If conservatism was an ideology first and foremost, then a stronger attachment to that ideology should provide a stronger mooring against the winds of Trump — in their formulation, you should see more "policy loyalism" and less "party loyalism" among people who saw themselves as committed conservatives.
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There is a loyalism in college football, a very real, very tribal sense of school spirit that goes far beyond anything in professional football.
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The annual Twelfth of July bonfires and parades, celebrating the history of Ulster Loyalism, saw effigies of wicked Papists burned for public edification and the delight of inebriated Loyalists.
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A cursory view of our workforce, and our expansive, multi-cultural Customer base whose loyalism brings them back to Southwest is an endorsement and reliable indicator that we exalt, appreciate and celebrate diversity.
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Gary Cohn, President Donald Trump's former chief economic adviser, expressed concerns about the fierce loyalism among current aides of the president, saying he is worried no one is left in the White House to challenge Trump.
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"Loyalism agreed to the peace process on the basis that the union would be safe, and obviously now there is concern that this is being put in the bin to facilitate the Irish government," Mr. Bryson said.
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Both teams' identities were built upon being perceived in opposition to each other, in politics as well as religion: Celtic have been associated with socialism and Rangers with conservatism; Celtic with Irish republicanism, and Rangers with Ulster loyalism.
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A group of conservative critics of President Donald Trump — including lawyer George Conway, husband of White House aide Kellyanne Conway — is launching a super PAC that will spend the next year working against Trump's reelection and Trump loyalism within the GOP.
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An important political movement in several countries in the Isles is British unionism, an ideology favouring the continued union of the United Kingdom. It is most prevalent in Scotland, England, and Northern Ireland. British unionism has close ties to British nationalism. Another movement is Loyalism, which manifests itself as loyalism to the British Crown.
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The Scottish loyalist movement originated during the Industrial Revolution when a significant number of Ulster Protestants migrated to Scotland from Ireland. In Scotland, a loyalist is someone on the fringes of Scottish unionism who is often strongly supportive of loyalism and unionism, although mainly concentrating on the Irish union issue rather than on Scottish politics. Scottish loyalism is typified by militant opposition to Irish republicanism, Scottish independence and the Roman Catholic Church – particularly the existence of Catholic denominational schools. Coming from a large section of Scottish society Scottish loyalism has become more visible through prominent demonstrations of the beliefs of its members since the establishment of a Scottish Parliament.
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Perhaps he'd been there and done that and bought > the T-shirt. He was a well-respected person within the loyalist community > and his credentials were extremely strong. People saw my father as someone > who said that loyalism was at war with militant republicanism and he was > unashamed about that. At that same time, he was also making a contribution > to trying to push not just loyalism but everyone beyond conflict.
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Instead, it is more likely that he was referring to the beginning of his expressed Loyalism to the Crown. The year 1757 is inconsistent with the documentary evidence uncovered to date.
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Instead, it is more likely that he was referring to the beginning of his expressed Loyalism to the Crown. The year 1757 is inconsistent with the documentary evidence uncovered to date.
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Dennis Cooke, Persecuting Zeal: A Portrait of Ian Paisley, Brandon Books, 1996, p. 184 From an early age he identified strongly with loyalism and Unionism. Author Sarah Nelson described him as a "skilled manual worker".Nelson, Sarah (1984).
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Retrieved 12 July 2014.Twelfth Resolutions 2013. Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland. Retrieved 12 July 2014. with links to Ulster loyalism. It campaigned against Scottish independence in 2014."Scottish independence: Orange Lodge registers to campaign for a 'No' vote".
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Lowry, Donal "The Crown, Empire Loyalism, and Assimilation of Non-British White Subjects in the British World: An Argument against 'Ethnic Determinism'" pages 98-120 from The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, Volume 31, Issue 2, June 2003 page 104.
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The INLA cast itself as defenders of the Catholic community and tried to take the war to Loyalism. However, over the next few years the group killed over 40 civilians and 10 of its own volunteers while accounting for only five loyalists.
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Byron The Irish Avatar However Fingall and his fellow Irish Catholic peers were not and did not pretend to be republicans: they sought equal rights under the Crown, not separation from it. Fingall himself had demonstrated his loyalism during the 1798 Rebellion.
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Kilcooley bonfire field Kilcooley estate (From Irish: Cill Chúile) is a housing estate owned by the Northern Ireland Housing Executive on the outskirts of Bangor, Northern Ireland. The residents of the area are predominantly Protestant, and the area has strong links with loyalism.
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49-50 Pancu had an enormous influence on Codreanu. Pancu's movement, whose original membership did not exceed 40,Barbu, p.197 attempted to revive loyalism within the proletariat (while offering an alternative to communism by promising to advocate increased labor rights).Veiga, p.
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Lister & Jordan, pp. 330-331 In the immediate aftermath he told the press "I will return".Martin Dillon, The Trigger Men, Edinburgh, 2003, p. 243 However, White, whose precise whereabouts are still unclear, stated soon afterwards that he was done with the UDA and loyalism in general.
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Forbes of Pitsligo, combined a history of Stuart loyalism with bitter opposition to the 1707 Acts of Union. Jacobite recruiting methods in Scotland varied across the country. Adherence was fundamentally decided by personal or local factors,McCann (1963), xxi and often differed between officers and the rank and file.
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May Beattie (born c. 1950) is a unionist politician in Northern Ireland. Born in Carrickfergus, Beattie became involved in politics by assisting the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) during elections. She became a party member in the early 1990s,Rachel Ward, Women, unionism and loyalism in Northern Ireland, p.
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The Ulster Loyalist Central Co-ordinating Committee (ULCCC) was set up in 1974 in Belfast, Northern Ireland in the aftermath of the Ulster Workers Council Strike, to facilitate meetings and policy co-ordination between the Ulster Workers Council, loyalist paramilitary groups, and the political representatives of Ulster loyalism.
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Tara was an Ulster loyalist movement in Northern Ireland that espoused a brand of evangelical Protestantism. Preaching a hard-line and somewhat esoteric brand of loyalism, Tara enjoyed some influence in the late 1960s before declining amid a high-profile sex abuse scandal involving its leader William McGrath.
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It was assassination: in the course of the Troubles loyalists are credited with the murder of 1027 individuals (about half the number attributed to republican paramilitaries and 30% of the total killed). Loyalism, of which the once largely rural Orange Order had been the archetypal expression, is generally understood as a strand of unionism. It has been characterised as partisan but not necessarily party-political, and in outlook as more ethnic than consciously British—the perspective of those who are "Ulster Protestants first and British second." Loyalism can embrace evangelicals, but the term is consistently associated with the paramilitaries and, on that basis, frequently used as if were synonymous with working-class unionism.
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Despite no longer having full control of Loyalism, the CLMC carried on and supported the signing of the Belfast Agreement. However, since then the CLMC has effectively ceased to exist as the UVF and UDA were embroiled in a loyalist feud over Johnny Adair and commitment to the Agreement has wavered. Overall control of Loyalism has largely been lost to the CLMC and, whilst it is still theoretically maintained, it is no longer the important body that it once was. The subsequent Loyalist Commission (LC) represented the political work of the new McMichael-ite UDA politicos, known as the Ulster Political Research Group (UPRG), which followed the now defunct UDP, and the David Ervine-inspired PUP.
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The Red Hand: Protestant paramilitaries in Northern Ireland. Oxford University Press, 1992. p.157Booker, Ronnie Michael. Orange Alba: The Civil Religion of Loyalism in the Southwestern Lowlands of Scotland since 1798. University of Tennessee, 2010. p.87 During the 1970s an Orangeman—Roddy MacDonald—was the UDA's 'commander' in Scotland.
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Among his other names were: , and . The Imperial House of Japan traditionally based its claim to the throne on its putative descent from the sun-goddess Amaterasu via Jimmu's great-grandfather Ninigi.Bob Tadashi Wakabayashi, [Japanese Loyalism Reconstrued: Yamagata Daini's Ryūshi Shinron of 1759], University of Hawai'i Press, 1995 pp. 106–107.
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William "Plum" Smith (sometimes erroneously spelt Smyth) (26 January 1954William Smith, Inside Man, Loyalists of Long Kesh – The Untold Story, 2014, p. 19 – 8 June 2016) was a Northern Irish loyalist, former paramilitary, and politician. He had been involved in Ulster loyalism in various capacities for at least forty years.
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A fervent admirer of Britain and its Empire, Welensky described himself as "half Jewish, half Afrikaner [and] 100% British"."The crown, empire loyalism and the assimilation of non-British white subjects in the British world: An argument against ethnic determinism", Donal Lowry, May 2003, Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, pp. 31–32.
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In contrast English Canadians, especially recent immigrants from England, rallied to join the military in large numbers out of a sense of British loyalism. They saw their experience of the war, fighting in the Canadian Corps, as "the birth of a nation", when Canada replaced Britain as their primary focus of loyalty.
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3 May 2007 From January 1973 to December of that year Gibson, described as a "top intelligence officer" in the UVF, was interned in Long Kesh Prison.Frenett, Ross. "'Protestant Socialists'? Ulster Loyalism and Working-Class Politics: 1969–1974," Scrinium, University College Cork (2010), p.36Jim Cusack & Henry McDonald, UVF, Poolbeg, 1997, p.
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Including militia and marine forces more than 50,000 served. The Patriots used tactics such as property confiscation to suppress loyalism and drive active loyalists away. After the war, approximately 80-90 per cent of the Loyalists stayed in the new United States, and adapted to the new conditions and changes of a republic.
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Loyalism in New York during the American revolution, p. 36 The Rev. Samuel Provoost was appointed Rector of Trinity (1784–1800) in 1784, and the New York State Legislature ratified the charter of Trinity Church, deleting the provision that asserted its loyalty to the King of England. Whig patriots were appointed as vestrymen.
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Tyndall also led the BNP in support of Ulster loyalism, for instance by holding public demonstrations against the Irish republican party Sinn Féin, and endorsing Ulster loyalist paramilitaries. Under Griffin, the BNP continued to support Ulster's membership of the United Kingdom, calling for the crushing of the Irish Republican Army and the scrapping of the Anglo-Irish Agreement. Griffin later expressed the view that "the only solution that could possibly be acceptable to loyalists and republicans alike" would be the reintegration of the Irish Republic into the United Kingdom, which would be reorganised along federal lines. However, while retaining the party's commitment to Ulster loyalism, under Griffin the importance of the issue was downplayed, something that was criticised by Tyndall loyalists.
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The Order is best known for its yearly marches, the biggest of which are held on and around 12 July ('The Twelfth'). These marches have been criticised for their association with sectarian unrest between Protestants and Catholics.Booker, Ronnie Michael. Orange Alba: The Civil Religion of Loyalism in the Southwestern Lowlands of Scotland since 1798.
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The Democratic Unionist Party are Ulster unionists, which means that they support Northern Ireland remaining part of the United Kingdom and are opposed to a united Ireland. The party sees itself as defending Britishness and Ulster Protestant culture against Irish nationalism and republicanism.James W. McAuley, Graham Spencer. Ulster Loyalism After the Good Friday Agreement.
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Albert Glenn Barr OBEBirthday 2005 Honours List (19 March 1942 – 24 October 2017) was a politician from Derry, Northern Ireland, who was an advocate of Ulster nationalism. For a time during the 1970s he straddled both Unionism and Loyalism due to simultaneously holding important positions in the Vanguard Progressive Unionist Party and the Ulster Defence Association.
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When that was rejected, he moved increasingly towards Loyalism. After 1778, Galloway lived in Britain where he acted as a leader of the Loyalist movement and an advisor to the government. Many Loyalists went into exile after America won its independence from Britain and signed the Peace of Paris (1783) and so Galloway permanently settled in Britain.
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Song Siyeol paints the pro-Qing Dynasty faction member, Kim Jajeom, as a disloyal traitor, and Im Gyeong-eop as the incarnation of Ming loyalism. Thus, Im Gyeongeop jeon can be seen as a work that strongly establishes clear orientations with regard to hostility towards the Qing Dynasty (and pro-Qing factions) and loyalty to the Ming Dynasty.
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The Dirty War. London: Arrow Books. p. 229 In 2001, his son Kenneth stood for election to Ballymena Borough Council as a PUP candidate."A SON OF A GUN; Ex-UVF gunman Billy McCaughey killed for loyalism .. but his only son Kenneth's opted for ballot box over bullet" The Free Library He was unsuccessful, receiving 53 votes (0.5% of the total votes cast).
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83-85 Catholic churches were also attacked. In February, it began to target critics of militant loyalism – the homes of MPs Austin Currie, Sheelagh Murnaghan, Richard Ferguson and Anne Dickson were attacked with improvised bombs. It also continued its attacks in the Republic of Ireland, bombing the Dublin-Belfast railway line, an electricity substation, a radio mast, and Irish nationalist monuments.Cusack & McDonald, pp.
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It played a part in conspiratorial alliances supporting the policies of Gustav von Kahr, although it also had Conservative Revolutionaries among its core contributors. In its late years, ' turned to Bavarian nationalism and Wittelsbach loyalism, becoming a target for the Nazi regime. Cossmann was imprisoned for dissidence, then deported for his Jewishness; took over, leading ' until its disestablishment in 1936.
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Although the precise nature of Peeples' transgressions were not discussed an OV statement claimed that: > The Orange Volunteers believe Peeples is deliberately seeding dissent within > loyalism. He has received three or four warnings to stop orchestrating a > campaign of misinformation against the Orange Volunteer leadership from > within Maghaberry prison. He chose to ignore those warnings. So too did > Wilson and Stuart [sic].
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In their interviews with Romanian officials, both he and Gachikevich dismissed all accounts of Bolshevik agitation.Giurcă, p. 16 During their stay in Khotin, McLaren and Boxhall had resided with the Krupenskys. According to Stănescu, this was an additional proof of continuity between Russian loyalism and the rebels of 1919, over a shared agenda of "keeping these territories inside Russia, even if it were a Soviet Russia".
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The Order's political influence crested between the World Wars, but was effectively nil thereafter as the Tory party began to move away from Protestant politics. After the onset of the Troubles, many Scottish Orangemen began giving support to loyalist militant groups in Northern Ireland,Booker, Ronnie Michael. Orange Alba: The Civil Religion of Loyalism in the Southwestern Lowlands of Scotland since 1798. University of Tennessee, 2010. p.
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Lundy is reviled in Ulster loyalism as a traitor to this day, and is burned in effigy during the celebrations to mark the anniversary of the shutting of the gates of Derry in 1688. Much like Judas, his name has become a byword for "traitor" among unionists and loyalists. Ian Paisley regularly denounced people, including Margaret Thatcher, Terence O'Neill and David Trimble, as "Lundies".
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American Patriots mobbing a Loyalist in 1775–76 The consensus of scholars is that about 15– to 20-percent of the white population remained loyal to the British Crown.Calhoon, "Loyalism and neutrality" in Greene and Pole, eds. A Companion to the American Revolution (1980) at p. 235 Those who actively supported the king were known at the time as "Loyalists", "Tories", or "King's men".
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Scottish loyalism is visible through participation at Orange parades with supporters from Rangers, Heart of Midlothian F.C. and Airdrie United. Loyalists in Scotland mostly live in small working class enclaves in the major urban centres or industrial villages, notably Glasgow, Lanarkshire, Edinburgh, Renfrewshire, Fife, West Lothian and Ayrshire. There are relatively few loyalists in areas such as Aberdeen, the Scottish Borders and the Scottish Highlands.
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In the latter half of the nineteenth century, the immediate threat of an Irish convict seizure of the penal colony largely evaporated, though anti-Irish and anti-Catholic suspicions did not, particularly given the massive Irish migration occurring as a consequence of the Great Irish Famine between 1845–1849. Irish and Scottish involvement in the Eureka Stockade in 1854 and the transportation of Fenians (including their subsequent rescue) in the 1860s meant loyalism and Protestant ascendancy (including Orangeism) remained pre- eminent values in the colony in the second half of the nineteenth century, with most Protestant Australians of English background strongly attached to British imperialism as their core identities – at the time, British imperialism, loyalism and notions of innate Protestant and Anglo-Saxon supremacy were mutually reinforcing, though some Catholics in the Australian colonies attained positions of power by adopting vocally loyalist public postures.See, for example, the experience of Peter Lalor.
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David Mathews was Mayor of New York during the occupation. Many of the civilians who continued to reside in town were Loyalists.Calhoon, Robert M. "Loyalism and neutrality" Chapter 29, p. 235. Greene, Jack P. and Pole, J.R. A Companion of the American Revolution (2004) On September 21, 1776, the city suffered a devastating fire of uncertain origin after the evacuation of Washington's Continental Army at the beginning of the occupation.
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Afghanistan's flag c. 1928 (one of several variants) under King Amanullah Amanullah loyalism refers to several historical movements in the Kingdom of Afghanistan to restore Amanullah Khan as king of Afghanistan after he was deposed in January 1929 during the Afghan Civil War. Loyalists were sometimes referred to as Amanite. Loyalists tried to achieve this in various ways, including armed rebellions, political parties, colluding with foreign powers and assassinations.
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Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1966, pp. 201-202. The Missourians were looked at as the leaders in the election controversy. When Preus and the other Norwegians supported the same position as Walther and Missouri, they were accused of loyalism to the Missouri Synod. The controversy became so fierce in the circles of the Norwegian Synod that on Good Friday, 1883, Herman and Christian were physically removed from their congregations.
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During the Revolution, the Scots Irish in the back country in most states were noted as strong patriots. One exception was the Waxhaw settlement on the lower Catawba River along the North Carolina-South Carolina boundary, where Loyalism was strong. The area had two main settlement periods of Scotch Irish. During the 1750s–1760s, second- and third-generation Scotch Irish Americans moved from Pennsylvania, Virginia, and North Carolina.
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A Franco-American attempt to retake Savannah in 1779 ended in failure. In 1780 the main British strategic focus turned to the south. British planners mistakenly believed a large base of loyalism existed in the southern colonies, and based plans on the flawed assumption that a large loyalist army could be raised to occupy the territories that had been pacified by regular British troops.Wickwire; Cornwallis, the American Adventure; p.315.
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A memorial to Wright in Eastvale Avenue, Dungannon. A memorial garden honouring Wright in Ballycraigy. Owing to his uncompromising stance as an upholder of Ulster loyalism and opposition to the peace process, Wright has, since his death, become the most revered loyalist icon and cult figure in the history of the Troubles. For years after his death, his image adorned murals in housing estates in Portadown and elsewhere throughout Northern Ireland.
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Clementina Trenholm Fessenden was born in the village of Trenholm, Canada East, on 4 May 1843. Educated in Montreal schools, she grew up in a home where loyalism and devotion to British traditions were strong. At twenty-one she married the Reverend Elisha Joseph Fessenden, a Canadian-born Church of England clergyman. The family moved to Fergus, Ontario, and later to Chippawa, Ontario, on the banks of the Niagara River.
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Although it placed little importance on religion, during the 1970s, the party claimed that God had set forth absolute moral values. While it endorsed Ulster loyalism it did not share its emphasis on defending Protestantism. The party is firmly anti- feminist, and highly critical of changes to traditional gender roles. Spearhead stated that the NF saw "the feminine role as principally one of wife, mother and home maker".
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After the war's end, Calvert had to pay triple taxes as did other Loyalists, but he was never forced to sign the loyalty oath and his lands and property remained unconfiscated.Yentsch p.270 Calvert's Loyalism does not appear to have affected his cordial relations with the leader of the Revolution, George Washington. Most likely this was because of the marriage in 1774 of Washington's stepson to Calvert's daughter.
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One exception to the high level of patriotism was the Waxhaw settlement on the lower Catawba River along the North Carolina-South Carolina boundary, where Loyalism was strong. The area experienced two main settlement periods of Scotch-Irish. During the 1750s–1760s, second- and third-generation Scotch-Irish Americans moved from Pennsylvania, Virginia, and North Carolina. This particular group had large families, and as a group they produced goods for themselves and for others.
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After the strike loyalism began to embrace Ulster nationalist ideas, with the UDA, in particular, advocating this position.Ian S. Wood, Crimes of Loyalty:A History of the UDA, pg. 50. Firm proposals for an independent Ulster were produced in 1976 by the Ulster Loyalist Central Co-ordinating Committee and in 1977 by the UDA's New Ulster Political Research Group. The NUPRG document, Beyond the Religious Divide, has been recently republished with a new introduction.
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No responsibility for the failed attack was claimed. Tyrie himself felt that the attack was carried out by potential successors within the UDA but, whichever explanation was true, it demonstrated that Tyrie was no longer secure in his position and had become a target within loyalism as UDA leader.Taylor, p. 200 Five days after the attack Tyrie announced his resignation as leader of the UDA and was placed on 'retirement' by the organisation.
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The "Andy Tyrie Interpretive Centre" opened on Belfast's Newtownards Road in 2012 Tyrie established his own business in County Down after leaving active duty with the UDA. Since quitting as UDA leader Tyrie has largely been outside active loyalism, although he has been brought back from time to time as the main voice of the old UDA. In 1994 he and Barr were recalled by the Ulster Democratic Party to spearhead their funding initiative.Taylor, p.
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The Orange Order was formed in Ulster in 1795 by Ulster Protestants, many of whom had Scottish roots. It was brought to Scotland in 1798 by soldiers returning from service in Ulster, and its membership was soon swelled by large numbers of Ulster Protestant immigrants. As such, the Scottish branch has strong links with Northern Ireland and Ulster unionism/loyalism. During the Troubles, lodges were accused of having links with loyalist paramilitaries.
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Not only did not join the brothers, despite their entreaties, but left Salamiya with his son and a few close supporters, first for Ramla in Palestine, and thence to Egypt and the Maghreb. It was only after this "betrayal" and the death of the Sahib al-Naqa that Salamiya was attacked by a grieving and enraged Sahib al-Shama; the movement then moved away from Fatimid loyalism and "acquired the characteristics of dissident Qarmatism".
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Around 979 BC, sixty years after the rebellion, war broke out between the Zhou kingdom under King Kang, Chang's successor, and the Guifang of Shanxi and northern Shaanxi. The latter were reportedly supported by Shang diehards under the Earl of Ge, and possibly fought for the restoration of the Shang dynasty. Nevertheless, such uprisings remained local and weak, so that Shang loyalism never again posed a serious threat to the Zhou dynasty.
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Hill & Bell, The Other Face of terror, pp. 194-195 However in a subsequent volte-face the VMO threw its lot in with Ulster loyalism and attempted to link up with the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF). This came to nothing either however after the UVF rejected the VMO's request that they should target Jews, with the UVF a pro-Israeli group in opposition to the pro-Palestine stance of republicans.Jim Cusack & Henry McDonald, UVF, Poolbeg, 1997, pp.
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American emissaries were cautious of British officials coming from the United States. After five weeks recovering from his fever, he found himself in jail. Ramage lamented to his wife, "I should have staid where I was, as I think the Accommodation in the gaol in New York is much better, which is all they Could do with me there." He was discharged from jail after a month, due to the grand jury favoring his loyalism during the American Revolution.
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100 Despite its close associations with loyalism the USCA had an innate conservatism that made many of its members uncomfortable about these links. With the formation of the Ulster Loyalist Central Co-ordinating Committee the group declined membership and distanced itself from the loyalist paramilitaries.Sarah Nelson, Ulster's Uncertain Defenders, Syracuse University Press, 1984, p. 158 The USCA disbanded soon after this although many of its members would subsequently emerge in the 1977 established Ulster Service Corps.
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The charges against him were dropped in October 1990 and he was released. Duddy retired from active loyalism in the 1990s, but was recalled by the UPRG to help rebuild their image after the collapse of the Ulster Democratic Party and the split from Johnny Adair and John White. He was the North Belfast representative for the UPRG. At the height of the fall-out in 2002, his home in Rathcoole, north Belfast, was hit with a pipe bomb.
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Others argue that Whelan was used as a scapegoat. After Confederation, Irish Catholics faced more hostility, especially from Protestant Irish in Ontario, which was under the political sway of the already entrenched anti-Catholic Orange Order. The anthem "The Maple Leaf Forever", written and composed by Scottish immigrant and Orangeman Alexander Muir, reflects the pro-British Ulster loyalism outlook typical of the time with its disdainful view of Irish Republicanism. This only amplified with Fenian Raids of the time.
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A native of Lisburn, Adams was a member of the Ulster Defence Association (UDA) although he did not hold any position of importance within the movement and was never imprisoned. From early on, Adams was much more involved in the political side of loyalism rather than the paramilitary side.Peter Taylor, Loyalists, Bloomsbury, 2000, p. 215 Unlike many of his contemporaries in the UDA, Adams was grammar school educated and gained a reputation as an articulate speaker.
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" Billy Hutchinson, leader of the Progressive Unionist Party (PUP) furiously denied this claim: "I just don't know where he got this from. I can categorically state that there was no involvement from the UVF in any way in this violence. The UVF are committed to the principles of the Good Friday agreement." However, later the PSNI Chief Superintendent George Clark commented, "The violence did come from both sides of the community but initially, certainly, it came from within Loyalism.
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He therefore took some distance from the conservative demands of the Salvation Committee, and in various contexts presented himself as an independent emissary, united with the others mainly in their common support for a plebiscite clause in Bessarabia.Suveică, "Between the Empire...", pp. 37, 43; "For the 'Bessarabian Cause'...", pp. 144–145 However, his autonomism and Krupensky's loyalism were mostly endorsed by the White émigré lobby in Paris, including the likes of Georgy Lvov, Vasily Maklakov, Sergey Sazonov, and Nikolai Tchaikovsky.
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David Ervine (21 July 1953 – 8 January 2007) was a Northern Irish Unionist politician from Belfast and the leader of the Progressive Unionist Party (PUP). During his youth Ervine was a member of the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) and was imprisoned for possessing bomb-making equipment. Whilst in jail he became convinced of the benefits of a more political approach for Ulster loyalism and became involved with the PUP. As a leading PUP figure, Ervine helped to deliver the loyalist ceasefire of 1994.
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It is neither supported by any of the political parties represented in the Northern Ireland Assembly nor by the government of the United Kingdom or the government of the Republic of Ireland. Although the term Ulster traditionally refers to one of the four traditional provinces of Ireland which contains Northern Ireland as well as parts of the Republic of Ireland, the term is often used within unionism and Ulster loyalism (from which Ulster nationalism originated) to refer to Northern Ireland.
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One commentator considers that anti-Catholic sectarianism in Australia expired in the 1950s when the predominantly Protestant conservative government of the time agreed to state aid for Catholic schools.New life for that old time sectarianism – Gerard Henderson – www.smh.com.au Nonetheless, the Australia of the 1950s was still an Australia in which notions of Catholicism and Protestantism, loyalism and disloyalism, were of everyday noteworthiness. Catholics were still associated with Irishness, Protestants with Englishness, though, as Australia developed away from Britain, the division became less bitter.
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Montrose, depicted in 1678. The town, along with the north-eastern coast generally, was a source of Jacobite recruits. In contrast to 1715, many joined the Jacobites in 1745 for reasons other than Stuart loyalism. While 46% of the Jacobite army came from the Highlands and Islands, there is no evidence this was any more common in the Highlands post-1715 than elsewhere in Scotland.McCann, Jean E (1963) The Organisation of the Jacobite Army (PHD thesis) Edinburgh University, OCLC 646764870, xix.
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He was a major force in redirecting the Left Party Communists policies away from Moscow loyalism towards Eurocommunism and Scandinavian Popular Socialism. He wrote several books regarding capitalism and the owners of the large corporations, as well as on communists and the policies of the left. At the time of Joseph Stalin's death in 1953, Hermansson praised Stalin as a brilliant scientist and a great leader. He subsequently regretted this and referred to his own words about Stalin as reprehensible.
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Following an unsuccessful attempt to retake the munitions, the Charles Town leaders determined to break the strength of upcountry loyalism by raising an overwhelming force of militiamen under the command of Colonel Richard Richardson. Heavily outnumbered, the King's men fell back toward the Piedmont. By late December, Richardson had perhaps as many as 5,000 troops under his command and had captured the major loyalist leaders.Huff, 22; Bobby Gilmer Moss, The Patriots in the Snow Campaign, 1775 (Blacksburg, SC: Scotia Hibernia Press, 2007), 18.
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Typically, there is one band per lodge. Some bands have formal connections with the lodge, but in most cases it is simply hired for the day. Bands and lodges pair up by word of mouth, through the band or lodge advertising in Protestant publications such as the Orange Standard, or as a result of a lodge member hearing the recordings many bands produce. Most bands have a strongly Protestant ethos and display bannerettes and flags associated with loyalism, and in some cases, paramilitary groups.
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After the war's end, the Calverts had to pay triple taxes as did other Loyalists, but they were never forced to sign the loyalty oath and their lands and property remained unconfiscated.Yentsch, p.270 Curiously, Elizabeth and her husband's Loyalism does not appear to have affected their family's cordial relations with the leader of the Revolution, George Washington. In 1783, after the war was over, Washington stayed with the Calverts at their Mount Airy plantation, shortly after resigning his commission in Annapolis On December 23.
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In mid-October, Murphy and several associates kidnapped a Catholic man who was then tortured and beaten to death in Murphy's own house (temporarily vacated due to renovations). Murphy, who had left the house strewn with the victim's blood and teeth, was arrested for questioning the next morning but later released. The sadism of the widely publicised killing led to loyalism receiving a great deal of bad publicity, and leading UVF figures concluded that Murphy's horrific methods had made him too much of a liability.
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Lăcusteanu & Crutzescu, pp. 133–136, 235–236, 257 He exiled himself to the Austrian Empire, and his trip toward the border saw public displays of loyalism. At Ploiești, the citizens offered to reinstate and defend him against foreign invaders. Ghica refused, noting that his "children the Romanians" could not hope to defend the land against two imperial powers.Lăcusteanu & Crutzescu, pp. 134–136 A controversy ensued between those who saw him as a "victim of Muscovite ambitions" and those who believed he was a paragon of corruption.
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Sean McPhilemy, The Committee - Political Assassination in Northern Ireland, Niwot, Colorado: Roberts Rinehart, 1998, p. 11 In a further interview the following year Coulter said that the spokesman suggested either the Reverend Hugh Ross or David Trimble as a potential leader for the proposed independent state.McPhilemy, The Committee, p. 13 The UMSD, which grew out of Ulster loyalism but never had the backing of any paramilitary group (or indeed, even minor support), failed to gain any foothold in Northern Irish politics and was gone by 1994.
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He himself rejected that claim, and accused Popovici of mounting a "diversion"."Din Bucovina", in Tribuna Poporului, Nr. 218, October 1908, pp. 2–3. See also Cocuz, p. 347 Subsequently, the Independents occupied the middle ground between two irreconcilable approaches: the radicalized nationalism of the PNPR and Concordia, and the loyalism of the Democratic Peasantists;Gafița, p. 120 the new party failed to survive for long, even though Isopescu-Grecul resisted any attempt at reconciliation with Concordia, and refused to hand in his resignation from the House.
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The paramilitaries are "thoroughly working class." Their hold, typically, has been upon working-class Protestant neighbourhoods and housing estates where they have compensated for the loss of the confidence they enjoyed as district defenders in early years of the Troubles with racketeering and intimidation. Paisley combined his radically anti-Catholic evangelism early in his career with a foray into physical force loyalism: his formation in 1956 of Ulster Protestant Action (UPA). Ulster Protestant Volunteers implicated Paisely, albeit via supposed intermediaries, in the bombings intended to "blow O'Neill out of office" early in 1969.
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In Connecticut, John Beach conducted worship throughout the war and swore that he would continue praying for the king. In Maryland, Jonathan Boucher took two pistols into the pulpit and even pointed a pistol at the head of a group of Patriots while he preached on loyalism. Charles Inglis, rector of Trinity Church in New York, persisted in reading the royal prayers even when George Washington was seated in his congregation and a Patriot militia company stood by observing the service. The consequences of such bravado were very serious.
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Minnie Julia Beatrice Buck was born in Palermo, Ontario (now Oakville, Ontario), the daughter of Anson Buck and Keturah Adelaide Howell Buck. Her father was a medical doctor and local politician, and a temperance activist; because of his interests and with his support, she became the first female member of Palermo's "Sons of Temperance" in 1877. She attended the Wesleyan Female College in Hamilton, Ontario, graduating in 1880.Kurt Korneski, "Minnie J. B. Campbell: Loyalism, Nation, and Empire" in Race, Nation, and Reform Ideology in Winnipeg, 1880s-1920s (Rowman & Littlefield 2015): 90.
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There was speculation that the authorities colluded in his killing as he was a threat to the Northern Ireland peace process, that Wright and the LVF rejected outright. An inquiry found no evidence of this, but concluded there were serious failings by the prison authorities. Owing to his uncompromising stance as an upholder of Ulster loyalism and opposition to the peace process, Wright is regarded as a cult hero, icon, and martyr by hardline loyalists. His image adorned murals in loyalist housing estates and many of his devotees have tattoos bearing his likeness.
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Seawright stated that he was viewed as lacking respectability due to his rough personality, his residence in social housing, and the fact that he was in arrears to the Northern Ireland Housing Executive. Seawright courted controversy throughout his fairly brief career. He was strongly criticised for an interview he gave to Nationalism Today, a journal produced in support of the Political Soldier wing of the British National Front (NF). In it, Seawright praised the NF, not only due to their support for Ulster loyalism, but also for their stance on race and immigration.
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While it endorsed Ulster loyalism it did not share its emphasis on defending Protestantism. The party is anti-feminist, having described feminism as "puerile Marxist rubbish". It is highly critical of changes to traditional gender roles, with Spearhead noting that the NF sees "the feminine role as principally one of wife, mother and home maker". In the party's first year, it largely ignored the 1967 Abortion Act that legalised abortion in Britain, although by 1974 had adopted an anti-abortion stance, stating that abortions should only be legal in medical emergencies.
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With the onset of the Revolution, he incurred the displeasure of the Provincial Council of Pennsylvania, and in November 1777 was obliged to return to New Haven, where he died in 1781. He lies buried in the Center Church Crypt, under a memorial tablet lavishly praising his "uncommon Genius" and "graceful and majestic Dignity," among other virtues. He was the subject of an influential political biography by a major American historian of the Imperial School, Lawrence Henry Gipson: Jared Ingersoll: A Study of American Loyalism in Relation to British Colonial Government, first published in 1920.
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In 1107 Pedro Fróilaz de Traba, the guardian of the heir, Alfonso Raimúndez, rebelled against Queen Urraca and her new husband, Alfonso the Battler. According to the Historia, he was opposed by a "brotherhood" (germanitas) led by Arias Pérez (from 1110).Simon Barton (1997), The Aristocracy in Twelfth-century León and Castile (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), 50–51. It is possible that Pedro's rebellion represented a "Galician separatism" and Arias's brotherhood a "Leonese loyalism", but it is more probable that Pedro simply had the support of northwestern Galicia and Arias of the south.
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The Loyalists never controlled territory unless the British Army occupied it. They were typically older, less willing to break with old loyalties, and often connected to the Church of England; they included many established merchants with strong business connections throughout the Empire, as well as royal officials such as Thomas Hutchinson of Boston.Calhoon, "Loyalism and neutrality" in Greene and Pole, eds. A Companion to the American Revolution (1980) pp. 235–47, There were 500 to 1,000 black loyalists, slaves who escaped to British lines and joined the British army.
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Sir John A. Macdonald, Volume 2 (St. John: Earle Publishing House, 1891), 63. Furthermore, he left an important legacy, not only regarding the formation of Canada, but also to the province of Quebec's heritage: "Taché is widely credited with coining the provincial motto of Quebec, later adopted by the French-speaking Royal 22nd Regiment [...]: ('I remember')."Donald Lowry,'The crown, empire loyalism and the assimilation of non-British white subjects in the British world: An argument against 'ethnic determinism The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 31 No. 2 (2003), 103.
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Bath at that time had a substantial population of French exiles caused by the French Revolution, leading to tension, and his term as mayor 1793–4 saw Harington active against radicalism, and attempting to clean up Bath's streets. His efforts went further than the Home Office desired.Steve Poole, Radicalism, Loyalism and the "Reign of Terror" in Bath, 1792–1804, Bath History 3 (1990) 114–37Trevor Fawcett, French Emigrés at Bath, Somerset Archaeology and History (1997), at p. 169 A private members’ club founded in 1874, named initially as The People’s Club and Institute Ltd.
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American Jewish Year Book 5679, p.251, 252 According to social historian Marsha L. Rozenblit, Straucher's loyalism should be contrasted with those of his Jewish political partners in the Czech lands (the Selbstwehr journal group, which was more mindful of the local independence movement).Rozenblit, p.124 Straucher was still at the Abgeordnetenhaus during late autumn 1918, as the Austrian monarchy began to crumble. On October 4, he was among the regional delegates to Vienna who voted in favor of keeping Bukovina in union with the central government.
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UDA leader Jackie McDonald confirmed the group's thoughts on a BBC interview when he said loyalists would not be goaded into reaction adding that "clowns" would not spoil the loyalist peace strategy. In a carefully choreographed move Frankie Gallahgher met Belfast mayor, Tom Hartley of Sinn Féin in public that same day. Despite goading from rebel republicans, three levels of formerly hard-line loyalism were evident for the first time and in public – the community, the military, and the political. All were showing overt support for no return to violence.
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Despite initially hailing it as a huge success the Day of Action saw the LAW go into decline. Mainstream unionism had baulked at the excesses of the night whilst some members were suspicious of Hull, feeling that his background in the Northern Ireland Labour Party brought his loyalism into question.Bew & Cillespie, p. 60 For his part Hull spoke of converting the LAW into a working-class loyalist party in the immediate aftermath of the strike, something that drove a wedge between him and his closest political ally Vanguard leader Bill Craig.
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Zhang Xianzhong's former deputy, Sun Kewang, exterminated all his opponents in the Southern Ming court and kept the Ming emperor under de facto imprisonment, all the while continuing to refer to Zhang Xianzhong as a deceased Emperor. Though the Qing under Dorgon's leadership had successfully pushed the Southern Ming deep into southern China, Ming loyalism was not dead yet. In early August 1652, Li Dingguo, who had served as general in Sichuan under Zhang Xianzhong (d. 1647) and was now protecting the Yongli Emperor of the Southern Ming, retook Guilin (Guangxi province) from the Qing.
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Loyalism in the post-partition Republic of Ireland has declined since independence. Large numbers of southern Irish loyalists and non-loyalists volunteered for service in the British Armed Forces in World War I and World War II, many of them losing their lives or settling in the United Kingdom after the wars. Partition saw mass movements of southern loyalists to Northern Ireland or to Great Britain, although small loyalist or neo-unionist groups such as the Reform Movement, the Border Minority Group and the Loyal Irish Union are still active.
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De Neville has been described as a "staunch royalist" during the civil war, and Cokayne says de Neville "stood firmly" with the royal party. However, Jewell notes that, in 1267, he was required to meet with the King at Kenilworth Castle and there make his peace. This act that, she says, "jars" with his presumed loyalism. Kenilworth—de Montfort's chief residence until his death, and now holding out against the King—was almost impregnable, being surrounded by a river and a moat, and de Neville assisted the King's efforts in dislodging the remaining rebels.
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At the time the leader of the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) Gusty Spence had begun to develop ideas that loyalism should move to a more left-wing position after discussions with Official IRA members in Crumlin Road Gaol. Spence's ideas were rejected by many within the UVF but some who had been in prison with him took the ideas on board. Some of these Shankill UVF men were friends of Elliott and when they discussed their ideas with him he became impressed. Before long Elliott had become enamoured of Marxism and sought to apply its theories to the "loyalist struggle".
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In 1682 he was supposed to be in Switzerland, but Arthur Forbes, 1st Earl of Granard received a message from him in London, and held a meeting with him. Charles II is also supposed to have been informed of his whereabouts, but refused to have him arrested, ostensibly for reasons of sympathy but perhaps also as arresting such a prominent Protestant would have been hugely unpopular. During this period Argyll seems to have begun associating with enemies of the Stuart regime, despite his earlier loyalism. He became a central figure in the clandestine Whig circles centred on the Earl of Shaftesbury.
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The conflict known as the Troubles had been raging across Northern Ireland for about five years by this stage, and many young men such as Wright were swept up in the maelstrom of violence as the Provisional IRA ramped up its bombing campaign and sectarian killings of Catholics by loyalists continued to escalate. During this time Wright's opinions moved towards loyalism and soon he got into trouble for writing the initials "UVF" on a local Catholic primary school wall. When he refused to clean off the vandalism, Wright was transferred from the area and sent to live with an aunt in Portadown.
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Artworks in Writers' Square, Belfast, celebrate the literary traditions of Northern Ireland That part of the United Kingdom called Northern Ireland was created in 1922, with the partition of the island of Ireland. The majority of the population of Northern Ireland wanted to remain within the United Kingdom (see unionism and loyalism). Most of these were the Protestant descendants of colonists from Great Britain. Literature of Northern Ireland includes literature written in Northern Ireland, and in that part of Ireland prior to 1922, as well as literature written by writers born in Northern Ireland who emigrated.
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With George Washington forced to make a hard choice between protecting his argumentative friend and showing loyalty to the colonists' cause, in the autumn of 1775 Boucher returned to England with his wife, Eleanor Addison of Oxon Hill, Maryland, where his loyalism was rewarded by a government pension. In 1784 he became vicar of Epsom in Surrey, where he continued until his death on 27 April 1804, becoming known as one of the most eloquent preachers of his day. In 1804, shortly before his death, he was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society of Edinburgh but his link to Edinburgh is unclear.
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Benjamin Towne published the first issue of the Post on January 24, 1775, using paper borrowed from James Humphreys without expectation of payment. The paper was supportive of the cause of the American Revolution, and was the first to publish the United States Declaration of Independence, with it taking up the front page of the July 6, 1776 issue. During the British occupation of Philadelphia in 1778, the paper's ideology shifted towards loyalism. Other loyalist papers in the city, such as Humphrey's Pennsylvania Ledger, ceased publication as the British were losing control of Philadelphia; Towne stayed.
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The younger Richard was allowed to leave for Quebec, but following his departure, now tainted by their son's loyalism to the Crown, his parents were abused and their property was 'destroyed and plundered', before they were 'conveyed away by guard to Crown Point' in 1778. At Fort Niagara, the young Cartwright found employment as secretary to John Butler, and took part in military expeditions with his Loyalist regiment into New York. He soon saw the potential profits in supplying the British army; in 1780 he ended his military career and formed a partnership with Robert Hamilton.
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White began his career in loyalism with a group called the Woodvale Defence Association, a vigilante group based on the Woodvale estate in the upper Shankill, in the early 1970s.McDonald & Cusack, p. 28 Before long the WDA was absorbed into the Ulster Defence Association (UDA) and White became one of this group's leading members. White was close to Charles Harding Smith, who emerged as the first leader of the West Belfast UDA, and in April 1972 he accompanied Harding Smith to London, where the two held a meeting with an arms dealer in order to procure weapons for the UDA.
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291-292 One of the main catalysts for the launch of the attack had been a television appearance by White the day before it happened in which he described himself as "indifferent" to the killing of Gregg, a figure widely respected in loyalism for having shot and wounded Gerry Adams in the 1980s.Lister & Jordan, p. 329 White and the others were escorted to Larne by the police and immediately caught the ferry to Cairnryan. White arrived in the company of "Fat" Jackie Thompson and the two were detained for a while by Special Branch officers attached to Dumfries and Galloway Constabulary.
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Mitchell first came to loyalism with the Ulster Protestant Volunteers in 1966. Mitchell would later state that he was prompted to join the UPV by scare stories circulating about plans for the fiftieth anniversary celebrations of the Easter Rising, with a rumour even suggesting that the Irish Republican Army intended to use it as pretext to take control of Newry.Ed Moloney, Voices from the Grave: Two Men's War in Ireland, Faber & Faber, 2011, p. 331 He was close to Noel Doherty, one of the group's founder, who sought to establish an armed paramilitary structure within the UPV.
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All were in revolutionary Year II. Most of these compositions debuted at the Strasbourg Cathedral, which was known at the time as the Temple de l'Être Suprême (Temple of the Supreme Being), as churches were outlawed during the Terror. Pleyel became a naturalized French citizen and thus came to be known as Citoyen (citizen) Pleyel. With his involvement in artistic propaganda and loyalism to the new regime, Pleyel can be seen as the ultimate musical champion of Strasbourg republicanism. In addition to composing the above works for the Strasbourg public, Pleyel also contributed to the Parisian music scene during the Revolution.
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The Progressive Unionist Party (PUP) is a small unionist political party in Northern Ireland. It was formed from the Independent Unionist Group operating in the Shankill area of Belfast, becoming the PUP in 1979. Linked to the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) and Red Hand Commando (RHC), for a time it described itself as "the only left of centre unionist party" in Northern Ireland, with its main support base in the loyalist working class communities of Belfast. Since the Ulster Democratic Party's dissolution in 2001, the PUP has been the sole party in Northern Ireland representing paramilitary loyalism.
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Robert M. Calhoon, "Loyalism and neutrality" in Mark Lender analyzes why ordinary people became insurgents against the British, even if they were unfamiliar with the ideological reasons behind the war. He concludes that such people held a sense of rights which the British were violating, rights that stressed local autonomy, fair dealing, and government by consent. They were highly sensitive to the issue of tyranny, which they saw manifested in the British response to the Boston Tea Party. The arrival in Boston of the British Army heightened their sense of violated rights, leading to rage and demands for revenge.
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McDonald & Cusack, p. 4 When Adair returned to the Shankill in the summer of 2000 he brought McKeag back to use him for the loyalist feud he was planning against the UVF. McKeag however refused to take part and was severely beaten by Adair and his allies and cut off from organised loyalism altogether. Some within C Company, including William "Winkie" Dodds, felt that Adair had a long-term jealousy of McKeag's exploits as a killer and argued that Adair had based much of his own reputation for violence upon activities actually carried out by McKeag.
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He entered into free labor contracts with them to keep his work force intact, and he provided schooling for their children. As Quaker Meetings began requiring disownment of members for slave-keeping after 1776, Mifflin traveled extensively to encourage compliance, and to encourage non- Quakers like John Dickinson to liberate their slaves too. During the American Revolutionary War, Warner Mifflin also became a leading Quaker peace activist, despite the danger of being associated with loyalism for doing so. He traveled through most of the Mid-Atlantic states and New England to promote his anti- war message on behalf of his fellow Quakers.
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Marton, pp. 177–178 The Central Electoral Committee, presided upon by the radical doctrinaire C. A. Rosetti, attempted fraud in various regions (including Prahova County); however, the resulting Assembly was overall dominated by the "Whites".Marton, pp. 177–183 At the time, separatism and Cuza loyalism flared up in Western Moldavia, where a riot—instigated by Calinic Miclescu, Teodor Boldur-Lățescu, Constantin Moruzi Pecheanu and Nicu Ceaur- Aslan—was quelled by the Romanian Land Forces.Gane, pp. 102–104; Marton, p. 146 In a parallel plebiscite, Romanians overwhelmingly voted to recognize Carol of Hohenzollern, a German prince, as their new hereditary Domnitor.
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Owen's background connected him with a tradition of High Anglicanism maintained by gentry families in Wales through much of the 17th century and centred on figures like Francis Mansell, principal of Jesus College, Oxford. This "church loyalism", which emphasised the king's divine right, was to play a "crucial role in the fate of the Royalist cause". After a period of military service, Owen inherited Clenennau on his mother's death in 1626, along with the large Maurice estates in south Caernarfonshire, Merioneth, and Anglesey. He was High Sheriff of Caernarfonshire in 1630 and of Merioneth the following year.
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This suited a Victorian depiction of Highlanders as a "martial race", distinguished by a tradition of a "misplaced loyalism" since transferred to the British crown. The participation of Lowland and north-eastern gentry in the movement was less emphasised, while the Irish Jacobites were presented as a largely negative influence on Charles in 1745. Walter Scott, author of Waverley, a story of the 1745 rebellion, combined romantic, nostalgic Jacobitism with an appreciation of the practical benefits of Union. In 1822 he arranged a pageantry of reinvented Scottish traditions for the visit of King George IV to Scotland when George IV visited Edinburgh as a successor to his distant relative Charles Stuart.
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Sentenced to death after the 1715 Rising, he was reprieved and after Charles landed, visited George II to confirm his loyalty. In 1745, even Tories sympathetic to the Stuart cause were far more concerned to ensure the primacy of the Church of England. That included defending it from Charles and his Catholic advisors, the Scots Presbyterians who formed the bulk of his army or Nonconformists in general; many "Jacobite" demonstrations in Wales stemmed from hostility to the 18th century Welsh Methodist revival. The Jacobite exiles failed to appreciate these distinctions or the extent to which Tory support derived from policy differences with the Whigs, not Stuart loyalism.
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For most PNR members and the Romanian community at large, the event proved to be seminal, as it led to an increase in the determination to discard projects of cohabitation within the Empire, and a focus on a union with the Romanian Old Kingdom. However, many party leaders, including Iuliu Maniu and Alexandru Vaida-Voevod, supported the federalist solution favored by the heir apparent, Archduke Franz Ferdinand, until his 1914 assassination in Sarajevo (see: United States of Greater Austria ). World War I proved to be decisive. After 1916, when Romania joined the Entente Powers and was invaded by a German-Austro-Hungarian force, most Transylvanian Romanians questioned their own loyalism.
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Following his release from prison in 1973, Gibson was chosen to serve as the public spokesman for the UVF. He was subsequently appointed as the Chairman of the short-lived Volunteer Political Party (VPP) that was formed in June 1974 by members of the UVF, which had been legalised two months before by Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, Merlyn Rees.Frenett, Ross. "'Protestant Socialists'? Ulster Loyalism and Working- Class Politics:1969–1974," Scrinium, University College Cork (2010) He publicly stated that the new party endorsed the idea of the establishment of an all-party talks forum, a policy that was seen as attractive to the British government.
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Tyrie had been a central figure in the strike and as such had close contact with many within the unionist establishment. However once the strike was over he was shunned by Harry West and Ian Paisley and as such he built up a resentment towards mainstream unionism that would inform many of his political decisions as UDA leader.McDonald & Cusack, pp. 83–84 He arranged an alliance with the Vanguard Progressive Unionist Party but when the Ulster Unionist Party and the Democratic Unionist Party declined to join this grand alliance of loyalism Tyrie became even more resolved to pursue a political path for the UDA without mainstream unionism.
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Prior to the erection of a peace wall in the 1970s, Percy Street ran from the lower Shankill area to the Falls Road. At Argyle Primary School, he was known for the use of a knife and had his elder brothers to back him up; he logged his first conviction at the age of twelve for theft. After leaving the Belfast Boys' Model School at sixteen, he joined the Ulster Volunteer Force and was involved in the rioting that broke out in Belfast in August 1969. In his book The Shankill Butchers, Belfast journalist Martin Dillon suggests Murphy's bigoted Loyalism may have stemmed from his bearing a surname associated with Catholics.
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After a few early successes, the party got into difficulties and was destroyed by internal arguments. In 1967 it joined forces with John Tyndall and the remnants of Chesterton's League of Empire Loyalists to form Britain's largest far-right organisation, the National Front (NF). The BNP and the NF supported extreme loyalism in Northern Ireland, and attracted Conservative Party members who had become disillusioned after Harold Macmillan had recognised the right to independence of the African colonies and had criticised Apartheid in South Africa. Some Northern Irish loyalist paramilitaries have links with far-right and neo-Nazi groups in Britain, including Combat 18,Goodrick-Clarke, Nicholas.
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When British Prime Minister Edward Heath imposed direct rule, Long protested that this was merely a political gambit, in exchange for Labour Party leader Harold Wilson softening his party's opposition to Britain joining the Common Market. He opposed Willie Whitelaw's reduced use of internment, claiming that "there is no doubt units of the IRA that have been broken down by internment have been able to become active again". Long was also President of the Yorkshire Association for a British Ulster; in April 1974, a member was charged with gun running to violent loyalists, a group which Long had described as "the very antithesis of Loyalism".
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Isopescu-Grecul and his fellow deputy Simionovici requested an interview with Ernest von Koerber, the new Minister President, who praised their loyalism and assured them that Bukovina would remain in the Austrian domain."III. La vie politique en Autriche", in Bulletin Périodique de la Presse Austro-Hongroise de Langue Allemande, No. 20, December 18, 1916, p. 5 In 1918, with the collapse of Austria-Hungary in sight, he became more closely involved with Romanian nationalism, taking his distance from Democratic Peasantists such as Aurel Onciul.Bălan, pp. 84–85 He also disapproved of Austrian plans to transfer part of Bukovina to the Ukrainian People's Republic.
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On expiry of the sentence, he joined the 'lion cubs' of the Al-Najjada militia founded by his school principal Muhammad Nimr al-Hawari,Steve Posner,Israel Undercover:Secret Warfare & Hidden Diplomacy in the Middle East, Syracuse University Press 1987 p.57 which inculcated a rejection of racism, bigotry, and parochial loyalism, and taught him how to retaliate to violence with violence. His family abandoned Jaffa by boat for Gaza on 13 May 1948, as part of a general flight inspired by news of the Deir Yassin massacre and a sense of Jewish military superiority. They fully expected to return as an expected tide in the fortunes of war changed, enabling the Arab armies to drive back to Zionists.
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Cooper, who was a conservative with Tory sympathies, did not take warmly to the growing revolutionary spirit in the colonies. He authored, with several other Anglican clergy in New York, political tracts arguing that all forms of resistance to the Crown constituted treason. His pamphlet A Friendly Address to all Reasonable Americans on our Political Confusions; in which the Necessary Consequences of violently opposing the King's Troops, and of a General Non-importation, are fairly stated was later answered in best-selling tracts by Alexander Hamilton and Charles Lee. For his Loyalism, Cooper, along with other prominent New York Tories, were issued death threats admonishing them "to flee for your lives, or anticipate your doom".
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Sir Watkin Williams-Wynn (1692–1749); his sky-blue waistcoat was a Jacobite symbol Although Jacobitism remained a significant political movement in 1745, its internal divisions became increasingly apparent during the Rising; historian Frank McLynn identifies seven primary drivers, with Stuart loyalism the least important. Estimates of English support in particular confused indifference to the Hanoverians with enthusiasm for the Stuarts. Charles' senior advisors included Irish exiles such as John O'Sullivan, who wanted an autonomous, Catholic Ireland and the return of lands confiscated after the Irish Confederate Wars. James II promised these concessions in return for Irish support in the 1689–91 Williamite War, and only a Stuart on the throne of Great Britain could ensure their fulfillment .
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The first Europeans to exhibit nationalism in Canada may have been the French settlers who inhabited New France. They showed a great deal of loyalty and community in the face of repeated attacks by British and Iroquois rivals during the French and Indian Wars. However, by the end of the French regime in North America, acadiens and canadiens may have already been showing signs of developing identities distinct from France. The interrelated British ideologies of nationalism, unionism, loyalism, and imperialism arrived first in Newfoundland then the Maritimes, and finally in Central Canada with British traders who followed the British Army into these regions as each was successively won from France, ending with the Treaty of Paris (1763).
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The Afghan tribal revolts of 1944–1947 or the Khost disturbances were a series of tribal revolts in the Kingdom of Afghanistan by Zadran, Safi and Mangal tribesmen which lasted from February 1944 to January 1947. The causes of the revolts laid in the worsening conditions of farmers, changes in conscription laws, the elimination of the power of Safi tribal leaders, Amanullah loyalism, trading monopolies, government surveillance, taxation, and poverty. The conflict began when government forces clashed with the forces of a tribal leader named Mazrak, who led the Zadran tribe in revolt. The Zadran uprising was followed by additional uprisings by the Safi and Mangal, the former of which elected their own king, Salemai.
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366 McCoubrey became one of the leading figures in the UPRG and even joined Kirkham and Gallagher in meeting Irish Taoiseach Bertie Ahern in 2004, along with UDA leader Jackie McDonald and prisoners' spokesman Stanley Fletcher in a 'historic' event.Ahern's loyalist meeting 'amicable' In his role as a councillor McCoubrey opened early channels between loyalism and Sinn Féin, joining UDP colleague John White in holding an unofficial meeting with Alex Maskey in Belfast City Hall in June 2001.D. Lister & H. Jordan, Mad Dog, Edinburgh: Mainstream, 2004, p. 306 McCoubrey also led a campaign in 2003 to bring Gerry Adams to trial for violation of the human rights of the people of the Shankill.
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Kerr began his political career as a member of the National Front (NF) in 1986, siding with the Political Soldier wing of the party during what was a period of internal division. He was a candidate for the party in Newtownabbey Borough Council twice during this period. As an NF member Kerr also chaired the North Belfast Independent Unionist Association, where he first developed his ideas on Ulster nationalism. As a regular columnist for Nationalism Today, the ideological journal of the Official National Front, Kerr frequently wrote on the topic of Ulster nationalism, which became the policy of the ONF in relation to Northern Ireland (in contrast to previous NF policy, which was supportive of Ulster loyalism).
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A UDA South East Antrim Brigade mural in Rathcoole RHC Mural, Rathcoole The dominant political tradition in the area is Unionism with strong showing in successive elections by the Democratic Unionist Party and the Ulster Unionist Party. Alongside mainstream Unionists many independent Unionist and Loyalist politicians have represented the area at all levels of local government. In the aftermath of the Good Friday Agreement parties associated with Loyalist paramilitary groupings such as the Progressive Unionist Party (PUP) and the Ulster Democratic Party (UDP) enjoyed some success in the area with the PUP's more left wing working class analysis appealing to the area's largely working class population. Alongside loyalism, the estate also had a long Labour tradition.
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When it came to a choice between protecting their historic rights as Americans or remaining loyal to the King, they chose King and Empire. About one in five Loyalists (70,000 or so) Loyalists left the new United States by 1783. Most went to Canada where they are still known as United Empire Loyalists.Norman Risjord, Jefferson's America, 1760–1815 (2002) p. 129Bernard Bailyn, The Ordeal of Thomas Hutchinson: Loyalism and the Destruction of the First British Empire (1974) The patriots who fought in the Revolution did so in the name of preserving traditional rights of Englishmen—especially the right of "no taxation without representation"; they increasingly opposed attempts by Parliament to tax and control the fast- growing colonies.
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Tennent Street, Belfast where Nesbitt's C Division was based In September 1973 he was promoted to Detective Inspector and moved to head up the RUC's C or "Charlie" Division based in Tennent Street, off the Shankill Road, the heartland of loyalism and home of many loyalist paramilitaries. C Division covered not only the Shankill but also the republican Ardoyne and "The Bone" areas. The area had already been subjected to bombing attacks, rioting, home- burnings, vigilante patrols, street barricades, random sectarian murders and killings as part of sporadic loyalist feuds. Nesbitt's responsibilities were immense as C Division covered an entire fifteen square mile district which contained a population of 150,000 and more sectarian killer gangs than any other district in Northern Ireland.
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A map showing Connecticut's towns in 1770. The conservative elite strongly supported the American revolution, and the forces of Loyalism were weak. Connecticut designated four delegates to the Second Continental Congress who would sign the Declaration of Independence: Samuel Huntington, Roger Sherman, William Williams, and Oliver Wolcott. In 1775, in the wake of the clashes between British regulars and Massachusetts militia at Lexington and Concord, Connecticut's legislature authorized the outfitting of six new regiments, with some 1,200 Connecticut troops on hand at the Battle of Bunker Hill in June 1775. Getting word in 1777 of Continental Army supplies in Danbury, the British landed an expeditionary force of some 2,000 troops in Westport, who marched to Danbury and destroyed much of the depot along with homes in Danbury.
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Angered by the lack of interest by mainstream Unionism and the police investigation McCord carried out his own investigation. Promising to his family to act within the law he used his contacts with loyalism to uncover that Mark Haddock was a police informer. McCord claims he met with UVF Chief of Staff John "Bunter" Graham and other leading members of the organisation in the Maze prison, where they were waiting to visit an inmate, soon after his son's killing and that they agreed to conduct the internal investigation that uncovered the information about Haddock.McCord, Justice for Raymond, pp. 72–73 However he further claimed that the inquiry did not target Haddock as some of those involved in it were themselves police informers.
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He stated that there was thus a "nation" (Irish Catholic Nationalists) and a "community" (Irish Protestant Unionists) in Ireland.Queen's Rebels: Ulster Loyalism in historical perspective by David W Miller, Gill and Macmillan, 1978. In 2006, Jack Conrad, a member of the Communist Party of Great Britain (Provisional Central Committee) (CPGB-PCC), proposed in the Weekly Worker magazine that a solution to the Northern Ireland conflict would involve the recognition of the Ulster Protestants (who he called the "British-Irish"), and the solution he outlined was "We stand for a united Ireland, within which a one-county, four-half- county British-Irish province exercises self-determination" by retaining its separate status from the Republic of Ireland."Self-Determination and the British-Irish", Weekly Worker, 16 February 2006.
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As Adair moved closer towards the Loyalist Volunteer Force (LVF) and a dissident position, so too did White increasingly become associated with the renegade end of loyalism. In 1999, he strongly condemned the killing of Frankie Curry, an active dissident who had come up with the Red Hand Defenders covername, claiming "it's disgraceful that a man who dedicated his life to the loyalist cause should be cut down like this by people who call themselves loyalists".Loyalist feud looms after killing, bbc.co.uk; accessed 19 September 2015. When Adair, who had also praised Curry, was released under the terms of the Belfast Agreement on 14 September 1999, White met him outside the prison gates and accompanied him back to the Shankill.
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Orange parade in Glasgow (1 June 2003) The Scottish branch of the Orange Order is the largest outside Ireland. The vast majority of Scotland's lodges are found in the Lowlands, especially the west Central Lowlands (Glasgow, Ayrshire, Renfrewshire, Lanarkshire). Scotland's first Orange lodges were founded in 1798 by soldiers returning home from Ireland, where they had helped suppress an Irish republican rebellion.Booker, Ronnie Michael. Orange Alba: The Civil Religion of Loyalism in the Southwestern Lowlands of Scotland since 1798. University of Tennessee, 2010. p.33 The Scottish branch grew swiftly in the early 1800s, when there was an influx of working-class Ulster Protestant immigrants into the Scottish Lowlands. Many of these immigrants saw themselves as returning to the land of their forefathers (see Plantation of Ulster).
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Born in Belfast to Norman and Aileen Whiteside, he grew up on Shankill Road, and because of his aggressive, physical playing style he was later nicknamed the "Shankill Skinhead" by Manchester United supporters. The family later moved to 10 Danube Street, and the family's poverty meant that Whiteside had to share a bed with his two brothers. He remained relatively unscathed by The Troubles as his Protestant parents kept a firm watch on their children to ensure that they did not stray far from home and that none of them became involved with Ulster loyalism. At the age of around seven he joined the Boys' Brigade, and quickly showed his natural talent for football, scoring ten goals in a game against boys almost twice his age.
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The revolutionary period in Irish history was the period in the 1910s and early 1920s when Irish nationalist opinion shifted from the Home Rule- supporting Irish Parliamentary Party to the republican Sinn Féin movement. There were several waves of civil unrest linked to Ulster loyalism, trade unionism, and physical force republicanism, leading to the Irish War of Independence, the creation of the Irish Free State, the Partition of Ireland, and the Irish Civil War. Some modern historians define the revolutionary period as the period from 1912 or 1913 to 1923,; ; ; ; i.e. from the introduction of the Third Home Rule Bill to the end of the Civil War, or sometimes more narrowly as the period from 1916 to 1921 or 1923, i.e.
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Cap badge of the Royal Ulster Rifles Quis separabit? () is a motto derived from the Vulgate translation of Romans 8:35 (τίς ἡμᾶς χωρίσει ἀπὸ τῆς ἀγάπης τοῦ Χριστοῦ, tís hēmâs chōrísei apò tês agápēs toû Christoû): :"'..." translated as "Who shall separate us from the love of Christ?" The motto is associated with Ulster unionism, Ulster loyalism and the British Army in Ireland: for example, it is used in the British Army by the Royal Dragoon Guards, the Royal Ulster Rifles, the London Irish Rifles, the Irish Guards, and the North Irish Horse, and it is also the motto of the Order of Saint Patrick. The phrase also appears on the Seal of South Carolina and inscribed on the alumnus ring of Clemson University.
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Despite Holt's apparent loyalism, he became a member of the Society of United Irishmen in 1797 and gradually began to attract suspicion until finally in May 1798, his house was burned down by the militia of Fermanagh, instigated by the local landlord, Thomas Hugo, who owed Holt a sum of money. Holt then took to the Wicklow mountains, gradually assuming a position of prominence with the United Irish, mostly Catholic, rebels. Avoiding pitched battles, Holt led a fierce campaign of raids and ambushes against loyalist military targets in Wicklow, striking at will and reducing government influence in the county to urban strongholds. The defeat of the County Wexford rebels at Vinegar Hill on 21 June saw surviving rebel factions heading towards the Wicklow Mountains to link up with Holt's forces.
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Before the American Revolution, Grace Galloway was one of the most prominent figures in Pennsylvania society, in part because Joseph Galloway, a strong loyalist, held a continuous seat in the assembly from 1757 to 1776 (except for 1764) and served as the Speaker of the House from 1766 to 1775. Their social standing began to decline when it became clear the British were losing the war, but the Galloways remained true to their loyalist commitments even in a society that was highly revolutionist. Joseph was removed from the speakership and became a public example that loyalism would not be tolerated in the new age. As the war started going poorly for the British, Joseph and daughter Elizabeth sought protection with the British, leaving Grace behind to defend and reclaim the family land.
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One of the main interface areas is between the Fountain estate and Bishop Street in the cityside as well as several others including the Dungiven Road, Currynierin estate, the Tullyalley estate, and the Waterside. In the early years of The Troubles, the Fountain estate almost directly bordered Bishop Street, which was a part of Free Derry, a Republican no-go area, resulting in hardline loyalism and the government trying to intervene by making more interface areas. After Operation Motorman and the end of Free Derry, sectarian violence became worse and the peace lines grew rapidly in the Protestant Fountain area bordering the Catholic Bishop Street. The heavily Protestant Waterside area borders the Catholic Dungiven road and it has multiple peace lines, and has been known as a violent area during The Troubles.
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While many volunteered simply for adventure, Stuart loyalism played a part, as did attempts by Charles to follow his predecessors in appealing to disenfranchised groups in general, whether religious or political. The single most common issue for Scots volunteers was opposition to the 1707 Union between Scotland and England; after 1708, the exiled Stuarts explicitly appealed to this segment of society.Szechi, Daniel (1994) The Jacobites: Britain and Europe 1688-1788, MUP, p.32 They included James Hepburn of Keith, a fierce critic of both Catholicism and James II who viewed Union as 'humiliating to his country....' Riding, p.141 Despite concerns over the impact on English sympathisers, Charles published two "Declarations" on 9 and 10 October, the first dissolving the "pretended Union," the second rejecting the 1701 Act of Settlement.
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In 1971, PD became a founder of the Socialist Labour Alliance. In the mid-1970s, the experience of the Ulster Workers' Council strike led to PD predicting a loyalist takeover in Northern Ireland, but it later came round to the view that this perspective was incorrect, giving loyalism a degree of autonomy from imperialism which it did not possess.John McAnulty A People Undefeated The minority which clung to the old perspective left to form the Left Revolutionary Group, becoming the Red Republican Party in 1976, which was moribund by 1978.Peter Barberis, John McHugh and Mike Tyldesley Encyclopedia of British and Irish Political Organizations During the 1970s, PD evolved towards Trotskyist positions and, by merging with the Dublin-based Movement for a Socialist Republic, was recognised by the reunified Fourth International as its Irish section.
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295–296 A celebrated figure within loyalism for his exploits, cracks began to show in 1999, notably at an event at the Royal Antediluvian Order of Buffaloes on the Corcrain estate in Portadown where McKeag was mobbed by fans from the Loyalist Volunteer Force (LVF) and on stage was applauded by all except his C Company comrades Adair and Gary "Smickers" Smyth. Smyth continued the resentment a few months later when, as McKeag received another "Volunteer of the Year" prize, he yelled "what about me" from the audience.McDonald & Cusack, pp. 3–4 With Adair in prison and Smyth in temporary command of C Company, McKeag fell out of favour and was soon ordered off the Shankill, ostensibly for becoming involved in fights between women at illegal UDA-run drinking dens on the Shankill.
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O'Farrell, p. 281. The actual outbreak of war led to the club slowly losing touch with mainstream events, its chief members clinging to outmoded ideas about an autonomous Ireland within the United Kingdom, long after the rank and file had turned to republicanism. The Easter Rising (1916) and Anglo-Irish War (1919–1921) reignited the divide between British loyalism and Irish nationalist feeling in Melbourne, resulting in the increased politicisation of St. Patrick's Day marches and events with which the club was associated. Archbishop Daniel Mannix's championing of the 'No Conscription' case caused tension within the Celtic Club; but the Irish Civil War (1922-1923) was most divisive, as politicised Irish Melburnians were forced to choose between the government of the new Irish Free State and the Irish Republican Army (headed by Éamon de Valera).
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Cocuz, pp. 439, 444 Onciul and Simionovici held the party's two of the five Romanian seats in the House, which were collectively grouped as a "Romanian Club" caucus; the three other seats were held by Isopescu-Grecul and Gheorghe Sârbu of the PNR, and by Alexandru Hurmuzachi, an independent.Bălan, p. 82 The group's generic populism was replaced with agrarianism: it claimed to have divorced from the intelligentsia, and to be focused on "ensuring that the peasants are happy"—according to Cocuz, this reinvention was "ridiculous" and "farcical".Cocuz, pp. 445–447 The party also restated its loyalism, declaring itself hostile to projects of union between Bukovina and Romania. Onciul had a publicized row with Ion Grămadă and other young Romanian nationalists, whom he denounced as "irredentists".Dimitrie Marmeliuc, Ioan Andrieșescu, Eroului dela Cireșoaia: I. Grămadă.
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Description of the Abstract of Sales, Commissioners of Forfeiture "An Act for the forfeiture and sale of the estates of those who have adhered to the enemies of this state" was passed by the Provincial Congress on October 22, 1779. The law seized the land of fifty-nine loyalists, and, if they were found guilty of loyalism, banished them from the State of New York upon penalty of "death without benefit of Clergy."(5) Among those attainted was Frederick Philipse, owner of the Manor of Philipsburg, the largest tract of land in Westchester County.(6) Also on October 22, 1779, writes historian Vivienne L. Ratner, "the Governor was authorized to appoint Commissioners of Forfeitures to dispose of the confiscated estates," with tenant farmers, "who had leased…and improved the land," given first priority to purchase their tracts.
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The phrase is also associated with Ulster loyalism and can sometimes be heard at the same point before Northern Ireland football matches. Since 2003, "God Save the Queen", considered an all-inclusive anthem for Great Britain and Northern Ireland, as well as other countries within the Commonwealth, has been dropped from the Commonwealth Games. Northern Irish athletes receive their gold medals to the tune of the "Londonderry Air", popularly known as "Danny Boy". In 2006, English winners heard Elgar's "Pomp and Circumstance March No. 1", usually known as "Land of Hope and Glory",Anthem 4 England – At the 2010 Commonwealth games Blake and Parry's "Jerusalem" was used by the England team Land of Hope and Glory but after a poll conducted by the Commonwealth Games Council for England prior to the 2010 Games, "Jerusalem" was adopted as England's new Commonwealth Games anthem.
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Traditional Whig historiography viewed Jacobitism as marginal to the progression towards present-day Parliamentary democracy, taking the view that as it was defeated, it could never have won. Representing "pre-industrial paternalism" and "mystical loyalism" against forward-thinking individualism, this conception of Jacobitism was reinforced by Macaulay's stereotype of the typical "Tory-Jacobite squire" as a "bigoted, ignorant, drunken philistine". More recent analyses, such as that of J. C. D. Clark, suggest that Jacobitism can instead be regarded as part of a "deep vein of social and political conservatism running throughout British history", arguing that the Whig settlement was not as stable as has been depicted. Further interest in Jacobite studies has been prompted by a reassessment of the nationalist aspirations of Scots Jacobites in particular, emphasising its place as part of an ongoing political idea.
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Andrei Mocioni de Foen (also spelled Andrea de Mocioni or Andreiu Mocionĭ, last name also Mocsonyi, Mocsoni, Mocionyi or Mocsony; or Andreas von Mocsonyi, ; June 27, 1812 – April 23/May 5, 1880) was an Austrian and Hungarian jurist, politician, and informal leader of the ethnic Romanian community, one of the founding members of the Romanian Academy. Of a mixed Aromanian and Albanian background, raised as a Greek Orthodox, he belonged to the Mocioni family, which had been elevated to Hungarian nobility. He was brought up at his family estate in the Banat, at Foeni, where he joined the administrative apparatus, and identified as a Romanian since at least the 1830s. He rose to prominence during the Hungarian Revolution of 1848: he was a supporter of the House of Lorraine, trying to obtain increased autonomy for Banat Romanians in exchange for loyalism.
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Richard Cresswell (1688–1743) was an English politician. The first son of a "roaring Shropshire squire" Richard Cresswell of Sidbury, Shropshire and his wife Mary Moreton, and grandson of a staunch Cavalier, also named Richard Cresswell (formerly a page to Charles I); Cresswell was nicknamed "Black Dick Cresswell". He had inherited his father's unstable traits, but also his grandfather's loyalism. His father, having been disinherited, was described as "a perfect madman", "a Judas and devil incarnate" by his son-in-law, who when obliged to stay with the family for a time at Sidbury, wrote that "to live with him (Cresswell the elder) is to live in Bedlam, for he is made up of noise, nonsense, railing, bawling and impertinence...." Richard Cresswell succeeded in 1708 to his grandfather's very considerable estates, including several manors in Staffordshire, Shropshire and Herefordshire.
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This was enabled in part by the mass migration in the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s of large numbers of non-English and non-Irish settlers, primarily from Italy, Greece, Malta, and Eastern Europe. Old enmities simply made less sense in this new cosmopolitan demographic environment. What is more, the entry of Britain into the Common Market in 1973 devalued the long-cherished Anglo-Australian Protestant value of loyalism. Around the same time, republicanism in Australia, largely divested of its historical insinuations, became a real possibility with the election of – and subsequent dismissal of – the Whitlam Labor Government, which dismantled many of the old imperial symbolism that had hitherto characterised Australian public office These reforms were continued during the 1980s and led, ultimately, to the Australia Act of 1986 which removed the power of the British Parliament to legislate for Australia.
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The changing face of the UDA? As part of this three-man group he met with Irish Taoiseach Bertie Ahern in 2004, along with UDA leader Jackie McDonald and prisoners' spokesman Stanley Fletcher, in a meeting he described as 'historic, productive and amicable'.Ahern's loyalist meeting 'amicable' He was also involved in an initiative to move loyalism away from racism, joining David Ervine in backing the Loyalist Commission-led scheme that started up in response to allegations of links between the UDA and Combat 18 and the involvement of the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) in attacks on Belfast's Chinese community.Initiative aimed at racism During the internal struggles within the UDA in late 2002 with regards to the attempts to expel Johnny Adair, Kirkham followed the orthodox anti-Adair line as espoused by his close friend John 'Grug' Gregg.
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Embracing the symbols of the British presence in the American colonies, such as the monarchy, the episcopate, and even the language of the Book of Common Prayer, the Church of England almost drove itself to extinction during the upheaval of the American Revolution. More than any other denomination, the War of Independence internally divided both clergy and laity of the Church of England in America, and opinions covered a wide spectrum of political views: patriots, conciliators, and loyalists. While many Patriots were suspicious of Loyalism in the church, about three-quarters of the signers of the Declaration of Independence were nominally Anglican laymen, including Thomas Jefferson, William Paca, and George Wythe. It was often assumed that persons considered "High Church" were Loyalists, whereas persons considered "Low Church" were Patriots: assumptions with possibly dangerous implications for the time.
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Seen as an important link between grassroots loyalism and more mainstream unionist politics, the ULCCC was chaired by Glenn Barr and met in the Belfast offices of the Vanguard Progressive Unionist Party on a weekly basis. Replacing the earlier Ulster Army Council, it brought together representatives of the Ulster Defence Association (UDA), Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF), Red Hand Commando, Vanguard Service Corps/Ulster Volunteer Service Corps, Down Orange Welfare (DOW), Loyalist Association of Workers and Orange Volunteers. Barr was soon replaced as chairman by John McKeague and the ULCCC took on the wider aim of preparing for the establishment of a unified "Ulster army" in the event of a British withdrawal from Northern Ireland, something that had become a leading fear in unionism in the mid-1970s.Henry McDonald & Jim Cusack, UDA – Inside the Heart of Loyalist Terror, Penguin Ireland, 2004, p.
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Hutchinson has often stressed the importance of the working class nature of loyalism and has argued in favour of socialism, although other socialists have criticised the exclusionary nature of his ideas, arguing that it does not constitute true socialism as it only applies to one community.Eamonn McCann, 'Why are Loyalists Killing Each Other?' from Socialist Workers Party site His declared support for socialism also came in for strong criticism from then UVF Mid-Ulster Brigade commander Billy Wright whose virulent opposition to left- wing politics helped to push him away from the mainstream UVF.Cusack & McDonald, UVF, p. 350 John Gregg, Brigadier of the UDA South East Antrim Brigade and, like Wright, a man with close links to far right groups in England, was also a strong critic of Hutchinson and accused him of thinking "like a republican".
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In 1838, John Lambton (Lord Durham), the author of the Great Reform Bill of 1832, arrived in the Canadas to investigate the causes of the Rebellion and make recommendations for reform of the political system. He was to recommend "responsible government", not republicanism, although neither was to be immediately granted. The turn to "responsible government" was an explicit strategy adopted by reformers in the face of charges of disloyalty to Britain in the wake of the Rebellions of 1837; the ascendancy of Loyalism as the dominant political ideology of Upper Canada made any demand for democracy a challenge to colonial sovereignty. Struggling to avoid the charge of sedition, reformers later purposefully obscured their true aims of independence from Britain and focused on their grievances against the Family Compact; responsible government thus became a "pragmatic" policy of alleviating local abuses, rather than a revolutionary anti-colonial moment.
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143 This experience inside Long Kesh, including contact with Gusty Spence, left him a vehement opponent of internment and a critic of Ian Paisley and the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP), Gibson having previously been chairman of the DUP East Belfast Branch.Frenett, Ross. "'Protestant Socialists'? Ulster Loyalism and Working- Class Politics: 1969–1974," Scrinium, University College Cork (2010), p.16, p.36 He then became a leading figure in the Loyalist Association of Workers, a joint UVF-Ulster Defence Association (UDA) front organisation which was eventually merged into the Ulster Workers' Council.Henry McDonald & Jim Cusack, UDA Inside the Heart of Loyalist Terror, Penguin Ireland, 2004, p. 74 By 1974 Gibson was the UVF's Chief of Staff or Brigadier-General as well as the official spokesman. With the Supreme Commander Gusty Spence in prison since 1966, Gibson became the organisation's "leading personality".Dewar, Michael (1985). The British Army in Northern Ireland.
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The other colonies rallied behind Massachusetts, and a group of American Patriot leaders set up their own government in late 1774 at the Continental Congress to coordinate their resistance of Britain; other colonists retained their allegiance to the Crown and were known as Loyalists or Tories. Open warfare erupted when British regulars sent to capture a cache of military supplies were confronted by local Patriot militia at Lexington and Concord on April 19, 1775. Patriot militia, joined by the newly formed Continental Army, then put British forces in Boston under siege. Each colony formed a Provincial Congress, which assumed power from the former colonial governments, suppressed Loyalism, and contributed to the Continental Army led by General George Washington. The Continental Congress declared King George a tyrant who trampled the colonists' rights as Englishmen, and they declared the colonies free and independent states on July 2, 1776.
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Duke Dan, his own position as royal chancellor and regent in mind, opted for a meritocracy, while Duke Shi believed that the power should remain with the royal family to prevent usurpation. Possibly as result of this debate, the Duke of Zhou finally retired from court politics in 1036 BC, returning the official power to King Cheng and leaving the Duke of Shao as the most powerful man in the kingdom. At the same time, the failure of Wu Geng's rebellion and the following dismantlement of the Shang state ended any realistic chances for the Shang dynasty's restoration.一 被剥削者的存在类型 (Expoited by the presence of...) Despite this and the proclamation of the Mandate of Heaven which delegitimized the Shang rule, militant Shang loyalism and resistance against the Zhou regime persisted well after the Rebellion of the Three Guards.
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Constantin Ritter von Isopescu-Grecul (or cavaler de Isopescu-Grecul; first name also Konstantin, last name also Isopescul-Grecul, Isopescu Grecu; ; February 2, 1871 – March 29, 1938) was an Austro-Hungarian-born Romanian jurist, politician, and journalist. He represented the region of Bukovina and a Romanian constituency in the Austrian House of Deputies continuously from 1907, participating in the political events of World War I. He was foremost known as a legal reformer and a political moderate, who objected to radical forms of Romanian nationalism and mainly sought to obtain a special status for the Romanians within a reformed Austria. His loyalism was rewarded by the Austrian authorities and antagonized the Romanian National People's Party, but Isopescu-Grecul also took distance from the pro-Austrian line advocated by Aurel Onciul. In 1908, Isopescu-Grecul joined Nicu Flondor and Teofil Simionovici in creating an Independent Party, which espoused a moderate program.
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In the immediate aftermath of Wright's killing, Adair told his main gunmen Stephen McKeag and Gary Smyth that they had a free hand to "avenge" Wright's death, with McKeag almost immediately launching a machine gun attack on a bar in a mainly Catholic area despite the UDA being officially on ceasefire. The West Belfast Brigade would later reference Wright as a true loyalist who had been a victim of the UVF in a leaflet circulated to foment a feud between the UDA and the UVF. Despite this, the two men had had a fractured relationship during Wright's life and according to Adair's sometime girlfriend Jackie "Legs" Robinson, Adair had told her that Wright was a "bastard" when the UVF leader attended a party at Robinson's house. Robinson wrote the incident off as jealousy on Adair's part as Wright was already well established as a leading figure in loyalism by that stage whilst Adair was still making his name.
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He strongly believed that it would survive only if the Unionists strove to integrate completely with the United Kingdom by abandoning devolved rule in Northern Ireland. He refused to join the Orange Order, the first Ulster Unionist MP at Westminster never to be a member (and, to date, one of only four, the others being Ken Maginnis, Danny Kinahan and Sylvia Hermon), and he was an outspoken opponent of the more extremist loyalism espoused by Ian Paisley and his supporters. In the aftermath of the Birmingham pub bombings by the Provisional Irish Republican Army (PIRA) on 21 November 1974, the government passed the Prevention of Terrorism Act. During its second reading, Powell warned of passing legislation "in haste and under the immediate pressure of indignation on matters which touch the fundamental liberties of the subject; for both haste and anger are ill counsellors, especially when one is legislating for the rights of the subject".
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Frederick was a Loyalist during the American Revolution. As such, he was attained by the Provincial Congress of New York in 1779 and his Manor and other lands in today's Westchester County were seized.Description of the Abstract of Sales, Commissioners of Forfeiture “An Act for the forfeiture and sale of the estates of those who have adhered to the enemies of this state” was passed by the Provincial Congress on October 22, 1779. The law seized the land of fifty-nine loyalists, and, if they were found guilty of loyalism, banished them from the State of New York upon penalty of “death without benefit of Clergy.”(5) Among those attainted was Frederick Philipse, owner of the Manor of Philipsburg, the largest tract of land in Westchester County.(6) Also on October 22, 1779, writes historian Vivienne L. Ratner, “the Governor was authorized to appoint Commissioners of Forfeitures to dispose of the confiscated estates,” with tenant farmers, “who had leased…and improved the land,” given first priority to purchase their tracts.
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On November 28, 1776, nearly five months after the signing of the Declaration of Independence and the start of the American Revolution, Frederick Philipse III and over 200 of his contemporaries signed a document declaring their allegiance to the British Crown and their unwillingness to support the Revolutionary cause. Because of his Loyalism, Philipse was branded a traitor and placed under arrest on orders signed by General George Washington. He was held in Connecticut for a time, but was given special permission to travel back to Yonkers to settle his affairs on the condition he was not to aid the British cause. In violation of his parole, he and his family fled to British-occupied New York City and later to Great Britain, leaving their estate and Philipse Manor Hall behind to be attained in 1779. Map of Philipsburg Manor with current borders overlaid on the property Philipse family holdings, which included the Philipse Patent, a 250 square mile tract that became today's Putnam and part of Dutchess counties, were sold at public auction by New York's Commissioners of Forfeitures during the Revolution.
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The Rebellion – a "fact that every school child knows" – has overshadowed all else in the Canadian narratives on the struggle for democracy and responsible government. Allan Greer has argued that "though the 'Progress of Liberty' was a favorite theme of history for earlier generations, it is difficult today to get anyone interested in the history of democracy… Canadians in particular, taught in school to see their national past as a story dominated by transcontinental railways and Fathers of Confederation, have trouble imagining the struggle for democracy as an important historical theme. The history of democracy, we tend to believe, happened somewhere else." Paul Romney explains this failure of historical imagination as the outcome of an explicit strategy adopted by reformers in the face of charges of disloyalty to Britain in the wake of the Rebellions of 1837. In recounting the “myths of responsible government”, Romney emphasized that after the ascendancy of Loyalism as the dominant political ideology of Upper Canada any demand for democracy or for responsible government became a challenge to colonial sovereignty.
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During a new meeting with Ralea, Maniu also rejected the PSȚ offer to reunite or align itself with the PNȚ. On May 24, 1944, the PSȚ also entered a "National- Democratic Coalition", formed around the National Liberal Party–Tătărescu, which had a platform of loyalism toward King Michael I and "active political collaboration with the Soviets." It also comprised Groza's Front, the Union of Patriots, the PSDR, MADOSZ, and remnants of the Democratic Nationalist Party, under Petre Topa.Tiberiu Dumitru Costăchescu, "Partidul Național Liberal în anii regimurilor autoritare (februarie 1938 – august 1944)", in Transilvania, Issue 2/2006, p. 85 Ralea and his group continued to campaign on their own. A Siguranța report of June 27 mentions that the PSȚ had received pledges and support from leftists such as Demostene Botez, Scarlat Callimachi, N. D. Cocea, and D. I. Suchianu. Stelian Tănase, " 'Prințul Roșu' ", in Sfera Politicii, Issue 135 In July 1944, Jinga produced a manifesto for the post- Antonescu era, prophesying a socialized economy and liberal democracy.Udrea, p. 558 Ralea had nevertheless lost the support of Rădăceanu and his followers, who returned to the PSDR as a distinctly pro-communist inner-party faction.
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Militant republicans such as the PIRA launched an urban guerrilla warfare campaign with the hopes of forcing a secession of the North from the United Kingdom, with a goal to bring about a United Ireland. In attempting to distinguish between civilians and combatants, some atrocities occurred on all sides, especially during the 1970s. A notable example in 1972 was Bloody Sunday in Derry, associated with the Parachute Regiment (already regarded as heavy handed by the Irish nationalist community across the board). The Scottish regiments which were deployed, such as the Black Watch, were perceived by Irish nationalists as being particularly sympathetic to Orangism and Ulster loyalism, due in part to a similar socio- political culture of sectarianism in Scotland.. For the Irish diaspora in Britain, bombings by the PIRA in England led some to either emphasise the credentials of their own Britishness, including championing the suppression of paramilitary forces by the state, or for a minority, participating in organisations such as the Troops Out Movement formed in 1973 (also consisting of some English people), which aligned itself with Irish republicanism by advocating a British disengagement and withdrawal from Northern Ireland.
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