-right ultranationalism, obsessed with racial purity and superiority.
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It also comes from the militarism and ultranationalism that, as in imperial Japan, rally the subjects behind the regime.
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And so in recent years, more often than not, human flesh searches have been associated with rising ultranationalism in China.
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They also built a climate of ultranationalism, branding India interventionist and the protesters its pliable agents, and pivoted to China for support.
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That is the power of race-based ultranationalism of a kind so extreme that only early-20th-century fascist states ever mastered it.
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Mr. Sánchez has instead focused on the emergence of Vox to warn voters that a right-wing coalition could risk returning Spain to the ultranationalism of the Franco era.
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While the internet has helped shed light on these causes, it's also provided a new platform for hate and bigotry in the form of ultranationalism, tribalism, and white supremacy.
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Today, these collaborators — groups and individuals responsible for the deaths of hundreds of thousands of Jews — are being glorified and rehabilitated as part of the ultranationalism surging across Eastern Europe.
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Even after the Soviet Union was dissolved in 1991, Chinese communism remained intact, and the decades since then have witnessed plenty of dictators, ultranationalism, and government-sponsored and independent terrorism.
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Even after the Soviet Union was dissolved in 1991, Chinese communism remained intact, and the decades since have witnessed plenty of dictators, ultranationalism, and government-sponsored as well as independent terrorism.
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Even after the Soviet Union was dissolved in 1991, Chinese communism remained intact, and the decades since have witnessed plenty of dictators, ultranationalism and government-sponsored as well as independent terrorism.
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A decade after the financial meltdown of 2008, animus toward the elites who escaped unscathed from the disaster and anger over growing inequality still feed a wave of ultranationalism across the world.
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Trump's fascistic tendencies are clear: He's leading a racist mass movement based on palingenetic ultranationalism (in other words, the desire to restore a lost greatness) that is filled with contempt for liberal democratic norms.
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"Even if musical folklore once owed a debt to nationalism, today, ultranationalism hurts it so much that the damage is far greater than the benefit once was," Bartok wrote in an essay in 1937.
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The confusion and popular fear that matters are not under control have undermined public confidence in Ms. Merkel and in other European leaders, while promoting populism, Islamophobia and ultranationalism among a growing minority of voters.
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The only difference could be a more hawkish foreign policy from Japan under Abe, whose brand of ultranationalism promotes conservative aspects of the imperial institution that the emperor himself may not even wish to revive.
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McHugh recently discovered the English academic Roger Griffin's theory of palingenetic ultranationalism — the idea that fascism hinges on the idea of rebirth, that the old order would be swept away and the new one heroically installed, promising a new beginning and a better life for the people.
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That doesn't explain everything, but it explains a lot: the obsession with racial purity, the near-religious worship of the superhuman father-leader, the militarism and hostility and feverish ultranationalism, and the expectation that citizens will happily abandon their individualism for the betterment of the race-based national collective.
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The nation, then, was pushed into this new, democratic identity without ever having to fully reject its old self-conception — and the emperor was remade hastily, and to mixed effect, from the ultimate symbol of Japanese ultranationalism to a vessel for the opposite ideals of liberalism and pacifism.
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That doesn't explain everything, but it explains a lot: the obsession with racial purity, the near-religious worship of the superhuman father-leader, the militarism and hostility and feverish ultranationalism, and the expectation that citizens will abandon their individualism happily for the betterment of the race-based national collective.
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"So he's bitter and reinvents himself — eventually — as Putin's guy, an ally that will actually help you win elections in a branding we have seen over the last decade around the region: ultranationalism, claims of foreign plots, politicians who oppose reforms because these reforms will undermine their own rule," said the former diplomat.
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In Poland, where a more unreconstructed form of ultranationalism has been ascendant in recent years, Jacek Miedlar, a fiery far-right activist and former priest posted an online rant in which he blamed the violence on police, anti-racism protesters and, ultimately, George Soros, who he accused of funding Black Lives Matter.
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" Christopher Brown on Rule of Capture: "The US has lost a war with China—not a long drawn-out war, a pretty quick conflict that's mostly been orbital—but one that has resulted in the humiliation of a country that previously was kind of a dominant imperial power, and is subjected to treaty accords and austerity programs and things like that, the kind of circumstance that both opens up the window of the politically possible, but also provides a fertile ground for the ferment of ultranationalism.
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Gessen opts to tell this story through the lives of seven figures: the sociologist Lev Gudkov, one of Levada's closest collaborators; Seryozha (she refers to some of her characters only by their informal first names), the grandson of an architect of perestroika; Zhanna, the daughter of a prominent liberal politician; Marina Arutyunyan, a woman who discovers her vocation as a psychoanalyst; Masha, a young woman who becomes an organizer of anti-government protests; Lyosha, a provincial professor whose discovery of his gay identity leads him to establish the first formal program of gender studies in the country; and a frustrated academic by the name of Alexander Dugin, who becomes the leading ideologue of a virulent new strain of Russian ultranationalism.
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Ultranationalism is "extreme nationalism that promotes the interest of one state or people above all others", or simply "extreme devotion to one's own nation".Ultranationalism. Oxford English Dictionary.
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Retrieved 29 June 2017.Ultranationalism. Collins English Dictionary. Retrieved 29 June 2017. When combined with the notion of national rebirth, ultranationalism is a key foundation of fascism.Roger Griffin, "Nationalism" in Cyprian Blamires, ed., World Fascism: A Historical Encyclopedia, vol.
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National-anarchism has been argued to be a syncretic political ideology that was developed in the 1990s by former Third Positionists to promote a "stateless palingenetic ultranationalism".
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The word is Spanish for phalanx. Members of the party are called Falangists (Spanish: falangistas). The main ideological bases of the party are national syndicalism, Third Position and ultranationalism.
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In fascist thought, the principle of class collaboration is combined with strong ultranationalism. The stability and the prosperity of the nation was seen as the ultimate purpose of collaboration between classes.
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Palingenetic ultranationalism is a theory concerning generic fascism formulated by British political theorist Roger Griffin. The key element of this theory is the belief that fascism can be defined by its core myth, namely that of revolution in order to achieve a "national rebirth"—palingenesis. Griffin argues that the unique synthesis of palingenesis and ultranationalism differentiates fascism from para-fascism and other authoritarian nationalist ideologies. This is what he calls the "fascist minimum" without which there is no fascism.
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Scholars, analysts and dissidents have pointed out about the lack of unity and sympathy among Burmese to other ethnic groups may have bolstered ultranationalism in Myanmar despite its attempt to change the image.
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Ultranationalism, combined with the myth of national rebirth, is a key foundation of fascism.Roger Griffin, "Nationalism" in Cyprian Blamires, ed., World Fascism: A Historical Encyclopedia, vol. 2 (Santa Barbara, California: ABC-CLIO, 2006), pp. 451–53.
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13, 1992. responded that although as a younger man Kantorowicz embraced the Romantic ultranationalism of the George-Kreis, he had only contempt for Nazism and was a vocal critic of Hitler's regime, both before and after the war.
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Moral teachings and inherent replusions towards human eugenics were overcome by a minority of those in power espousing racial equality; European media and leaders lamented loss of Empire, advocated ultranationalism and prized military physical advantage; Galton saw human eugenics as part of all means to do better.
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Other aspects of fascism such as its "myth of decadence", anti‐egalitarianism and totalitarianism can be seen to originate from these ideas. These fundamental aspects however, can be attributed to a concept known as "Palingenetic ultranationalism", a theory proposed by Roger Griffin, that fascism is a synthesis of totalitarianism and ultranationalism sacralized through myth of national rebirth and regeneration. Its relationship with other ideologies of its day was complex, often at once adversarial and focused on co-opting their more popular aspects. Fascism supported private property rights - except for the groups it persecuted - and the profit motive of capitalism, but sought to eliminate the autonomy of large-scale capitalism by bolstering private power with the state.
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In contrast to Japan and Germany, where such race-based conceptions of the nation were discredited after the Second World War because they were associated with ultranationalism or Nazism,Comparison with Japanese "ultranationalism": Andre Schmid, Korea Between Empires, 1895-1919 (New York: Columbia University Press, 2002), p. 277. Comparison with Germany and Nazism: Shin Gi-wook, Ethnic Nationalism in Korea: Genealogy, Politics, and Legacy (2006), p. 19. postwar North and South Korea continued to proclaim their ethnic homogeneity and pure bloodline. In the 1960s, President Park Chung-hee strengthened this "ideology of racial purity" to legitimate his authoritarian rule,Nadia Y. Kim, Imperial Citizens: Koreans and Race from Seoul to L.A. (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2008), p. 25.
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282; Donald J. Raleigh, Soviet Baby Boomers: An Oral History of Russia's Cold War Generation, p. 327; The troubled birth of Russian democracy: parties, personalities, and programs. p. 244. It is usually regarded as far-right and is identified with Russian ultranationalism, right-wing populism, or national populism and conservatism.Russian Political Parties Directory (1999), p. 65.
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After World War II, the Ustaše movement was split into several organizations and there is presently no political or paramilitary movement that claims its legacy as their "successor". The term "ustaše" is today used as a derogatory term for Croatian ultranationalism. The term "Ustaše" is sometimes used among Serbs to describe Serbophobia or more generally to defame political opponents.
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In 2019, the party's leader demanded a Reconquista or reconquest of Spain, explicitly referencing a new expulsion of Muslim immigrants from the country. According to Xavier Casals, the warlike ultranationalism in Vox, unifying part of its ideology up to this point, is identified by the party with a palingenetic and biological vision of the country, the so-called "España Viva", but also with a Catholic-inspired culture. According to Casals, the ideological roots of the Vox's ultranationalism lie in the incondicionalismo ("unconditionalism"), the nationalist discourse based on the "fear of amputation of the homeland" coined in the 19th century in Colonial Cuba against Cuban separatism and also autonomist concessions (replicated in Catalonia in the 1910s). Their specific brand of Spanish nationalism is linked to the unconditional support to the State Security Forces and Corps.
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Disputes about their use have led to protests and lawsuits. The flag is not frequently displayed in Japan due to its association with ultranationalism. To some Okinawans, the flag represents the events of World War II and the subsequent U.S. military presence there. For some nations that have been occupied by Japan, the flag is a symbol of aggression and imperialism.
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Fascist architecture is an architectural style developed by architects of fascist states in the early 20th century. The style gained popularity in the late 1920s with the rise of modernism along with the ultranationalism associated with fascist governments in western Europe. The style resembles that of ancient Rome. However, the fascist-era buildings lack ostentatious design, and were constructed with symmetry and simplicity.
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Fascists seek to ensure the harmonization of > workers' and women's interests with those of the nation by mobilizing them > within special sections of the party and/or within a corporate system. > Access to these organizations and to the benefits they confer upon members > depends on the individual's national, political, and/or racial > characteristics. All aspects of fascist policy are suffused with > ultranationalism.
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Robert Paxton argues that "a passionate nationalism" is the basis of fascism, combined with "a conspiratorial and Manichean view of history" which holds that "the chosen people have been weakened by political parties, social classes, unassimilable minorities, spoiled rentiers, and rationalist thinkers".Paxton, Robert O. (2004) The Anatomy Of Fascism. New York: Knopf. p. 41. Roger Griffin identifies the core of fascism as being palingenetic ultranationalism.
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However, Japanese society had been strongly inclined to ultranationalism from the Freedom and People's Rights Movement. The latter debates on aggressive expansionism to Asia became clearly apparent. Their representatives were the Black Ocean Society and the Black Dragon Society. The Black Dragon Society (1933) argued for Japanese imperialism and expansionism, and they led to a debate on securing the Asian continent under Japanese control.
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Phibun gave ultranationalism speech to the crowds at the Grand Palace in 1940. On 23 June 1939,Thailand (Siam) History , CSMngt-Thai. Phibun changed the country's name from Siam to Prathet Thai (), or Thailand, said to mean "land of the free". This was a nationalist gesture: it implied the unity of all the Tai-speaking peoples, including the Lao and the Shan, but excluding the Chinese.
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Some of his fans are known for their ultranationalism, demonstrated by Ustaše uniforms (including black hats associated with the movement), symbols, and banners. At the beginning of the song "Bojna Čavoglave", Perković invokes Za dom - spremni! (lit. "For home (land) – ready!"). Perković and his band's inclusion in Croatia's celebration of the national team's second place finish in the 2018 FIFA World Cup also garnered controversy and criticism.
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The anti-war biopic Hedd Wyn was released in 1992. The film, which starred Huw Garmon as the poet, is based on a screenplay by Alan Llwyd. It depicts Hedd Wyn as a tragic hero who has an intense dislike of the wartime ultranationalism which surrounds him and his doomed struggle to avoid conscription. In 1993 Hedd Wyn won the Royal Television Society's Television Award for Best Single Drama.
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Published in New York in 2000. Retrieved via Google Books. Roger Griffin asserts that ultranationalism is essentially xenophobic and is known to legitimise itself "through deeply mythicized narratives of past cultural or political periods of historical greatness or of old scores to settle against alleged enemies". It can also draw on "vulgarized forms of physical anthropology, genetics, and eugenics to rationalize ideas of national superiority and destiny, of degeneracy and subhumanness".
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National- anarchism has been described as a radical right-wing nationalist ideology which advocates racial separatism and white racial purity. National-anarchists claim to syncretize neotribal ethnic nationalism with philosophical anarchism, mainly in their support for a stateless society whilst rejecting anarchist social philosophy. The main ideological innovation of national-anarchism is its anti-state palingenetic ultranationalism. National-anarchists advocate homogeneous communities in place of the nation state.
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National-anarchism has been described as a radical right-wing nationalist ideology which advocates racial separatism and white racial purity. National-anarchists claim to syncretize neotribal ethnic nationalism with philosophical anarchism, mainly in their support for a stateless society whilst rejecting anarchist social philosophy. The main ideological innovation of national-anarchism is its anti-state palingenetic ultranationalism. National-anarchists advocate homogeneous communities in place of the nation state.
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Upon the revelations, Castañeda publicly retired temporarily from the Presidency of National Solidarity. In this scenario, former Lima city councilman and long time member of the party, Rafael López Aliaga, was selected as party Secretary-General. Under his leadership, National Solidarity shifted to far right politics, as it publicly embraced extreme social conservatism and ultranationalism. Under a new political platform, National Solidarity received widespread criticism for its extreme ideological shift to the far right.
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Sarah Shurts, "Continental Collaboration: The Transition from Ultranationalism to Pan-Europeanism by the Interwar French Fascist Right." French Politics, Culture & Society 32#3 (2014): 79-96.Robert Soucy, French Fascism, The Second Wave, 1933-1939 (1995). When Marshal Petain officially proclaimed the collaboration policy with Nazi Germany in June 1941, he justified it to the French people as an essential need for the New European Order and to keep the unity of France.
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Nash Put (, Our Way) was a daily newspaper founded by Konstantin Rodzaevsky on 3 October 1933, that was issued in HarbinPeriodical Press published in China by Russian emigrants (1933–41) and Shanghai (1941-1943). The newspaper was the official organ of the Russian Fascist Party. Nash Put was published until July 1943.The Russian Fascists: Tragedy and Farce in Exile, 1925-1945 by John J. Stephan The newspaper promoted Christian Orthodoxy, Russian ultranationalism and fascism.
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After about a year, he moved on to BBC World News, as a producer and social media manager of BBC Facebook pages. Zand then became a video journalist and reporter for BBC News, also becoming part of the BBC's video innovation lab. During this time, he covered stories from far-right ultranationalism to Native Americans in South Dakota. He also launched BBC Trending and BBC Newsbeats video offering, and worked for the BBC's The Travel Show.
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Gustave Hervé Gustave Hervé (Brest, January 2, 1871 – Paris, October 25, 1944) was a French politician. At first, he was a fervent antimilitarist socialist and pacifist, but he later turned to equally zealous ultranationalism, declaring his patriotisme in 1912 when released from 26 months of imprisonment for anti-militarist publishing activities.David Cottington, Cubism in the Shadow of War: The Avant-garde and Politics in Paris, 1905-1914 (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1998), p. 35.
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Groups which are identified as neo-fascist in the United States generally include neo-Nazi organizations and movements such as the National Alliance, and the American Nazi Party. The Institute for Historical Review publishes negationist historical papers often of an anti-semitic nature. The alt-right—which covers a broad range of groups, from neoreactionaries to white nationalists—is also often included under the umbrella term "neo-fascist", because they adhere to a radical form of authoritarian ultranationalism.
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The National Synarchist Union was founded in 1937 by José Antonio Urquiza. The group demonstrated some of the palingenetic ultranationalism at the core of fascism because it sought a rebirth of society away from the anarchism, communism, socialism, liberalism, Freemasonry, secularism and Americanism which it saw as dominating Mexico. It differed from European fascism however by being very Roman Catholic in nature. Although supportive of corporatism the National Synarchist Union was arguably too counterrevolutionary to be considered truly fascist.
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Initially espousing a form of socialism combined with ultranationalism, the Alianza Popular Revolucionaria Americana showed early signs of fascism as a result.Phil Gunson, Andrew Thompson & Greg Chamberlain, The Dictionary of Contemporary Politics of South America, London: Routledge, 1990, p. 13 The APRA very quickly emerged as a mainstream social democratic party however and avowed fascism became the province of two other groups. The Unión Revolucionaria had initially been founded by Luis Miguel Sánchez Cerro in 1931 as the state party of his dictatorship.
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Disillusioned by the failure of his experiments with communism, Akao returned to the mainland and settled in Tokyo, where he began to dabble in Socialism, under the influence of Toshihiko Sakai, Hitoshi Yamakawa, Sakae Osugi, and Motoyuki Takabatake. However after being drafted into military service, Akao made a speech critical of the Emperor System and was arrested and imprisoned. While imprisoned in 1926, he "converted" (tenkō suru) to ultranationalism. Thereafter, he became a vocal opponent of the Soviet Union and Communism.
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This was of particular significance since these were attacks on the national religion of the Croats. The political climate in Serbia and Serb territories fostered the rise of ultranationalism and created tense and, at times, violent confrontations between Serbs themselves, particularly between nationalist Serbs and non-nationalist Serbs. Serbs who publicly opposed the nationalist agenda were reported to have been harassed, threatened, or killed. The Serbian media during Milošević's era was known to espouse Serb nationalism and patriotism, while promoting xenophobia toward the other ethnicities in Yugoslavia.
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Thai poster from the Phibun era, showing prohibited "uncivilised" dress on the left, and proper Western dress on the right. Phibun immediately prioritized Thai nationalism to the point of ultranationalism, and to support this policy he launched a series of major reforms known as the Thai Cultural Revolution to increase the pace of modernisation in Thailand. His goal "Aimed to uplift the national spirit and moral code of the nation and instilling progressive tendencies and a newness into Thai life". A series of cultural mandates were issued by the government.
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Following the Wehrmacht invasion of Yugoslavia (6 April 1941), the Italian zone of occupation was further expanded. Italy annexed large areas of Croatia (including most of coastal Dalmatia) and Slovenia (including its capital Ljubljana). Helped by the Ustaše, a Croatian fascist movement animated by Catholicism and ultranationalism, the Italian occupation continued its repression of Partisan activities and the killing and imprisonment of thousands of Yugoslav civilians in concentration camps (such as the Rab concentration camp) in the newly annexed provinces. This increased the anti-Italian sentiments of the Slovenian and Croatian subjects of Fascist Italy.
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In Antiquities of the Jews (11.3.9) Josephus used the term palingenesis for the national restoration of the Jews in their homeland after the Babylonian exile. The term is commonly used in Modern Greek to refer to the rebirth of the Greek nation after the Greek Revolution. British political theorist Roger Griffin has coined the term palingenetic ultranationalism as a core tenet of fascism, stressing the notion of fascism as an ideology of rebirth of a state or empire in the image of that which came before it – its ancestral political underpinnings.
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The group's beliefs include militant ultranationalism and strong Orthodox Christian religious convictions. Noua Dreaptă's website indicates opposition to: sexual minorities, Roma (Gypsies), abortion, communism, globalization, the European Union, NATO, religious groups other than the Eastern Orthodox Church, race-mixing, territorial autonomy for Romania's ethnic Hungarian minority and immoderate cultural import (including some American culture, manele music, and the celebration of Valentine's Day). They are against both Marxism and capitalism, following the third positionist ideology. The members of Noua Dreaptă revere the leader of the Iron Guard in the 1930s, Corneliu Zelea Codreanu.
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Livres was founded by Sérgio Bivar and his supporters in late 2015 as an internal libertarian tendency within the PSL. The initial goal of Livres was to reform the PSL following the 2018 general elections and modernize the PSL's platform. After Bolsonaro joined the PSL, Livres split with the PSL, claiming Bolsonaro's ultranationalism policies were incompatible with the organization. After leaving the PSL, Livres announced it would become a non-partisan political movement, with members and supporters free to join any political party in Brazil, provided they followed the 17 principles of the movement.
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Hedd Wyn is a 1992 Welsh anti-war biopic, written by Alan Llwyd and directed by Paul Turner. Based on the life of Ellis Humphrey Evans (Huw Garmon), killed in the First World War, the cinematography starkly contrasts the lyrical beauty of the poet's native Meirionnydd with the bombed-out horrors of Passchendaele. The protagonist is depicted as a tragic hero with an intense dislike of the wartime English/British ultranationalism which surrounds him. The film's title is Ellis Evans' bardic name (, "blessed peace"), under which he was posthumously awarded the Chair at the 1917 National Eisteddfod of Wales.
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The compendium contains his militant far-right ideology and xenophobic worldview, which espouses an array of political concepts; including support for varying degrees of cultural conservatism, right-wing populism, ultranationalism, Islamophobia, far-right Zionism, and Serbian paramilitarism. It regards Islam and "cultural Marxism" as the enemy and argues for the annihilation of "Eurabia" and multiculturalism, to preserve a Christian Europe. He further urged Europeans to restore the historic crusades against Islam as in the Middle Ages. A video Breivik released on YouTube 6 hours before the attack has been described as promoting violence towards leftists and Islamists who reside in Western Europe.
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National-anarchism is a radical right-wing.... nationalist ideology which advocates racial separatism and white racial purity... National-anarchists claim to syncretize neotribal ethnic nationalism with philosophical anarchism, mainly in their support for a stateless society whilst rejecting anarchist social philosophy. The main ideological innovation of national-anarchism is its anti-state palingenetic ultranationalism. National-anarchists advocate homogeneous communities in place of the nation state. National-anarchists claim that those of different ethnic or racial groups would be free to develop separately in their own tribal communes while striving to be politically meritocratic, economically non-capitalist, ecologically sustainable and socially and culturally traditional.
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Grave of Toyama Mitsuru in Fukuoka Grave of Toyama Mitsuru and his wife in Tokyo Although Tōyama remained a private citizen all his life, he was known as the "Shadow Shogun," "Spymaster," and "The Boss of Bosses," because of his tremendous covert influence on the nationalist politics and the yakuza crime syndicates. He also wrote an influential book on the "Three Shu" (Katsu Kaishu, Takahashi Deishu, and Yamaoka Tesshu). Despite his ultranationalism, Tōyama was paradoxically on good terms with Onisaburo Deguchi, Japan's most fervent pacifist. Tōyama was charismatic, complex, and controversial figure in his lifetime, and remains so to this day.
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Neo-fascism is a post-World War II ideology that includes significant elements of fascism. Neo-fascism usually includes ultranationalism, racial supremacy, populism, authoritarianism, nativism, xenophobia and opposition to immigration as well as opposition to liberal democracy, parliamentarianism, free-market capitalism/neoliberalism, liberalism, Marxism, communism and socialism. Allegations that a group is neo-fascist may be hotly contested, especially when the term is used as a political epithet. Some post–World War II regimes have been described as neo-fascist due to their authoritarian nature, and sometimes due to their fascination with and sympathy towards fascist ideology and rituals.
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The book features real-life spy Aldrich Ames as a character. Ames, a Central Intelligence Agency operative, had exchanged secrets to Soviet agents for money; his actions figure in the plot of Icon. Several real-life political figures are also characters in the story as members of the "Council of Lincoln," a secret group of influential world leaders, and the plot features them having an annual conference at a member's ranch in Jackson, Wyoming. The endgame of the plot involves installing a personified icon to help ensure stability in Russia without having to resort to ultranationalism or a return to Communism.
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In response to Mao's apparently unorthodox deviations, Enver Hoxha, head of the Albanian Labor Party, theorised anti-revisionist Marxism–Leninism, referred to as Hoxhaism, which retained orthodox Marxism–Leninism when compared to the ideology of the post-Stalin Soviet Union. In North Korea, Marxism–Leninism was officially superseded by Juche in 1977. However, the government is still sometimes referred to as Marxist–Leninist, or more commonly as a Stalinist, due to its political and economic structure. Juche has been described as a version of Korean ethnic ultranationalism which eventually developed after losing its original Marxist–Leninist elements.
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Thomas Hegghammer of the Norwegian Defence Research Establishment has outlined the emergence of "macro-nationalism" in the late Cold War era, which kept a low profile until the September 11 attacks. Hegghammer traces the origins of modern macro-nationalism to both the Western counter-jihad movement and Islamist terrorist organisations such as al-Qaeda. In the aftermath of the 2011 Norway attacks, he described the ideologies of perpetrator Anders Behring Breivik as "not fitting the established categories of right-wing ideology, like white supremacism, ultranationalism or Christian fundamentalism", but more akin to a "doctrine of civilisational war that represents the closest thing yet to a Christian version of Al-Qaeda".
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The Nationalist Movement Party (alternatively translated as Nationalist Action Party; , MHP) is a Turkish far-right ultraconservative political party that adheres to Turkish ultranationalism and Euroscepticism. The party was formed in 1969 by former colonel Alparslan Türkeş, who had become leader of the Republican Villagers Nation Party (CKMP) in 1965. The party mainly followed a Pan-Turkist and nationalist political agenda throughout the latter half of the 20th century, but later moderated its views under the leadership of Devlet Bahçeli, who took over after Türkeş's death in 1997. The party's youth wing is the Grey Wolves (Bozkurtlar) organization, which is also known as the "Nationalist Hearths" (Ülkü Ocakları).
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A critical influence on Hitler's thinking during this period was the Aufbau Vereinigung, a conspiratorial group of White Russian exiles and early National Socialists. The group, financed with funds channelled from wealthy industrialists, introduced Hitler to the idea of a Jewish conspiracy, linking international finance with Bolshevism. The programme of the NSDAP, known colloquially as the "Nazi Party", was laid out in their 25-point programme on 24 February 1920. This did not represent a coherent ideology, but was a conglomeration of received ideas which had currency in the völkisch Pan-Germanic movement, such as ultranationalism, opposition to the Treaty of Versailles, distrust of capitalism, as well as some socialist ideas.
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Benjamin R. Teitelbaum, former professor of Nordic Studies (current professor of musicology) at University of Colorado, argues that several parts of the manifesto suggest that Breivik was concerned about race, not only about Western culture or Christianity, labelling him as a white nationalist. Thomas Hegghammer of the Norwegian Defence Research Establishment has described the ideologies of Breivik as "not fitting the established categories of right-wing ideology, like white supremacism, ultranationalism or Christian fundamentalism", but more akin to macro-nationalism and a "new doctrine of civilisational war". Norwegian social scientist Lars Gule characterised Breivik as a "national conservative, not a Nazi"."Mein kleines Land gibt es nicht mehr" (in German). FAZ.
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According to a The New York Times review, Stanley's book—a "slim volume"—"breezes across decades and continents" and says that Donald Trump "resembles other purveyors of authoritarian ultranationalism." Overall, the Times gave a mixed review. The New Yorker said that How Fascism Works was popular, even though it was by an "academic philosopher"—it "prioritized current events over syllogisms" and "ranged broadly, citing experimental psychology, legal theory, and neo-Nazi blogs." The Guardian's "rave review" cited Stanley who said that, one of the "ironies of fascist politics" is that it includes the "normalization of the fascist myth" so that talk of fascism is made to appear to be "outlandish".
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Kōdō (published from 1934-1936) spoke out for liberalism, internationalism and modernism in opposition to the ultranationalism which swept Japan in the 1930s. Inspired by André Gide and Andre Malraux, Funahashi hoped to create a popular front movement among writers; however, the movement soon faded into obscurity. By 1940, Funahashi had joined the government-sponsored Literary Home Front Drive (Bungei Jugō Undō) along with 43 other prominent writers, and created works in support of the war effort. Funahashi worked as a lecturer at Takushoku University and from 1938 at Meiji University. In 1948, he became chairman of the Japan Writer’s Association, and became a member of the Akutagawa Prize selection committee in 1949.
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In Against the Fascist Creep, Alexander Reid Ross writes regarding Griffin's view: > Following the Cold War and shifts in fascist organizing techniques, a number > of scholars have moved toward the minimalist "new consensus" refined by > Roger Griffin: "the mythic core" of fascism is "a populist form of > palingenetic ultranationalism." That means that fascism is an ideology that > draws on old, ancient, and even arcane myths of racial, cultural, ethnic, > and national origins to develop a plan for the "new man." Indeed, Griffin himself explored this 'mythic' or 'eliminable' core of fascism with his concept of post-fascism to explore the continuation of Nazism in the modern era. Additionally, other historians have applied this minimalist core to explore proto-fascist movements.
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Nishida told Osaka that he thought it ironic that both capitalism and communism, the two forces of ideology he considered to be most influential in the epoch, had been birthed by Jewish thinkers David Ricardo and Karl Marx respectively. The interview exemplified Osaka's willingness to publish text critical of the tenets of Japanese ultranationalism. As Osaka became increasingly vocal in his criticism, the newspaper's conservative management believed that publishing his ideas would "cultivate a feeling of suspicion and animosity toward the politically idealistic and naive" young pastor. In February 1934, Osaka criticized the Shrine System Investigative Committee (Jinja Seido Chosakai), which the Diet had created as an advisory council on the "Shrine Issue," calling it vacuous and challenging what he perceived as its unjust legal protection.
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The term "Third Position" was coined in Europe and the main precursors of Third Position politics were National Bolshevism (a synthesis of far-right ultranationalism and far-left Bolshevism) and Strasserism (a radical, mass-action, worker-based, socialist form of Nazism, advocated by the "left-wing" of the Nazi Party by brothers Otto and Gregor Strasser, until it was crushed in the Night of the Long Knives in 1934). Neo-fascist, Neo-Nazi author Francis Parker Yockey had proposed an alliance between communists and fascists called Red-Brown Alliance (Red being the color of communism and Brown being the color of Nazism) which would have been anti-Semitic, anti-American, and anti-Zionist in nature. Yockey lent support to Third World liberation movements as well.
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In Italy, the Third Position was developed by Roberto Fiore, along with Gabriele Adinolfi and Peppe Dimitri, in the tradition of Italian neo-fascism. Third Position's ideology is characterized by a militarist formulation, a palingenetic ultranationalism looking favourably to national liberation movements, support for racial separatism and the adherence to a soldier lifestyle. In order to construct a cultural background for the ideology, Fiore looked to the ruralism of Julius Evola and sought to combine it with the desire for a cultural-spiritual revolution. He adopted some of the positions of the contemporary far-right, notably the ethnopluralism of Alain de Benoist and the Europe-wide appeal associated with such views as the Europe a Nation campaign of Oswald Mosley (amongst others).
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România Mare has been sued for libel with stunning frequency, often for Tudor's own writings (which he usually—if not always—signs under the pseudonym Alcibiade). Between 1993 and 1996, his party supported the leftist governmental coalition (the "Red Quadrilateral"). Tudor's and his party's change from national communism to ultranationalism took place after 1996. In 1999, Dan Corneliu Hudici, a former reporter at România Mare, claimed there was a "secret blacklist" of dozens of politicians (including then-president Emil Constantinescu), journalists, and businessmen to be arrested if Tudor's party came to power. This allegation only served to increase his popularity: in the first round of the Romanian presidential elections on 26 November 2000, Tudor finished second with 28% of the vote.
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For Payne, groups like the National Front in France are not neo-Fascists in nature, but are merely "right radical parties" that will, in the course of time, moderate their positions in order to achieve electoral victory.Golsan, Richard J. "Introduction" in Golsan (1998), pp.6-7 The problem of immigrants - both legal and illegal (or "irregular") - whether called "foreigners", "foreign workers", "economic refugees", "ethnic minorities", "asylum seekers", or "aliens", is a core neo-Fascist issue, intimately tied to their nativism, ultranationalism, and xenophobia, but the specifics differ somewhat from country to country due to prevailing circumstances. In general, the anti-immigrant impetus is strong when the economy is weak or unemployment is high, and people fear that outsiders are taking their jobs.
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During the 1920s, right-wing nationalist beliefs became an increasingly dominant force. State support for Shinto encouraged a belief in the mythological history of Japan and thus led to mysticism and cultural chauvinism. Some secret societies took up ultranationalism and Japan-centered radical ideas. They included: Genyōsha (Black Ocean Society, 1881), Kokuryu- kai (Amur River Society, or Black Dragon Society, 1901), movements dedicated to overseas Japanese expansion to the north; Nihon Kokusui Kai (Japanese Patriotic Society, 1919), founded by Tokoname Takejiro; Sekka Boshidan (Anti- Red League) founded at the same time as the Japanese Communist Party; and the Kokuhonsha (State Basis Society) founded in 1924 by Baron Hiranuma, for the preservation of the unique national character of Japan and its special mission in Asia.
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Human Rights Overview reported in 2004 that North Korea remains one of the most repressive governments, with isolation and disregard for international law making monitoring almost impossible. After 1,500 churches were destroyed during the rule of Kim Il Sung from 1948 to 1994, three churches were built in Pyongyang. Foreign residents regularly attending services at these churches have reported that services there are staged for their benefit. The North Korean government promotes the cult of personality of Kim Jong-il and Kim Il-sung, described as a political religion, as well as the Juche ideology, based on Korean ultranationalism, which calls on people to "avoid spiritual deference to outside influences", which was interpreted as including religion originating outside of Korea.
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During this period, opponents of the Washington Naval Treaty and its successors had taken control of the upper echelons of the IJN and rebuilt the s into fast battleships and modernized the existing ships. Coupled with the growth of ultranationalism and dominance of the government by the military, the government decided to withdraw from the treaty regime when it expired in 1936. Planning by the Navy General Staff for the post-treaty era began in 1934 and included five large battleships armed with nine guns; these ships became the . While the Yamatos were under construction in the late 1930s, the IJN began designing a successor class, the Design A-150 armed with guns, but never laid any down as they prepared for war and other ships had higher priority.
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Whilst Gregor Strasser echoed many of the calls of his brother, his influence on the ideology is less, owing to his remaining in the Nazi Party longer and to his early death. Meanwhile, Otto Strasser continued to expand his argument, calling for the break-up of large estates and the development of something akin to a guild system and the related establishment of a Reich cooperative chamber to take a leading role in economic planning. Strasserism became a distinct strand of Nazism that whilst holding on to previous Nazi ideals such as antisemitism and palingenetic ultranationalism, added a strong critique of capitalism on economic antisemitic grounds and framed this in the demand for a more worker-based approach to economics. However, it is disputed whether Strasserism was a distinct form of Nazism.
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One of the regime's defining characteristics was its Khmer ultranationalism, which combined an idealisation of the Angkor Empire (802–1431) & the Late Middle Period of Cambodia (1431-1863) with an existential fear for the survival of the Cambodian state, which had historically been liquidated during periods of Vietnamese and Siamese intervention. The spillover of Vietnamese fighters from the Vietnamese–American War further aggravated anti-Vietnamese sentiments as the 1960s went on: the Khmer Republic under Lon Nol, overthrown by the Khmer Rouge, had itself promoted Mon-Khmer nationalism and was responsible for several anti-Vietnamese pogroms during the 1970s.Jordens in Heder and Ledgerwood (eds) (1995) Propaganda, Politics and Violence in Cambodia, M. E. Sharpe, p. 134. Some historians such as Ben Kiernan have stated that the importance the regime gave to race overshadowed its conceptions of class.
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Griffin's theory, set out first in The Nature of Fascism in 1991, and more recently in Fascism: An Introduction to Comparative Fascist Studies (2017), offers a heuristically useful ideal type of fascism as a form of revolutionary organic nationalist movement, or palingenetic ultranationalism. For Griffin, fascism directly mobilises popular energies or works through an elite to eventually achieve the cultural hegemony of new values and the total rebirth of the 'ultranation', whether conceived as a historic nation-state or as a race or ethnos, from what it defines as the present state of decadence. Fascism is an ideology that has assumed a large number of specific national permutations and several distinct organizational forms. Moreover, it is a political project that continues to evolve to this day throughout the Europeanized world, though it remains highly marginalised compared with the central place it occupied in inter-war Europe, and its central role in identity politics has been largely replaced by non-revolutionary forms of radical right-wing populism.
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While stating that national-anarchists claim to promote "a radical anti-capitalist and anti-Marxist 'anarchist' agenda of autonomous rural communities within a decentralized, pan-European framework", Macklin further argued that despite a protean capacity for change, far-right groupuscules retain some principles which he calls core fascist values (anti- communism, anti-liberalism, anti-Marxism, violent direct action, palingenesis, Third Positionism and ultranationalism), describing national-anarchism as "racist anti-capitalism" and "communitarian racism". Macklin concludes that national-anarchism is a synthesis of anarcho-primitivism and the radical traditionalist conservatism of Julius Evola in a "revolt against the modern world". Macklin concludes that "[a]lthough Southgate's impact on left-wing counter-cultural concerns has been completely negligible, this case study of the NRF's wanton intellectual cannibalism shows that groupuscular fascism poses a clear danger, particularly for ecological subcultures whose values are profoundly different from the ecological agenda mooted by the far right. [...] If this article is anything to go by, then anarchist, ecological and global justice movements need to remain on their guard in order to ensure that the revolution will not be national-Bolshevized".
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While the combination of post-left opposition to capitalism and statism with right-wing support for ethnic and racial separatism makes its classification on the left–right political spectrum problematic, scholars who have examined national-anarchism consider it to be on the radical right. In his 2003 essay From. Slime Mould to Rhizome: An Introduction to the Groupuscular Right, Roger Griffin argued that national-anarchism is a segment of the groupuscular right which has evolved towards a "mazeway resynthesis" between "classic fascism, third positionism, neo-anarchism and new types of anti-systemic politics born of the anti-globalization movement", whose main ideological innovation is a stateless palingenetic ultranationalism. In his 2005 essay Co-opting the Counter Culture: Troy Southgate and the National Revolutionary Faction, described as a "case study of the National Revolutionary Faction (NRF)" which "provides a salutary example of fascism's cogent syncretic core and its ability to produce novel and pragmatic syntheses", Graham D. Macklin argued that the conservative revolutionary concept of the anarch provides sanction for the ideological shapeshifting and unrestrained syncretism of national- anarchism, allowing its adherents to assert they have transcended the dichotomy of conventional politics to embrace higher political forms that are "beyond left and right".
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