It's like, People, the object of the preposition takes the accusative form!
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It could never tell you if a pronoun took the dative or the accusative case.
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It is the latest in an endless line of media hype over accusative stories that fit a narrative certain media outlets like to advance.
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Pronouns: 1sg. uze (nominative), ie (accusative), iema (genitive) 1pl. imu (nominative/accusative/genitive) 2sg. tiu (nominative), tu (accusative), tuma (genitive) 2pl.
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Pronouns: 1sg. õć (nominative), ĩa (accusative), ĩ (genitive) 1pl. imo (nominative/genitive), imoa (accusative) 2sg. tū (nominative), tua (accusative), tu (genitive) 2pl.
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Pronouns: 1sg. aŋa (nominative), ũ (accusative), ũma (genitive) 1pl. āmi (nominative), āme (accusative), āmeba (genitive) 2sg. tū (nominative), tu (accusative), tuba (genitive) 2pl.
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Accusative case marking existed in Proto-Semitic, Akkadian, and Ugaritic. It is preserved today only in Modern Standard Arabic and Ge'ez. Accusative in Akkadian :Nominative: (a/the man) :Accusative: (I trust a/the man) Accusative in Arabic :Nominative: (a man) :Accusative: (I ask a man) (I ask the man) The accusative case is called in Arabic () and it has many other uses in addition to marking the object of a verb.
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Colognian distinguishes the four grammatical cases nominative, genitive, dative, and accusative. The genitive has two variants, both of which are compounds or expressions. Colognian is a nominative–accusative language, more precisely a nominative–accusative–dative language.
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Syntactically, Belhare has partly an accusative, partly an ergative pivot, but accusative syntax is more prominent in terms of frequency.
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The accusative absolute is a grammatical construction found in some languages. It is an absolute construction found in the accusative case.
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In marked nominative languages, the nominative has a case inflection, and it is the accusative and citation form that are unmarked. The unmarked accusative/citation form may be called absolutive to clarify that the citation form is used for the accusative case role rather than for the nominative, as it is in most nominative–accusative languages.
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The accusative absolute is sometimes found in place of the ablative absolute in the Latin of Late Antiquity as, for example, in the writings of Gregory of Tours and Jordanes. This likely arose when the pronunciations of the ablative and accusative singulars merged, since the final -m of the accusative singular was no longer pronounced, even in the Classical era. The accusative absolute is also found with plural nouns where the ablative and accusative are not similar in pronunciation.
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The accusative takes the form , e.g. 'language-Acc'.Bayarmendü 1997: 87-89 The genitive, on the other hand, tends to contain one , but it is still based on .Bayarmendü 1997: 81-85 Due to this, homophony with the accusative can occur in a few cases, e.g. ternə (accusative and genitive of the distal demonstrative), but not əni (proximal accusative) vs.
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In some languages, the nominative case is unmarked, and it may then be said to be marked by a null morpheme. Moreover, in most languages with a nominative case, the nominative form is the lemma; that is, it is the reference form used to cite a word, to list it as a dictionary entry etc. Nominative cases are found in Arabic, Estonian, Sanskrit, Slovak, Ukrainian, Hungarian, Lithuanian, Georgian, German, Latin, Greek, Icelandic, Old English, Old French, Polish, Serbian, Czech, Romanian, Russian and Pashto, among other languages. English still retains some nominative pronouns, which are contrasted with the accusative (comparable to the oblique or disjunctive in some other languages): I (accusative me), we (accusative us), he (accusative him), she (accusative her), they (accusative them) and who (accusative whom).
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For example, "him" goes back to the Old English dative him (accusative was hine), and "her" goes back to the dative hire (accusative was hīe). These pronouns are not datives in modern English; they are also used for functions previously indicated by the accusative.
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Also, in the tables, the accusative case appears between the nominative and genitive cases. Russian practice places the accusative between the dative and the instrumental.
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Nominative–accusative alignment In linguistic typology, nominative–accusative alignment is a type of morphosyntactic alignment in which subjects of intransitive verbs are treated like subjects of transitive verbs, and are distinguished from objects of transitive verbs in basic clause constructions. Morphosyntactic alignment can be coded by case-marking, verb agreement and/or word order. Nominative–accusative alignment has a wide global distribution and is the most common alignment system among the world’s languages (including English). Languages with nominative–accusative alignment are commonly called nominative–accusative languages.
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In the Finnic languages, such as Finnish and Estonian, there is syncretism between the accusative and genitive singular case forms, and the nominative and accusative plural case forms.
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Changing any one of these features requires replacing the suffix with a different one. In the form , the ending denotes masculine accusative singular, neuter accusative singular, or neuter nominative singular.
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Kinnauri is SOV, V-Auxiliary, Postpositional, and has head-final noun phrases. It shows case marking with an ergative alignment in the past tense, nominative-accusative elsewhere. The ergative case is identical to the instrumental. There is no distinction between accusative and dative, and a genitive is partially syncretic with the accusative/dative.
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In fact Russian almost lost the real PIE accusative case, since only feminine nouns ending in 'a' have a distinct form. Other words use the genitive case in place of the accusative.
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Turkmen has six cases: Accusative, Dative, Genitive, Instrumental, Locative, and Nominative.
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In Toki Pona, the word e is used to mark accusative.
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An unofficial but widely recognized accusative preposition na has become popular with some Esperantists on the internet and may be used in such situations, especially when there is no following noun (ties, accusative na ties). The purposefully ambiguous preposition je may be so used as well (accusative je ties), though normally the -es words are simply not inflected for case.
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Word order in Muinane is generally SOV. Case marking is nominative–accusative.
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The inhabitants of Denmark are there called (), or "Danes", in the accusative.
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The accusative, genitive, and dative cases are also used after prepositions, for example:ff : () "to the woman" (accusative) : () "away from the woman" (genitive) : () "along with the woman" (dative) Usually prepositions which mean "towards" such as () are followed by a noun or pronoun in the accusative case, while those that mean "away from" are followed by one in the genitive. Some prepositions can be followed by more than one case depending on the meaning. For example, () means "with" when followed by a noun in the genitive, but "after" if followed by an accusative.
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Traditional Finnish grammars say the accusative is the case of a total object, while the case of a partial object is the partitive. The accusative is identical either to the nominative or the genitive, except for personal pronouns and the personal interrogative pronoun /, which have a special accusative form ending in . The major new Finnish grammar, , breaks with the traditional classification to limit the accusative case to the special case of the personal pronouns and /. The new grammar considers other total objects as being in the nominative or genitive case.
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All neuter words have identical nominative and accusative forms, and all feminine words have identical nominative and accusative plurals. The gender of some words' plurals does not agree with that of their singulars, such as lim and mund.
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As with a number of other Indo-Iranian languages like the Kurdish languages, Zaza features split ergativity in its morphology, demonstrating ergative marking in past and perfective contexts, and nominative-accusative alignment otherwise. Syntactically it is nominative-accusative.
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In nominative–accusative languages, both core cases may be marked, but often, it is only the accusative that is marked. In such situations, the term 'absolutive' could aptly describe the nominative, but the term is seldom used that way.
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Personal pronouns have Unmarked, Nominative, Accusative and Possessive case forms. The Nominative case pronouns are used for the subjects of transitive and intransitive verbs, the accusative pronouns for the objects of transitives. Pronouns in oblique roles take the Unmarked case form.
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Adverbials ( ') are expressed using adjectives in the indefinite accusative, often written with the ending (e.g. ' "also") but pronounced "" even if it's not written (see accusative), e.g.: ', literally: "he read the book a slow reading"; i.e., "He read the book slowly".
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In nominative–accusative languages, the accusative case, which marks the direct object of transitive verbs, usually represents the non-volitional argument (often the patient). However, for unaccusative verbs, although the subject is non-volitional, it is not marked by the accusative. As Perlmutter points out, the same verb such as "slide" can be either unaccusative or unergative, depending on whether the action was involuntary or voluntary.Perlmutter (1978), p. 163.
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Esperanto grammar involves only two cases, a nominative and an accusative. The accusative is formed by the addition of to the nominative form, and is the case used for direct objects. Other objective functions, including dative functions are achieved with prepositions, all of which normally take the nominative case. Direction of motion can be expressed either by the accusative case, or by the preposition (to) with the nominative.
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Both accusative and ergative systems use this kind of grouping to make meaning clearer.
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If a language exhibits morphological case marking, arguments S and A will appear in the nominative case and argument O will appear in the accusative case, or in a similar case such as the oblique. There may be more than one case fulfilling the accusative role; for instance, Finnish marks objects with the partitive or the accusative to contrast telicity. It is highly common for only accusative arguments to exhibit overt case marking while nominative arguments exhibit null (or absent) case markings. The last examples of Tamil and Hindi show the overt and null case marking distinctions.
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The accusative case is used for the direct object of a sentence with transitive verbs. For the masculine o/jo declension, the accusative singular for "an adult, healthy, free male person" is often shown by the use of the endings of the genitive singular. The accusative is also used with nouns for a duration of time and a measure of distance. Old Church Slavonic makes more frequent use of the accusative case after negated infinitives and participles than other Slavic languages, and it is unclear if this is an innovation of Old Church Slavonic or an archaism.
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Herbert Weir Smyth, A Greek Grammar for Colleges, § 1060 ff. the dative or genitive being used instead of a predicate in the accusative: ; see also below. On the other hand, as it is indicated by predicate adjectives/sunstantives or participial constituents of the infinitival clause, it is not unusual at all for an accusative to be understood and be supplied by context as the subject of the infinitive, as the following examples illustrate. As far as the genitive is concerned, a predicate substantive or a participle normally stands in the accusative while an adjective may stand either in accusative or in genitive case.
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Verdurian has SVO word order, fusional morphology, and accusative morphosyntactic alignment. This language has two genders (masculine and feminine), two numbers (singular and plural) and four cases (nominative, genitive, accusative and dative). There are 4 tenses (present, past, past anterior and future).
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They, as well as the independent determiners ending in -io, also take the accusative case when standing in for the object of a clause. The accusative of motion is used with the place correlatives in -ie, forming -ien (hither, whither, thither, etc.).
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There is an accusative marker, et, only before a definite Object (mostly a definite noun or personal name). Et-ha is currently undergoing fusion and reduction to become ta. Consider ten li et ha-séfer "give:2ndPerson.Masculine.Singular.Imperative to-me ACCUSATIVE the-book" (i.e.
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In English language sources, he also appears as Manoli Paterakis.Manoli is the accusative form of his name, and as the accusative functions as an informal vocative in Modern Greek, this is how his British colleagues would have addressed him and remembered his name.
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There is no accusative case; that is, both the nominative and accusative roles are unmarked on the noun. and have been backed to and . Western Mansi went extinct ca. 2000. It had strong Russian and Komi influences; dialect differences were also considerable.
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Havasupai-Hualapai has a nominative/accusative case marking system, as mentioned in the morphology section.
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The genitive case historically was derived from the accusative case through the process of apocope. The genitive form is always identical to the accusative form, except that the final /-n/ has been deleted. Historically, possession was once marked by the accusative suffix, but was lost due to the common occurrence of word-final nasal deletion in Aguaruna. The genitive indicates possession by attaching to the possessor and is immediately followed by the possessed.
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In Russian, accusative is used not only to display the direct object of an action, but also to indicate the destination or goal of motion. It is also used with some prepositions. The prepositions and can both take accusative in situations where they are indicating the goal of a motion. In the masculine, Russian also distinguishes between animate and inanimate nouns with regard to the accusative; only the animates carry a marker in this case.
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However, the accusative is sometimes identical to the nominative and sometimes identical to the genitive. Therefore, this article lists the accusative between the nominative and genitive. Slovene has three numbers: # Singular (), which refers to one object. # Dual (), which refers to a pair of objects.
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Amharic has an accusative marker, -(ə)n. Its use is related to the definiteness of the object, thus Amharic shows differential object marking. In general, if the object is definite, possessed, or a proper noun, the accusative must be used (Leslau 1995: pp. 181 ff.).
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Diversity in African languages pp. 333ff. Doris L. Payne, Sara Pacchiarotti, Mokaya Bosire, eds. Language Science Press. In Turkish, the direct object can either have accusative case or have no (visible) case at all; when it has accusative case, it is interpreted as specific (e.g.
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Nota accusativi is a grammatical term meaning "denoting accusative case". It is generally applied to linguistic indicators of the accusative case. An example is the use of the preposition a in Spanish to indicate an animate direct object (the "personal a"): "Jorge llama a María".
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The accusative suffix is -na, which is used to mark both direct objects and indirect objects. However, when the subject of a clause is first person plural, second person singular, or second person plural, then only first person singular objects take accusative case. For example, in the sentence núwa hapímkutʃin ɨŋkɨáu 'the women put their brooms (in baskets)’, núwa 'women' takes no suffix because it is the nominative case, and hapímkutʃin 'brooms' takes the accusative case -na, though the [a] has been lost in apocope. On the other hand, in the sentence tsabáu yuwáta 'eat a banana!' there is no accusative suffix on tsabáu 'banana' because the subject is 'you (singular)'.
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For morphosyntactic alignment, many Australian languages have ergative–absolutive case systems. These are typically split systems; a widespread pattern is for pronouns (or first and second persons) to have nominative–accusative case marking and for third person to be ergative–absolutive, though splits between animate and inanimate are also found. In some languages the persons in between the accusative and ergative inflections (such as second person, or third-person human) may be tripartite: that is, marked overtly as either ergative or accusative in transitive clauses, but not marked as either in intransitive clauses. There are also a few languages which employ only nominative–accusative case marking.
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The demonstratives, ca and ta, are used without distinction. The nominative–accusative singular forms are: ica, eca, ca, ita, ta; the plural: cei, tei. There is a genitive singular: cla, tla, cal and plural clal. The accusative singular: can, cen, cn, ecn, etan, tn; plural cnl.
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The ones that fall in both the accusative and locative cases, the preposition is accusative if it is dynamic and is locative if it is static. Dynamic means that the preposition shows motion while static does not. Examples: ::Ja idem u školu. I am going to school.
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Neuter words in the nominative and accusative plural have the endings () or (). They are divided into the 2nd and 3rd declensions according to the endings of their genitive and dative cases, which are the same as those of masculine nouns. : () "the trees" – 2nd declension : () "the walls" – 3rd declension Neuter nouns also differ from masculine and feminine nouns in that they do not have a separate ending for the accusative case, but the nominative, vocative, and accusative are always identical.
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These prepositions invariably govern the genitive. Many of them are formed from a dative or accusative preposition followed by a noun, although there are a few that do not take on such a form. Unlike dative/accusative prepositions, they do not inflect for person, number, or gender for pronominal purposes. Pronominal governance is instead done by fusing a possessive pronoun with the component dative/accusative preposition if it exists, and in front of the preposition if it does not.
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The accusative case (abbreviated ) is a linguistics term for a grammatical case relating to how some languages typically mark a direct object of a transitive verb. Among those languages, analogous marking principles often apply to the objects of (some or all) prepositions. The characteristics of an accusative case often entail (such as in Latin) what generally is termed the nominative case. The English term, "accusative," derives from the Latin , which, in turn, is a translation of the Greek .
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Old Irish is a fusional, nominative-accusative, and VSO language. Nouns decline for 5 cases: nominative, accusative, genitive, prepositional, vocative; 3 genders: masculine, feminine, neuter; 3 numbers: singular, dual, plural. Adjectives agree with nouns in case, gender, and number. The prepositional case is called the dative by convention.
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The past participle is employed in the formation of compound tenses. Vafsi Tati is a split ergative language: Split ergativity means that a language has in one domain accusative morphosyntax and in another domain ergative morphosyntax. In Vafsi the present tense is structured the accusative way and the past tense is structured the ergative way. Accusative morphosyntax means that in a language subjects of intransitive and transitive verbs are treated the same way and direct objects are treated another way.
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They decline in five cases, nominative, accusative, genitive, allative and ablative. Animate nouns also decline according to number.
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For example, the accusative case is mostly but not exclusively used for direct objects of a particular sentence.
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The Hindi word comes from Prakrit , Sanskrit (accusative case: ) meaning "great".Webster's Third New International Dictionary, p. 1361.
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In Japanese, the accusative case is marked by placing を (wo, pronounced ) between the noun and the verb.
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But if the verb is an impersonal one, it is put in the accusative, e.g. () "it being possible".
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In linguistic typology, marked nominative alignment is an unusual type of morphosyntactic alignment similar to, and often considered a subtype of, a nominative–accusative alignment. In a prototypical nominative–accusative language with a grammatical case system, like Latin, the object of a verb is marked for accusative case, and the subject of the verb may or may not be marked for nominative case. The nominative, whether or not marked morphologically, is also used as the citation form of the noun. In a Marked nominative system, on the other hand; it is the Nominative case alone that is usually marked morphologically, and it is the unmarked Accusative case that is used as the citation form of the noun.
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Steinbauer says of Etruscan, "there can be more than one marker ... to design a case, and ... the same marker can occur for more than one case."Etruscan Grammar: Summary at Steinbauer's website. ; Nominative/accusative case : No distinction is made between nominative and accusative of nouns. Common nouns use the unmarked root.
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Otomi has the nominative–accusative alignment, but by one analysis there are traces of an emergent active–stative alignment.
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In Turkish, the word belediye (definite accusative belediyesi), which is a loan from Arabic, means "municipality" or "city council".
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Because umlaut was caused by these suffixes, there is a strong correlation between the phonetic characteristics of the suffix and the type of umlaut seen among stems of a class. Besides the latter classification, the stems may be grouped into the root noun, consonant stem, and vocalic stem declensions, in Proto-Germanic terms. In Proto- Germanic, the neuter stems modeled their nominative/accusative singulars after masculine accusative singulars, while their nominative/accusative plurals were modeled after the nominative singular of the corresponding feminine declension.
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The accusative is the direct object case and it is unmarked in the singular. In the plural, its marker is -d, which is preceded by the plural marker -i, making it look the same as the plural illative. The accusative is also used to mark some adjuncts, e.g. obb tääʹlv ('the entire winter').
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A prepositional phrase consists of a nominal phrase and an adposition (a preposition, postposition, or circumposition). The case of the nominal phrase can be accusative or dative. Some prepositions always take the accusative case and some always take the dative case. Students usually memorize these because the difference may not be intuitive.
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The forms of feminine and neuter nouns in the plural accusative have remained the same as in the plural nominative.
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Nouns and other declinable words are declined in eight cases: nominative, genitive, dative, accusative, instrumental, locative (inessive), vocative and illative.
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14 (p. 58) við Haralld konong Gorms sun (accusative). , died c. 985/86) was a king of Denmark and Norway.
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Rabatt is used in the dative case; in Standard German in the accusative case. Example: 20% Rabatt auf allen Artikeln.
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As Vulgar Latin lost its cases, the new caseless words often took their accusative forms after shifting spelling and pronunciation.
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This, however, is the accusative and genitive form of the noun used when, for example, writing "Tromsø Municipality" (Romssa Suohkan).
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The first-person personal pronoun has a nominative mi ("I") and an accusative mini ("me"). The third person has a personal form an ("he" or "she") and an inanimate in ("it"). The second person is uncertain, but some, like the Bonfantes, have claimed a dative singular une ("to thee") and an accusative singular un ("thee").
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A third group of prepositions, called two way prepositions, take either the accusative case or the dative case depending on the phrase's exact meaning. If the statement describes movement across a boundary then the phrase is accusative. Other situations, including movement within a confined area, take the dative case. For example: :Ich schlafe im Haus.
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The East Slavic languages (Russian, Ukrainian, and Belorussian) employ either the accusative or genitive for negation, although the genitive is more commonly used. In Czech, Slovak and Serbo- Croatian, negating with the genitive case is perceived as rather archaic and the accusative is preferred, but genitive negation in these languages is still not uncommon, especially in music and literature.
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This example shows multiple arguments attaching to a single predicate. A full clause can be expressed in the verb. In the verb, the verb stem is last, and even when embedded in the verb, the object and subject necessarily come first. In Denaʼina, all verbs require a nominative (subject) and an accusative (object), which indicates a nominative-accusative case.
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Dixon"A Grammar of Yidiɲ", by R. M. W. Dixon, 1977, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. states that "pronouns inflect in a nominative-accusative paradigm… deictics with human reference have separate cases for transitive subject, transitive object, and intransitive subject… whereas nouns show an absolutive–ergative pattern." Thus three morphosyntactic alignments seem to occur: ergative–absolutive, nominative–accusative, and tripartite.
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Itonama is a polysynthetic, head-marking, verb-initial language with an accusative alignment system along with an inverse subsystem in independent clauses, and straightforward accusative alignment in dependent clauses. Nominal morphology lacks case declension and adpositions and so is simpler than verbal morphology (which has body-part and location incorporation, directionals, evidentials, verbal classifiers, among others).
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The case of the object of an Old Norse verb is lexically assigned, meaning that the case is determined on a per-verb basis. Most verbs take an accusative object, but some, such as gefa (give) have primary and secondary objects in the accusative and dative, while still others have nominative, genitive, or dative direct objects.
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In many other languages, the term "prepositional case" is inappropriate, since the forms of nouns selected by prepositions also appear in non-prepositional contexts. For example, in English, prepositions govern the objective (or accusative) case, and so do verbs. In German, prepositions can govern the genitive, dative, or accusative, and none of these cases is exclusively associated with prepositions.
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Westrobothnian has around three to five cases, depending on definition. Nominative and accusative usually take the same form, except in pronouns where there are doublets such as and “our, masc.”, and “my/mine, fem.”, and “my/mine, masc.” Dative is separated from the accusative and nominative case, in that it differs from the two others, which are identical.
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For example, the direct complement of a verb is assigned accusative, irrespective of any other properties that it might have. It must be acknowledged that it is not the accusative alone that is structural, rather the specifier of a NP is in the genitive in many languages, and so is the direct object of a nominalized verb.
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Finnish is a synthetic language that employs extensive agglutination of affixes to verbs, nouns, adjectives and numerals. Finnish is not generally considered polysynthetic, however, its morpheme-to- word ratio being somewhat lower than a prototypical polysynthetic language (e.g., Yup'ik). The morphosyntactic alignment of Finnish is nominative–accusative, but there are two object cases: accusative and partitive.
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All neuter words have identical nominative and accusative forms, and all feminine words have identical nominative and accusative plurals. The gender of some words' plurals does not agree with that of their singulars, such as lim and mund. Some words, such as hungr, have multiple genders, evidenced by their determiners being declined in different genders within a given sentence.
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The Dual - These nouns denote two of something. They decline very similarly to the sound masculine plurals because they are not marked for definiteness and look the same in both the accusative and genitive cases. For the nominative, the marking is -āni and for the accusative/genitive, -ayni. An example is "parents," which is wālidāni and wālidayni respectively.
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The plural forms in -s in languages like Spanish (for example, buenas madres "good mothers", buenos hombres "good men") can be straightforwardly explained as descendants of Latin accusative forms in -as, -os and -es. On the other hand, 3rd declension nouns and adjectives have -es in both nominative and accusative, however, so the -s plural for these words could derive from either case form. There is also evidence that Vulgar Latin may have preserved the nominative plural ending -as in the 1st declension, attested in Old Latin and replaced by -ae in literary Classical Latin. The Romance varieties that maintained the distinction between nominative and accusative cases in the medieval period (Old French, Old Occitan, Old Sursilvan) have forms in -s for both nominative and accusative plurals of feminine nouns of the first declension.
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Wanano is a nominative-accusative case system, this means that the subject of the transitive and intransitive verbs are marked the same way.
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The demonstrative and relative pronouns form part of the correlative system, and are described in that article. The pronouns are the forms ending in -o (simple pronouns) and -u (adjectival pronouns). Their accusative case is formed in -n, but the genitive case ends in -es, which is the same for singular and plural and does not take accusative marking. Compare the nominative phases lia domo (his house) and ties domo (that one's house, those ones' house) with the plural liaj domoj (his houses) and ties domoj (that one's houses, those ones' houses), and with the accusative genitive lian domon and ties domon.
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When no one preposition is clearly correct, the indefinite preposition je should be used: :ili iros je la tria de majo (they'll go on the third of May: the "on" isn't literally true). Alternatively, the accusative may be used without a preposition: :ili iros la trian de majo. Note that although la trian (the third) is in the accusative, de majo (of May) is still a prepositional phrase, and so the noun majo remains in the nominative case. A frequent use of the accusative is in place of al (to) to indicate the direction or goal of motion (allative construction).
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Sanskrit is a highly inflected language with three grammatical genders: masculine ( puṃliṅga), feminine ( strīliṅga), and neuter ( napuṃsakaliṅga); and three numbers: singular ( ekavacanam), dual ( dvivacanam), and plural ( bahuvacanam). It has eight cases: nominative, vocative, accusative, instrumental, dative, ablative, genitive, and locative. The number of actual declensions is debatable. Pāṇini identifies six kārakas corresponding to the nominative, accusative, dative, instrumental, locative, and ablative cases.
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Parmaquesta Quenya has ten cases. These include the four primary cases: nominative, accusative, genitive, and instrumental; three adverbial cases: allative (of which the dative is a shortened form), locative (also with a shortened form), and ablative; and a possessive or adjectival case. The accusative was however only used for Parmaquesta and had been replaced by nominative in late colloquial Quenya.
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Syntactic ergativity: a typological approach. Pg. 224 This is some evidence towards an accusative reading. But, there is no morphology on the argument itself and so it would be difficult to announce this as an accusative case rather than a different focus of the verb. Other than the possible issues presented above, Kuikuro is a rather straightforward example of an ergative case system.
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Personal pronouns have three cases: nominative, accusative (also used with all prepositions) and dative. Possessive adjectives are used for the genitive. As in English, there are three pronouns in the third person singular (masculine: he; feminine: ce; neuter: je) as well as a reflexive pronoun. For example: i = "I" (nominative), ma = "me" (accusative), mo = "to me" (dative), tu, ta, to = "you", etc.
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Meliora is the motto of the University of Rochester Meliora is a Latin adjective meaning "better". It is the neuter plural (nominative or accusative) form of the adjective "melior, -or, -us". It may be used in the accusative and substantively (i.e., as a noun) to mean "better things", "always better", "ever better", or, more fully, "for the pursuit of the better".
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Nota accusativi also exists in Armenian, Greek and other languages. In other languages, especially those that indicate case grammatically, there is usually a separate form (for each declension if declensions exist) to indicate the accusative case. The nota accusativi should not be confused with such case forms, as the term nota accusativi denotes a separate particle indicating the accusative case.
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Plural: 1 haian, 2 san, 3 kvndaian Accusative Singular: 1 haia, 2 skaia, 3 kvnjima. Dual: 123. Plural: 1 haiananima, 2 sananima, 3 kvndaiananima.
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In Dyirbal, pronouns are morphologically nominative–accusative when the agent is first or second person, but ergative when the agent is a third person.
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The language's basic word order has been analyzed as object–subject–verb, a very rare word order among nominative–accusative languages such as Warao.
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Nouns are not marked for case in Miriwoong, although arguments are cross referenced on the verb, in most cases using a nominative-accusative pattern.
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The word may also mean "causative", and this may have been the Greeks' intention in this name,Douglas Harper, Online Etymology Dictionary but the sense of the Roman translation has endured and is used in some other modern languages as the grammatical term for this case, for example in Russian (). The accusative case is typical of early Indo-European languages and still exists in some of them (including Armenian, Latin, Sanskrit, Greek, German, Polish, Russian), Serbian, in the Finno-Ugric languages (such as Finnish and Estonian), in all Turkic languages, and in Semitic languages (such as Arabic). Balto-Finnic languages, such as Latvian and Lithuanian, have two cases to mark objects, the accusative and the partitive case. In morphosyntactic alignment terms, both perform the accusative function, but the accusative object is telic, while the partitive is not.
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Besides the forms Triboci and Tribocci, Schneider has the form “Triboces” in the accusative plural.C. Julius Caesar (c. 50 BCE). De Bello Gallico I.51.
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Polish retains the Old Slavic system of cases for nouns, pronouns, and adjectives. There are seven cases: nominative , genitive , dative , accusative , instrumental , locative , and vocative .
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Middle Irish inscription from Clonmacnoise: Oroit ar Thurcain lasan dernad in chrossa: "Pray for Turcan by whom this cross was made." Middle Irish is a fusional, VSO, nominative-accusative language. Nouns decline for two genders: masculine, feminine, though traces of neuter declension persist; three numbers: singular, dual, plural; and five cases: nominative, accusative, genitive, prepositional, vocative. Adjectives agree with nouns in gender, number, and case.
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There is a variant group, the ergative–accusative languages, otherwise known as split ergative languages, (such as Dyirbal), which functions ergatively with respect to nouns but is nominative-accusative with pronouns.Robert M. W. Dixon, Searching for Aboriginal Languages:Memoirs of a Field Worker, Cambridge University Press 2011 p.163 Several scholars have hypothesized that Proto-Indo-European was an ergative language. However, this hypothesis is disputed.
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Sanskrit nouns have eight cases: nominative, accusative, instrumental, dative, ablative, genitive, locative, and vocative.W. D. Whitney, Sanskrit Grammar: Including both the Classical Language and the Older Dialects Of these eight cases, Pāṇini identified six as kārakas, or accessories to a verb. The six kārakas are the nominative, accusative, dative, instrumental, locative, and ablative cases. He defined them as follows (Ashtādhyāyi, I.4.24-54): # Apādāna (lit.
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Per capita is a Latin prepositional phrase: per (preposition, taking the accusative case, meaning "by means of") and capita (accusative plural of the noun caput, "head"). The phrase thus means "by heads" or "for each head", i.e., per individual/person. The term is used in a wide variety of social sciences and statistical research contexts, including government statistics, economic indicators, and built environment studies.
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For example, in German, one possible translation of "the car" is . This is the form in the nominative case, used for the subject of a sentence. If this article/noun pair is used as the object of a verb, it (usually) changes to the accusative case, which entails an article shift in German – . In German, masculine nouns change their definite article from to in the accusative case.
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There are essentially three "cases" in Gilaki, the nominative (or, better, unmarked, as it can serve other grammatical functions), the genitive, and the (definite) accusative. The accusative form is often used to express the simple indirect object in addition to the direct object. A noun in the genitive comes before the word it modifies. These "cases" are in origin actually just particles, similar to Persian ra.
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The most common of these is far "by", an abbreviation of fare de "done by". The phrase fare de helps avoid sometimes ambiguous readings of the preposition de "of, from, by". Another neologism is cit from the verb citi "to quote", and used to introduce quotations. (Sometimes je or na (below) is seen instead.) An occasional difficulty in Esperanto is using the accusative with noun phrases which do not readily accept the accusative suffix -n, such as correlatives like ties "that one's", quotations (see: cit above), or phrases which already include an accusative suffix, such as provoj savontaj ĝin "attempts to save it", forpelado hundon "driving away the dog".
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You is derived from Old English or (both pronounced roughly like Modern English yay), which was the old nominative case form of the pronoun, and eow, which was the old accusative case form of the pronoun. In Middle English the nominative case became ye, and the oblique case (formed by the merger of the accusative case and the former dative case) was you. In early Modern English either the nominative or the accusative form had been generalized in most dialects. Most generalized you; some dialects in the north of England and Scotland generalized ye, or use ye as a clipped or clitic form of the pronoun.
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In the Latvian language, nouns, adjectives, pronouns and numerals are inflected in six declensions. There are seven cases: nominative, genitive, dative, accusative, instrumental, locative and vocative.
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Irish has four cases: common (usually called the nominative, but it covers the role of the accusative as well), vocative, genitive, and the dative or prepositional case.
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The Latin accusative of towns and small islands is used for motion towardsAllen and Greenough, sect. 427 in a way that is analogous to the allative case.
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Other names include the alternate spelling Hippus (Accusative Hippum), a Latinized version of the Greek name. The precise reason why the city received this name is unknown.
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Old Dutch preserved at least four of the six cases of Proto-Germanic: nominative, accusative, genitive and dative. A fifth case, the instrumental, may have also existed..
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Littré suggests the first form, which is the earliest, derives from stimmida, an accusative for stimmi.LSJ, s.v., vocalisation, spelling, and declension vary; Endlich, p. 28; Celsus, 6.6.
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Serbo-Croatian makes a distinction between three genders (masculine, feminine and neuter) seven cases (nominative, genitive, dative, accusative, vocative, locative, instrumental) and two numbers (singular and plural).
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The particle oba or ba marks a topicalized direct object. This form historically derives from a contraction of the accusative marker wo and the topic particle ɸa (modern day wa ~ a). In several Western Kyūshū dialects, ba has completely replaced the particle o as the accusative marker. However, the use of the particle ba within the Kagoshima dialects is restricted mainly to the Koshikijima Islands and is not as widespread elsewhere.
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Latin sometimes uses prepositions, depending on the type of prepositional phrase being used. Most prepositions are followed by a noun in either the accusative or ablative case: "apud puerum" (with the boy), with "puerum" being the accusative form of "puer", boy, and "sine puero" (without the boy, "puero" being the ablative form of "puer". A few adpositions, however, govern a noun in the genitive (such as "gratia" and "tenus").
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Contemporary English generally uses only the form "you", regardless of level of familiarity. Old English used was the nominative case of the word; the accusative form was originally but over time the dative replaced it. in the second-person singular for both formal and informal contexts. Following the Norman Conquest, the Middle English that emerged continued to use 'The accusative of was at first spelled or but later became '.
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The nominative is used for the subject of a sentence, but it is only distinguished from the accusative in the masculine plural and the feminine singular, excluding the i-declension. Unlike in most modern Slavic languages, the nominative is also typically used for the complement of verbs meaning "to be". It is also used with verbs of naming and calling, but the accusative is also used for these verbs.
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Rather, an accusative subject is used with an infinitive to develop the appropriate meaning. For example, translating the aforementioned example into Latin: : :literally: 'Julia says herself to be a good student.' here is an accusative reflexive pronoun referring back to the subject of the main verb i.e. ; is the infinitive "to be." Note that the tense of the infinitive, translated into English, is relative to the tense of the main verb.
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With respect to the Proto-Finnic language, elision has occurred; thus, the actual case marker may be absent, but the stem is changed, cf. maja – majja and the Ostrobothnia dialect of Finnish maja – majahan. The direct object of the verb appears either in the accusative (for total objects) or in the partitive (for partial objects). The accusative coincides with the genitive in the singular and with nominative in the plural.
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The main grammatical form for statements in indirect speech is the accusative and infinitive construction. In this, the subject is put in the accusative case, and the verb becomes an infinitive. In each example below, the infinitive has been underlined: : (Nepos)Nepos, Arist. 1.4. :'he replied that he did not know Aristides personally' In extended passages of it is not necessary for there to be a verb of speaking.
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Russian is more conservative in its declensions than many other modern Indo-European languages (English, for example, has almost no declensions remaining in the language). The complexity of its declensions resembles older languages such as Latin and Ancient Greek more than most modern languages. Note: In the tables below, the Accusative case appears between the Nominative and Genitive cases. Russian practice places the Accusative between the Dative and the Instrumental.
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Noun modifiers precede nouns. The word order is not rigid, but tends towards SOV. The morphosyntactic alignment is nominative–accusative, although there is no accusative case: rather, the direct object is in the nominative (typically if inanimate or indefinite) or in the genitive (typically if animate or definite). For numerals above 20, two systems are in use – a decimal one used officially, and a vigesimal one used colloquially.
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Faroese grammar is related and very similar to that of Icelandic. Faroese is an inflected language with three grammatical genders and four cases: nominative, accusative, dative and genitive.
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The name Štore is probably originally an accusative plural derived from the Slovene common noun štor 'stump', referring to an area where stumps remained after it was cleared.
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There are two supines, I (first) and II (second). They are originally the accusative and dative or ablative forms of a verbal noun in the fourth declension, respectively.
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Word-final consonant clusters are also rare, again mainly occurring in learned discourse and via foreign loans: (coal – scientific) and (boxing – sport). Indirect object is usually expressed by with the accusative where Ancient Greek had for accusative of motion toward; bare is used without the article to express indefiniteness duration of time, or contracted with the definite article for definiteness especially with regard to place where or motion toward; or with the genitive, especially with regard to means or instrument. Using one noun with an unmarked accusative article-noun phrase followed by contracted with the definite article of a second noun distinguishes between definite direct and indirect objects, whether real or figurative, e.g. «» or «...» (lit.
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It seems there was no accusative or adjectival agreement. Numerals 1–10: un, du, tres, cvarto, cvinto, siso, septo, octo, nono, desem. There are no diacritics in the alphabet.
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The French fomite, Italian fomite, Spanish fómite and Portuguese fómite or fômite, however, are derived directly from the Latin accusative singular fōmĭtēm, as usually happens with Latin common nouns.
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There exist in Classical Greek several polygovernate prepositions in addition to bigovernate and monogovernate prepositions. ἐπί - the meaning of which varies according to three cases: accusative, genitive and dative.
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The grammatical phenomenon is highly threatened in the mentioned areas, while most speakers of conservative varieties have been highly influenced by the national standard languages, using only the traditional accusative word form in both cases. Often, though not always, the difference in meaning between the dative and accusative word forms can thus be lost, requiring the speaker to add more words to specify what was actually meant, to avoid potential loss of information.
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The antipassive voice is predominantly found in ergative languages where the deletion of an object "promotes" the subject from ergative case to absolutive case. In certain accusative languages that have verbal agreement with both subject and object, the antipassive is usually formed by deletion of the object affix. Examples of accusative languages with this type of antipassive are Maasai, Comanche and Cahuilla. A number of direct–inverse languages also have the antipassive voice.
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In fact, there are a number of languages that have a two-case system, such as Chemeheuvi, Kabardian, as well as in Iranian languages. Chemeheuvi is a language of the Numic branch of Uto-Aztecan family which has a nominative- oblique system. Yagnobi, an Iranian language, has both an accusative and ergative case. Semitic languages, Nubian languages, Modern Greek operate with a three-case systems, with a nominative, accusative, and genitive/oblique case.
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Although Esperanto word order is fairly free, prepositions must come at the beginning of a noun phrase. Whereas in languages such as German, prepositions may require that a noun be in various cases (accusative, dative, and so on), in Esperanto all prepositions govern the nominative: por Johano (for John). The only exception is when there are two or more prepositions and one is replaced by the accusative. Prepositions should be used with a definite meaning.
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Ingush is a nominative–accusative language in its syntax, though it has ergative morphology.Johanna Nichols, Case in Ingush Syntax, and Johanna Nichols,Ingush Grammar (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2010). .
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Nouns in Ugaritic can be categorized according to their inflection into: cases (nominative, genitive, and accusative), state (absolute and construct), gender (masculine and feminine), and number (singular, dual, and plural).
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"She bought [an old house]." :Viņa nopirka [veco māju]. "She bought [the old house]." In both sentences, the adjective is feminine singular accusative, to agree with the noun māju "house".
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Typically for an Indo- European language, Danish follows accusative morphosyntactic alignment. Danish distinguishes at least seven major word classes: verbs, nouns, numerals, adjectives, adverbs, articles, prepositions, conjunctions, interjections and ideophones.
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Lippens replied: Herr Schiedsrichter, ich danke Sie! ("Sir, I thank You!"), sarcastically using an accusative pronoun instead of a correct dative this time. Lippens was immediately sent off by the referee.
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The word viscount comes from Old French (Modern French: ), itself from Medieval Latin , accusative of , from Late Latin "deputy" + Latin (originally "companion"; later Roman imperial courtier or trusted appointee, ultimately count).
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Only some forms are known because of a lack of documentation. Dative case appears in Ofo and can be interpreted as resembling an accusative pronoun in English. tcilétci ó̃tcĭku your.tongue me.you.
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Nouns have three genders: masculine, feminine, neuter; and four cases: nominative, accusative, dative and genitive. These, in addition, all have singular and plural forms. They can also be strong or weak.
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The accusative is the direct object case and it is marked with -v in the singular. In the plural, its marker is -t, which is preceded by the plural marker -j.
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Between vowels, [b, d, g] have become [v, ð, ɣ]; subsequently, [p, t, k] have become [b, d, g] in the same environment. As a result, an "Unsullied" is rendered as Dovaogēdy in High Valyrian, but as Dovoghedhy in Astapori. Similarly, Astapori Valyrian has lost the case system of High Valyrian, so the word order is more reliably subject–verb–object (SVO) and the four genders of High Valyrian have been reduced to two, with three definite articles: ji (animate singular, derived from High Valyrian ziry "him/her (accusative)"), vi (inanimate singular, derived from High Valyrian ūī "it (accusative)"), and po (plural, derived from High Valyrian pōnte "them (accusative)"). There is also an indefinite article, me , derived from High Valyrian mēre ("one").
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Most Slavic languages are highly inflected, except for Bulgarian and Macedonian. The agreement is similar to Latin, for instance between adjectives and nouns in gender, number, case and animacy (if counted as a separate category). The following examples are from Serbo-Croatian: : živim u _malom_ stanu "I live in a small apartment" (masculine inanimate, singular, locative) : živim u _maloj_ kući "I live in a small house" (feminine, singular, locative) : imam _mali_ stan "I have a small apartment" (masculine inanimate, singular, accusative) : imam _malu_ kuću "I have a small house" (feminine, singular, accusative) : imam _malog_ psa "I have a small dog" (masculine animate, singular, accusative) Verbs have 6 different forms in the present tense, for three persons in singular and plural. As in Latin, subject is frequently dropped.
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A usage that is archaic in most current English dialects is the singular second-person pronoun thou (accusative thee). A special case is the word you: originally, ye was its nominative form and you the accusative, but over time, you has come to be used for the nominative as well. The term "nominative case" is most properly used in the discussion of nominative–accusative languages, such as Latin, Greek and most modern Western European languages. In active–stative languages, there is a case, sometimes called nominative, that is the most marked case and is used for the subject of a transitive verb or a voluntary subject of an intransitive verb but not for an involuntary subject of an intransitive verb.
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The Scottish Gaelic nominative case is also an example of a direct case, which evolved as the accusative became indistinguishable in both speech and writing from the nominative as a result of phonetic change. The situation in the Irish language is similar, though some pronouns retain a distinction (e.g. "you" (singular) - nominative tú, accusative thú) In languages of the Philippines, and in related languages with Austronesian alignment, the direct case is the case of the argument of an intransitive clause (S), and may be used for either argument of a transitive clause (agent or patient), depending on the voice of the verb. The other transitive argument will be in either the ergative or accusative case if different cases are used for those roles.
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When the infinitival subject is coreferent with a word constructed with the governing verb in a higher syntactic level, in other words, when the subject of the infinitive is itself (a second) argument of the governing verb, then it is normally omitted and understood either in the oblique case in which the second argument is put (see also in the previous paragraph the reference to PRO and control structures), or in the accusative as if in an accusative and infinitive construction (but with the accusative noun or pronoun obligatorily suppressed and implied). :: i DAT DAT Xenophon, Anabasis, 7.1.21 :: now for-youDAT, Xenophon, is-possible [PROi man DAT become INF]. literal translation :: Now it is possible for you, Xenophon, [to become a man].
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Epirote features a rather "Doric" contract future as seen in the third person active plural and the future mediopassive . Whereas the Northwest Doric frequently used ἐν + accusative formations, Epirote preferred εἰς + accusative formations instead. The archaic formation of ἀνά + dative, which is elsewhere found mostly in poetry, has been found to occur a few times in Epirus. Scientific inquiry on the syntax and morphosyntax of Epirote is, to date, too weak in general to make strong statements.
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The locative case had merged with the dative in early Germanic times and was no longer distinct in Proto- Germanic or in any of its descendants. The dative, however, contrasts with the accusative case, which is used to indicate motion toward a place (it has an allative meaning). The difference in meaning between dative and accusative exists in all of the old Germanic languages and survives in all Germanic languages that retain a distinction between the two cases.
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For many nouns the surface nominative(-accusative) undergoes a final stem-vowel deletion rule; in the Kalaw Lagaw Ya dialect the rule results in final devoiced vowels accompanied by main vowel lengthening. There are three numbers, singular, dual and plural. Singular and dual are the same form in all nominals except the personal pronouns. Furthermore, the plural is only distinguished in the nominative-accusative — except for the personal pronouns, where the difference in number is shown by the stem.
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For fully declined nouns, known as "triptote" ( '), that is, having three separate case endings, the suffixes are ', ', ' for nominative, accusative, and genitive case respectively, with the addition of a final (nunation, or ') to produce ', ', and ' when the word is indefinite. This system applies to most singular nouns in Arabic. It also applies to feminine nouns ending in ' (') and hamzah, but for these, alif is not written in the accusative case. It also applies to many "broken plurals".
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Nouns likely decline for 7 cases: nominative, genitive, accusative, dative, vocative, instrumental and locative; 3 genders: masculine, feminine, neuter; and 3 numbers: singular, dual, plural. The last two cases had merged with other cases by Classical Greek. In Modern Greek, only nominative, accusative, genitive and vocative remain as separate cases with their own morphological markings.Andrew Garrett, "Convergence in the formation of Indo-European subgroups: Phylogeny and chronology", in Phylogenetic methods and the prehistory of languages, ed.
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The language developed its interesting features, the transitive and intransitive verb conjugations. (See Hungarian grammar (verbs).) Marked possessive relations appeared. The accusative marker -t was developed, as well as many verb tenses.
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The female afformative plural is /-āt/ with a case marker probably following the /-t/, giving /-ātu/ for the nominative and /-āti/ for the genitive and accusative in both absolute and construct state.
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Accusative vs. partitive case opposition of the object used with transitive verbs creates a telicity contrast, just as in Finnish. This is a rough equivalent of the perfective vs. imperfective aspect opposition.
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The situation in English may, however, also be compared with that of French, where the historical accusative form moi functions as a so-called disjunctive pronoun, and appears as a subject complement (c'est moi, 'it is me'). Similarly, the clitic accusative form can serve as a subject complement as well as a direct object (il l'est 'he is [that/it]', cf. il l'aime 'he loves it'). Fiction writers have occasionally pointed out the colloquialisms of their characters in an authorial comment.
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Aguaruna is a nominative/accusative language. It indicates the nominative, accusative, commutative, locative, ablative, instrumental, vocative, and genitive cases by attaching inflectional suffixes. Case markers attach only to the final element of a noun phrase, unless a demonstrative pronoun is present, then each word within the noun phrase takes the case marking. The nominative case does not take a suffix, but the noun phrase therefore cannot take any other case suffix, which in turn acts as the indicator that it is the subject.
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Multiple clitics are grouped in the following fixed order: # question word (only li), # verbs: clitic forms of 'to be' except je (sam, si, smo, ste, su, bih, bi, bismo, biste), and of 'will' (ću, ćeš, će, ćemo, and ćete) # dative pronouns (mi, ti, mu, joj, nam, vam, im, si), # accusative pronouns (me, te, ga, je, ju, nas, vas, ih), # the reflexive accusative pronoun (only se), # clitic form of the third-person singular present of 'to be' (je). [Grammar book]. Contents. Summary.
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Georgian syntax and verb agreement are largely those of a nominative–accusative language. That is, the subject of an intransitive verb and the subject of a transitive verb are treated alike when it comes to word order within the sentence, and agreement marks on verbs complex. Nominative–accusative alignment is one of the two major morphosyntactic alignments, along with ergative-absolutive. However, Georgian case morphology (that is, the declension of nouns using case marks) does not always coincide with verbal alignment.
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Properly speaking, Arabic has only three cases: nominative, accusative and genitive. However, a meaning similar to that conveyed by the vocative case in other languages is indicated by the use of the particle yā () placed before a noun inflected in the nominative case (or accusative if the noun is in construct form). In English translations, it is often translated literally as O instead of being omitted. A longer form used in Classical Arabic is ' (masculine), ' (feminine), sometimes combined with yā.
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Telugu is more inflected than other literary Dravidian languages. Telugu nouns are inflected for number (singular, plural), gender (masculine and non-masculine) and grammatical case (nominative, accusative, instrumental, dative, ablative, genitive, locative, and vocative).
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Vowels are often syncopated when attaching certain affixes, notably the possessive prefixes no- "my", cham- "our", etc. Hence polóv "good", but o-plovi "your goodness"; kichum "houses" (nominative case), but kichmi "houses" (accusative case).
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Buryat is an SOV language that makes exclusive use of postpositions. Buryat is equipped with eight grammatical cases: nominative, accusative, genitive, instrumental, ablative, comitative, dative-locative and a particular oblique form of the stem.
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Other systems are less common. In some languages, there is double-marking of a word as both genitive (to indicate semantic role) and another case such as accusative (to establish concord with the head noun).
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Evenki is a subject–object–verb and head-final language. The subject is marked according to the nominative case, and the object is in the accusative. In Evenki, the indirect object precedes the direct object.
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This means the marked morphemes, or those that change to convey more specific meanings, are those that indicate the object. Distinction occurs between the nominative and accusative, and each would have its own core argument.
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Note that particle po forms a phrase with the numeral tri and is not a preposition for the noun phrase tri pomojn, so it does not prevent a grammatical object from taking the accusative case.
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Officially, in Esperanto, the suffix letter "n" is used to mark an accusative. But a few modern speakers use the unofficial preposition "na" instead of the final "n". \- Mi havas domon. \- Mi havas na domo.
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The exchange on the case of domus concludes: The (allative) case construction used in the final formulation is not locative but accusative of motion towards. The locative of domus in literary classical Latin is domi.The Latin Dictionary: domus The locative case (without the preposition in) was only used for the names of cities, small islands and a few other isolated words. Correspondingly for these places and the word domus the accusative was used without a preposition (in or ad) to indicate a motion towards.
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Hence i n-arrad "beside" can form a phrase inna arrad "beside him", with the possessive pronoun a fused with the component preposition iN. The accusative preposition coH and the genitive preposition dochum, both meaning "to, towards", may be used to illustrate the contrast between the two classes. "To an end" may be rendered as dochum forcinn, with dochum causing the genitive form forcinn to be used. On the other hand, this can also be rendered as co forcenn, with the accusative form forcenn being used.
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Nominal morphology is very simple. The only affix which can apply to a noun is the accusative suffix -ra, which is essentially extinct in Jarawara (although still common in Jamamadí and Banawá); a remnant of this can be seen, however, in the non-singular object pronouns era, otara, tera, mera. There is also a grammatically bound but phonologically independent marker taa, which signifies contrast with a previous noun (not X "but Y"). This inflection follows the noun, but precedes the accusative -ra in Jamamadí and Banawá.
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The German word unter, meaning beneath or under, is antonymous to über. Unter can be found in words such as U-Bahn (Untergrundbahn – underground (rail-)way), U-Boot (Unterseeboot – submarine), as well as toponyms, such as Unter den Linden. Grammatically, über belongs to that set of German prepositions that can govern either the accusative case or the dative case ("an, auf, hinter, in, neben, über, unter, vor, zwischen"). The choice is determined by whether the prepositional phrase indicates movement (accusative) or an unmoving state (dative).
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The Old English language, which continued in use until after the Norman Conquest of 1066, had a dative case; however, the English case system gradually fell into disuse during the Middle English period, when the accusative and dative of pronouns merged into a single oblique case that was also used with all prepositions. This conflation of case in Middle and Modern English has led most modern grammarians to discard the "accusative" and "dative" labels as obsolete in reference to English, often using the term "objective" for oblique.
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A few singular nouns (including many proper names and names of places), and certain types of "broken plural", are known as ( ', literally 'forbidden from inflecting') meaning that they only have two case endings. When the noun is indefinite, the endings are ' for the nominative and ' for the genitive and accusative with no nunation. The genitive reverts to the normal ' when the diptotic noun becomes definite (preceded by ' or is in the construct state)). Diptotes never take an alif in the accusative case in written Arabic.
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The English word faith is thought to date from 1200–1250, from the Middle English feith, via Anglo-French fed, Old French feid, feit from Latin fidem, accusative of fidēs (trust), akin to fīdere (to trust).
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There are three true pronouns which could be called a nominative or topic case. There are only found at the beginning of an independent clause. These pronominals are found in ergative, accusative, dative and possessive cases.
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Naturalis Historia, 4:106Notitia Dignitatum. oc 5:75; 7:83 and under the accusative forms Menapios by Tacitus (early 2nd c. AD) and Menapíous (Μεναπίους) by Cassius Dio (3rd c. AD).Tacitus. Historiae, 4:28Cassius Dio.
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Kalenjin is a marked nominative language: nominative case is the only case that is marked in the language, while all other cases (accusative, genitive, dative etc.) are left unmarked. Nominative case is marked through tone only.
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The logical "subject" of the participle and the grammatical subject of the governing verb are coreferential, the participle being put in the nominative case, agreeing with it (we are dealing with a so-called nominative plus participle construction; see also nominative and infinitive): :: :: They see [that they are in no position to get the upper hand]. :: Direct form: We are in no position to get the upper hand. b. The supplementary participle modifies a noun phrase as if it were a "subject" of its own (there is no coreference) and both the participle and this noun are put in the accusative case, just like an accusative and infinitive construction. This is the case where the argument of the verb is not the noun, even though it seems to be a real accusative object, but the verbal notion expressed by the participle itself:Rijksbaron, Albert.
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Klamath word order is conditioned by pragmatics. There is no clearly defined verb phrase or noun phrase. Alignment is nominative–accusative, with nominal case marking also distinguishing adjectives from nouns. Many verbs obligatorily classify an absolutive case.
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Ainu also shows the passive voice formation typical of nominative-accusative languages and the antipassive of ergative-absolutive languages. Like Nez Percé, the use of both the passive and antipassive is a trait of a tripartite language.
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Ugaritic has only regular plurals (i.e. no broken plurals). Masculine absolute state plurals take the forms /-ūma/ in the nominative and /-īma/ in the genitive and accusative. In the construct state they are /-ū/ and /-ī/ respectively.
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Middle High German nouns were declined according to four cases (nominative, genitive, dative, accusative), two numbers (singular and plural) and three genders (masculine, feminine and neuter), much like Modern High German, though there are several important differences.
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POSS child- MASC-SG-DIM.-OBJ bring/take-pick.up-INCEP-ASSERT.PERF She picked up her little boy (Stenzel, 2004, 217, 218, 226, 227). As we can see from the examples above, Wanano is a nominative accusative language.
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PIE nouns and adjectives (as well as pronouns) are subject to the system of PIE nominal inflection with eight or nine cases: nominative, accusative, vocative, genitive, dative, instrumental, ablative, locative, and possibly a directive or allative. The so-called strong or direct cases are the nominative and the vocative for all numbers, and the accusative case for singular and dual (and possibly plural as well), and the rest are the weak or oblique cases. This classification is relevant for inflecting the athematic nominals of different accent/ablaut classes.
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The English language once had an extensive declension system similar to Latin, modern German and Icelandic. Old English distinguished among the nominative, accusative, dative, and genitive cases, and for strongly declined adjectives and some pronouns also a separate instrumental case (which otherwise and later completely coincided with the dative). In addition, the dual number was distinguished from the singular and plural. Declension was greatly simplified during the Middle English period, when the accusative and dative cases of the pronouns merged into a single oblique case that also replaced the genitive case after prepositions.
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' However, in the case of 'I will work,' the suffixes do not have an underlying accent so the pitch accent falls on the second vowel in takástathai. In nouns and adjectives, the placement of the pitch accent depends on case. The accusative suffix shifts the accent one syllable to the right from the place where the nominative accent falls. For example, in the nominative form of 'tooth' the accent falls on the first vowel dái, but in the accusative form the accent shifts to the second vowel in daín.
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The case of a noun after a preposition is decided by that preposition. No prepositions require the nominative case, but any other case may follow one; for example, the preposition für (for) is followed by the accusative case, the word mit (with) is followed by the dative, and the word außerhalb (outside of) is followed by the genitive case. Certain prepositions, called "two way prepositions", have objects either in dative or accusative, depending on whether the use implies position (e.g. in der Küche = "in the kitchen", dative case) or direction (e.g.
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That is, they are plural if the nouns that they modify are plural, and accusative if the nouns that they modify are accusative. Compare bona tago; bonaj tagoj; bonan tagon; bonajn tagojn (good day/days). This requirement allows for free word orders of adjective-noun and noun-adjective, even when two noun phrases are adjacent in subject–object–verb or verb–subject–object clauses: :la knabino feliĉan knabon kisis (the girl kissed a happy boy) :la knabino feliĉa knabon kisis (the happy girl kissed a boy). Agreement clarifies the syntax in other ways also.
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The international root biliono is likewise ambiguous in Esperanto, and is deprecated for this reason. An unambiguous system based on adding the Esperanto suffix -iliono to numerals is generally used instead, sometimes supplemented by a second suffix -iliardo:"biliono" at Reta Vortaro :106: miliono :109: miliardo (or mil milionoj) :1012: duiliono :1015: duiliardo (or mil duilionoj) :1018: triiliono :1021: triiliardo (or mil triilionoj) :etc. Note that these forms are grammatically nouns, not numerals, and therefore cannot modify a noun directly: mil homojn (a thousand people [accusative]) but milionon da homoj (a million people [accusative]).
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In grammar, accusative and infinitive is the name for a syntactic construction of Latin and Greek, also found in various forms in other languages such as English and Spanish. In this construction, the subject of a subordinate clause is put in the accusative case (objective case in English) and the verb appears in the infinitive form. Among other uses, information may be given in this form to indicate indirect speech, also called indirect discourse. The construction is often referred to by the Latin term Accusativus cum infinitivo, frequently abbreviated ACI.
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For example, DixonR. M. W. Dixon, Ergativity, p. 202 describes "proto-Pamir" as having, in the present tense, the direct case for S and A and the oblique case for O (a nominative–accusative alignment), and, in the past tense, the direct for S and O and the oblique for A (an absolutive–ergative alignment). Because of this split (see split ergativity), neither "nominative" nor "absolutive" is an adequate description of the direct case, just as neither "accusative" nor "ergative" is an adequate description of the oblique case.
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In contrast to CA and MSA, nouns are not inflected for case and lack nunation (with the exception of certain fixed phrases in the accusative case, such as , "thank you"). As all nouns take their pausal forms, singular words and broken plurals simply lose their case endings. In sound plurals and dual forms, where, in MSA, difference in case is present even in pausal forms, the genitive/accusative form is the one preserved. Fixed expressions in the construct state beginning in abu, often geographic names, retain their -u in all cases.
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The vocative is distinguished from the nominative in the case of only a few nouns. The dative and the ablative are identical, except for the indefinite plural. The indefinite accusative is always the same as the indefinite nominative.
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Hungarian marks the original subject of an intransitive differently in causative forms to convey direct causation. If the causee is marked by the accusative case, a more direct causation is implied than if the instrumental case is used.
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It means literally "From a place called La Londe". There are more or less 100 places called La Londe in Normandy, France. In Old Norman(-French) it meant "grove, wood", itself from Old Norse lundr (accusative lundi) "grove".
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Those orders are permitted in Sakha if accusative case is overtly expressed: Sakha :a. кини яблоко-ну сии-р-∅ :a. kini yabloko-nu sii-r-∅ :NOM apple-ACC eat :’She/he is eating the/a (particular) apple.’ :b.
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There are two grammatical genders in Latvian (masculine and feminine) and two numbers, singular and plural. Nouns, adjectives, and declinable participles decline into seven cases: nominative, genitive, dative, accusative, instrumental, locative, and vocative. There are six declensions for nouns.
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Latvian has prepositions, and a small number of postpositions. Although each preposition requires a particular case (genitive, accusative, or dative) if the following noun phrase is singular, all plural noun phrases appear in the dative case after a preposition.
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Modern English almost entirely lacks declension in its nouns; pronouns, however, have an oblique case as in whom, them, and her, which merges the accusative and dative functions, and originates in old Germanic dative forms (see Declension in English).
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Xyst is an alternative spelling for xystus, and xystarch as the term for a superintendent of a xystus. In Latin, xystum is the accusative case of the nominative xystus; in modern architecture, xystum has a different meaning from xystus.
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In English, case relates to properties of the pronoun, nominative, accusative, and genitive. Case can be selected by heads within the structure, and this can affect the syntactic structure expressed in the underlying and surface structure of the tree.
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The direct case form is used for noun phrases that fulfill nominative, accusative, or absolutive functions, in present-tense and past-tense sentences, respectively. In the present tense, grammatical function is indicated by word order, with subjects preceding objects.
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This was originally a masculine plural noun (preserved in some other toponyms such as Dolenji Lazi), but it became a feminine plural noun like similar toponyms (e.g., Laze, Zgornje Laže, etc.) due to the ambiguous accusative ending in -e.
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Adverbs derived from adjectives (like English bold-ly, beautiful-ly) arguably cannot be classified as particles. In Proto-Indo-European, these are simply case forms of adjectives and thus better classified as nouns. An example is "greatly", a nominative-accusative singular.
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In the 15th century nouns such as sędzia < sądьja (judge) were given in singular genitive, dative and accusative forms like adjectives. Later on, forms such as sędzim, sędziem (judge) appeared in the instrumental. Sometimes the locative sędziej was also present.
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In many modern Indo-Aryan languages, the accusative, genitive, and dative have merged to an oblique case, but much of these languages still retain vocative, locative, and ablative cases. Old English had an instrumental case, but not a locative or prepositional.
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In grammar, the absolutive case (abbreviated ) is the case of nouns in ergative–absolutive languages that would generally be the subjects of intransitive verbs or the objects of transitive verbs in the translational equivalents of nominative–accusative languages such as English.
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Pronoun and other pronoun-like words are classified as two separate lexical categories. This is for morphosyntactic reasons: pronouns show nominative-accusative case marking, while demonstratives, deictics, and other nominals show absolutive- ergative marking.Dixon, R.M.W. 1977. A Grammar of Yidiny.
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This means that the genitive/accusative form -n, which is very common in any form of Finnish, is simply noted by a glottal stop. However, this glottal stop undergoes sandhi whenever followed by consonant, or more often than not (see below).
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There are also some instances where the vowel stays as o, such as the accusative singular of feminine nouns. These instances can be traced back to an earlier nasal vowel ǫ in Proto-Slavic, which did not undergo this change.
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In linguistic typology, split ergativity is a feature of certain languages where some constructions use ergative syntax and morphology, but other constructions show another pattern, usually nominative-accusative. The conditions in which ergative constructions are used varies from language to language.
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Case in not marked on nouns and free pronouns, but bound pronouns follow nominative-accusative alignment. Gunbarlang distinguishes five noun classes on demonstratives (M, F, plants, body-parts, and inanimate), but only four on other constituents (collapsing the latter two).
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SG.MASC :'the old man' (Sadock 1991) :den Alt-en :the.ACC.SG.MASC old- ACC.SG.MASC :'the old man' (Sadock 1991) Here, der Alte is inflected for masculine gender, singular number and nominative case. Den Alten is a similar inflection but in the accusative case.
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2) kuˈtu--̴ka- pʉ-re phiˈa-sʉ-ˈa clearing-DIM-LOC-OBJ MOV.out.into-COMPL-ASSERT.PERF (He) went out into a little clearing. Wanano is typologically nominative- accusative, and that it codes the grammatical rather than the semantic roles of core arguments.
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Cases can be ranked in the following hierarchy, where a language that does not have a given case will tend not to have any cases to the right of the missing case: : nominative → accusative or ergative → genitive → dative → locative or prepositional → ablative and/or instrumental → others. This is, however, only a general tendency. Many forms of Central German, such as Colognian and Luxembourgish, have a dative case but lack a genitive. In Irish nouns, the nominative and accusative have fallen together, whereas the dative–locative has remained separate in some paradigms; Irish also has genitive and vocative cases.
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In Vafsi the present tense is structured the accusative way and the past tense is structured the ergative way. Accusative morphosyntax means that in a language subjects of intransitive and transitive verbs are treated the same way and direct objects are treated another way. Ergative morphosyntax means that in a language subjects of intransitive verbs and direct objects are treated one way and subjects of transitive verbs are treated another way. In the Vafsi past tense subjects of intransitive verbs and direct objects are marked by the direct case whereas subjects of transitive verbs are marked by the oblique case.
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The term ergative–absolutive is considered unsatisfactory by some, since there are very few languages without any patterns that exhibit nominative–accusative alignment. Instead they posit that one should only speak of ergative–absolutive systems, which languages employ to different degrees. Many languages classified as ergative in fact show split ergativity, whereby syntactic and/or morphological ergative patterns are conditioned by the grammatical context, typically person or the tense/aspect of the verb. Basque is unusual in having an almost fully ergative system in case-marking and verbal agreement, though it shows thoroughly nominative–accusative syntactic alignment.
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Most words of the former class have -us (Latin) or -ος -os (Greek) in the nominative singular, except for the r-stem nouns in Latin, and the "Attic" declension and contracted declension in Attic Greek (when these groups are considered part of this declension). The latter class, i.e. the neuter nominative/accusative singular, usually ends with -um, in Latin and -ον (-on), in Greek, matching the accusative of the former. In Latin, the masculine words of the second declension that end with -us in the nominative case, are differently declined from the latter in the vocative case: such words end with -e.
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He mocked the pronunciation of Hegelochus, the actor in Euripides' play Orestes, which was performed in 408 BC.Smith, p. 706; Scholion to Euripides, l. 279. In line 279 of the play, instead of "after the storm I see again a calm sea" ("γαλήν’ ὁρῶ"), Hegelochus recited "after the storm I see again a weasel" ("γαλῆν ὁρῶ"). In the nominative, the adjective forms that give "calm sea" are "γαληνός, γαληνόν", and "weasel" is either "γαλῆ" "γαλέη." The accusative of "γαλῆ" is "γαλῆν", and the accusative plural of γαληνόν is γαληνά, which, after apocope, results in "γαλήν’ ὁρῶ".
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Nouns in Literary Arabic have three grammatical cases (nominative, accusative, and genitive [also used when the noun is governed by a preposition]); three numbers (singular, dual and plural); two genders (masculine and feminine); and three "states" (indefinite, definite, and construct). The cases of singular nouns (other than those that end in long ā) are indicated by suffixed short vowels (/-u/ for nominative, /-a/ for accusative, /-i/ for genitive). The feminine singular is often marked by ـَة /-at/, which is pronounced as /-ah/ before a pause. Plural is indicated either through endings (the sound plural) or internal modification (the broken plural).
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In languages with morphological case, a tritransitive alignment typically marks the agent argument of a transitive verb with an ergative case, the patient argument of a transitive verb with the accusative case, and the argument of an intransitive verb with an intransitive case.
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Not all arguments are equally likely to exhibit overt case marking. In languages with nominative–accusative alignment, it is common to divide direct objects into two classes (with respect to overt case marking), a phenomenon called ‘differential object marking’ by Bossong (1985).
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Prepositions tell us where an object is or what direction it is going. Some cases of nouns, such as the genitive, accusative and instrumental, take prepositions. Some cases never take prepositions (such as locative and nominative). Certain prepositions are used with certain cases.
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Ukrainian is a fusional, nominative- accusative, satellite framed language. It exhibits T-V distinction, and is null-subject. The canonical word order of Ukrainian is SVO. Other word orders are common due to the free word order created by Ukrainian's inflectional system.
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The definite article "la" ("the") remains unaltered regardless of gender or case, and also of number, except when there is no other word to show plurality. Pronouns are identical in all cases, though exceptionally the accusative case may be marked, as for nouns.
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Persian nouns have no grammatical gender, and the case markers have been greatly reduced since Old Persian—both characteristics of contact languages. Persian nouns now mark with a postpositive only for the specific accusative case; the other oblique cases are marked by prepositions.
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In Sumerian, the terminative case -še not only was used to indicate end-points in space or time but also end- points of an action itself such as its target or goal. In this latter role, it functioned much like an accusative case.
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Kwomtari is the eponymous language of the Kwomtari family of Papua New Guinea. Spencer (2008) is a short grammar of Kwomtari. The language has an SOV constituent order and nominative–accusative alignment. Both subjects and objects are marked suffixally on the verb.
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In constructions with the benefactive applicative -š(i)t (-bt), the argument indicated by the ergative is agent and that by accusative/absolutive the beneficiary. The benefactive applicative may also function to characterize an object as a recipient (Bischoff, 2011, p. 31).
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By contrast, German distinguishes four cases: nominative, accusative, genitive, and dative. So, for example, the definite article of the masculine singular has the forms: der (nom.), den (acc.), des (gen.), and dem (dat.) Thus case marking in Low German is simpler than in German.
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Colognian is a predominantly fusional language. It marks its articles, adjectives, nouns, pronouns, and more to distinguish gender, case, and number. Colognian today distinguishes between five cases: nominative, genitive, dative, accusative, and vocative. There are two kinds of genitives, both of which are periphrastic.
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Unlike Andean languages (Quechua, Aymara), which mark nominative, accusative, dative, and genitive cases, Amazonian languages like Secoya are limited to locative and instrumental/comitative cases. Enclitics are used to indicate grammatical case and the following suffixes indicate the nominal items that are linked to it.
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Magna Carta was originally written in Latin, and the Latin term is lex terrae, or legem terrae in the accusative case (i.e. when the term is being used as the object in a sentence).Black, Henry. A Law Dictionary, page 709 (West Publishing 1910).
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Nouns could have one of three genders: masculine, feminine and neuter. They declined for seven of the eight Proto-Indo-European cases: nominative, vocative, accusative, genitive, dative, ablative and locative. The instrumental case had been lost. Nouns also declined for number in singular and plural.
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The Old Norse form of the name was Vingulmǫrk. The first part of the name, Vingul, is the accusative case of Vingull, "fescue", or "fool". The last element of the name, mark or plural mǫrk, "forest" or "March", i.e. the forest of fescues/fools.
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Urbanc, Mimi, & Matej Gabrovec. 2005. Krajevna imena: poligon za dokazovanje moči in odraz lokalne identitete. Geografski vestnik 77(2): 25–43. The name Matke is an accusative plural form of the personal name Matko, derived from Matej 'Matthaeus', thus originally meaning 'Matko and his family'.
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Absolute constructions occur with other grammatical cases in Indo-European languages, such as accusative absolute in Greek, German and Latin, genitive absolute in Greek, dative absolute in Anglo-Saxon, Gothic and Old Church Slavonic, locative absolute in Sanskrit and instrumental absolute in Anglo- Saxon.
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Critics doubt if the same author recounting the same story in much the same words in different parts of the same text would have used the same two key terms with such strikingly different meanings. However the alternative is that the author of Acts made a careless slip, and Evangelical theology cannot allow this. Evangelicals point out that in Acts 9:7, ἀκούω appears in a participle construction with a genitive (ἀκούοντες μὲν τῆς φωνῆς), and in Acts 22:9 as a finite verb with an accusative object (φωνὴν οὐκ ἤκουσαν). Evangelical author Nigel Turner suggests the use of the accusative indicates hearing with understanding.
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Traditionally, the preposition de has been used in the latter situation, but this is highly ambiguous: forpeladon de hundo could mean the dog was driven away (accusative case), something was driven away by the dog, or something was driven away from the dog. An accusative preposition na has been proposed and is widely recognized. However, the existing indefinite preposition je might be used just as well: forpeladon na hundo, je hundo. Conditional participles -unt-, -ut- have been created by analogy with the past, present, and future participles -int-, -it-; -ant-, -at-; -ont-, -ot-, by extending vowel equivalences of the verb tenses -is, -as, -os to the conditional mood -us.
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Object pronouns, in languages where they are distinguished from subject pronouns, are typically a vestige of an older case system. English, for example, once had an extensive declension system that specified distinct accusative and dative case forms for both nouns and pronouns. And after a preposition, a noun or pronoun could be in either of these cases, or in the genitive or instrumental case. With the exception of the genitive (the "apostrophe-s" form), in nouns this system disappeared entirely, while in personal pronouns it collapsed into a single case, covering the roles of both accusative and dative, as well as all instances after a preposition.
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Choctaw nouns can be followed by various determiner and case-marking suffixes, as in the following examples, where we see determiners such as /-ma/ 'that', /-pa/ 'this', and /-akoo/ 'contrast' and case-markers /-(y)at/ 'nominative' and /-(y)a̱/ 'accusative':Broadwell (2006:64-92) :alla' naknimat :alla' nakni-m-at :child male-that- :'that boy (nominative)' :Hoshiit itti chaahamako̱ o̱biniilih. :Hoshi'-at itti' chaaha-m-ako̱ o̱-biniili-h :bird- tree tall-that- -sit- :'The bird is sitting on that tall tree.' (Not on the short one.) The last example shows that nasalizing the last vowel of the preceding N is a common way to show the accusative case.
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Although some grammarians continue to use the traditional terms "accusative" and "dative", these are functions rather than morphological cases in Modern English. That is, the form whom may play accusative or dative roles (as well as instrumental or prepositional roles), but it is a single morphological form, contrasting with nominative who and genitive whose. Many grammarians use the labels "subjective", "objective", and "possessive" for nominative, oblique, and genitive pronouns. Modern English nouns exhibit only one inflection of the reference form: the possessive case, which some linguists argue is not a case at all, but a clitic (see the entry for genitive case for more information).
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Where the morphology is concerned, the language is somewhere along the continuum between agglutinative and fusional. Nominals have the following cases: nominative, accusative, instrumental (subsumes ergative), dative (subsumes allative, purposive), ablative (subsumes elative, avoidative), specific locative, nonspecific locative (subsumes perlative and comitative) and global locative. Nominals also have the following derived forms: privative, similative, resultative and proprietive, which also forms the noun nominative-accusative plural. All stems end in a vowel or a semi-vowel, except for a few monosyllables ending in -r and -l (which includes the very few reduplicated words, like tharthar 'boiling, seething', as well as ngipel 'you ' [a compound of ngi 'you singular' and -pal 'two']).
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The term Daqin was used from the Han dynasty (202 BC – 220 AD) onwards, but by the beginning of the Tang dynasty (618–907 AD) a new name emerged in Chinese historical records for distinguishing the Eastern Roman Empire: Fulin (). Friedrich Hirth surmised that Fulin may have been based on the accusative form of Konstantinoupolis, the Greek name of Constantinople, or rather its paraphrase hē Pólis ("the City"), giving (in the accusative) (tḕn) Pólin.Lieu (2013), p. 227. Using historical phonetic pronunciations of Cantonese and Japanese, Hirth also speculated that Fulin in Middle Chinese was pronounced Butlim or Butlam and thus might have also come from the Syriac pronunciation for Bethlehem.
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Nominative/Absolutive → Accusative/Ergative → Genitive → Dative → Ablative/Instrumental → Other oblique arguments This hierarchy is to be interpreted as follows: If a language has a case that is listed on the hierarchy, it will usually have at least one case from each position to the left. So for example, if a language has a dative case, it will have a genitive (position to the left), an accusative or ergative case or both, and a nominative. While the case hierarchy holds for many languages, it is not universally valid. Some languages may lack one of the above categories, or may collapse categories into one hierarchy position.
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Kohati has a peculiar distribution of the dative-accusative postposition. As in other Indo-Aryan languages, the form of the noun used before postpositions is the oblique: pʊttʊr 'son' for example has the oblique form pʊtre. To this form Kohati appends the postposition ã to form the dative-accusative: pʊtre ã '(to) the son', which is the pattern found in the rest of Hindko (in contrast to Punjabi where the postpostion is nũ or Saraiki, where it is kũ). But because the oblique form in the plural is also -ã, Kohati avoids the succession of identical vowels by switching to ko in the plural: thus pʊtrã ko '(to) the sons'.
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In noun morphology, there are two cases: nominative and accusative. Both direct and indirect objects are marked with the suffix . In addition to case marking, there are also the characteristic Uto-Aztecan "absolutive" suffixes, which appear when there is no other suffix. Variants of the absolutive include .
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Although other word classes in Ilokano are not diverse in forms, verbs are morphologically complex inflecting for grammatical distinctions such as tense/aspect, number and focus. Ilokano has a morphosyntactic alignment that shares characteristics of both Nominative–accusative and Ergative–absolutive known as the Austronesian alignment.
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The marker for the dual in the absolute state appears as /-m/. However, the vocalization may be reconstructed as /-āmi/ in the nominative (such as malkāmi "two kings") and /-ēmi/ for the genitive and accusative (e.g. malkēmi). For the construct state, it is /-ā/ and /-ē/ respectively.
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In main clauses, Klallam uses an ergative pattern to mark the third person (where they are unmarked) as, in subordinate clauses, all three persons are marked. The first and second persons in the main clause, however, and all persons in subordinate clauses follow an accusative pattern.
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Accessed 27 December 2007. Neuter nouns still trigger eclipsis of a following complement, as they did in Middle Irish, but less consistently. The distinction between preposition + accusative to show motion toward a goal (e.g. "into the battle") and preposition + dative to show non–goal-oriented location (e.g.
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It is unusual in having object–verb–agent as one of its main word orders, the other being the more common verb–agent–object. It also displays the typologically "uncommon" property of an ergative–absolutive alignment in the present and a nominative–accusative alignment in the past.
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Certain common words retain their historical written form, e.g. mig /mεj/ and och /ɔk/ or /ɔ/. The pronoun de is pronounced /dɔm/ by most speakers, even though it has traditionally distinct written forms in the nominative (as well as used as a plural article) and accusative case.
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Accusative ( '); literally, 'erected'): :' : a house :' : the house :' : the house of the man. Genitive ( '; literally, 'dragged'): :' : a house :' : the house :' : the house of the man. The final is also dropped in classical poetry at the end of a couplet, and the vowel of the ending is pronounced long.
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In languages like Turkish, Kazakh language and Sakha, more "prominent" objects take an overt accusative marker while nonspecific ones do not. Lack of an overt case marker can restrict an object's distribution in the sentence.van de Visser, Mario. (2006) "The Marked Status of Ergativity". PhD. Dissertation.
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This term has been the subject of numerous scholarly works and judicial decisions over the years. Usually the English term is used, but sometimes the Latin: lex terrae, or legem terrae in the accusative case (i.e. when the term is being used as the object in a sentence).
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So, it has been proposed that the accusative system arose from a functional pressure to avoid ambiguity and make communication a simpler process.Bates, E., & MacWhinney, B. (1982) Functionalist approaches to grammar. In E.Wanner, & L. Gleitman (Ed.), Language acquisition: The state of the art. New York: Cambridge University Press.
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Some scholars (notably Rhodes) have analyzed this as a kind of obligatory passivization dependent on animacy, while others have claimed it is not a voice at all, but rather see inversion as another type of alignment, parallel to nominative–accusative, ergative–absolutive, split-S, and fluid-S alignments.
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' When there is an overt object, it is optionally marked with the accusative case /-a̱/ :Hoshiyat sho̱shi(-ya̱) apatok. :hoshi'-at sho̱shi'(-a̱) apa-tok. :bird- bug-() eat- :'The birds ate the bugs.' The Choctaw sentence is normally verb-final, and so the head of the sentence is last.
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452 online at Google Books). # Dative plural of the third declension in (-ois) (instead of (-si)): Akarnanois hippeois for Akarnasin hippeusin (to the Acarnanian knights). # (en) + accusative (instead of (eis)): en Naupakton (into Naupactus). # (-st) for (-sth): genestai for genesthai (to become), mistôma for misthôma (payment for hiring).
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Ljubljana: Zavod SR Slovenije za statistiko, p. 25. The name Dolenje pri Jelšanah literally means 'Dolenje near Jelšane'. The toponym Dolenje is derived from the adjective dolenji 'lower'. It is an originally masculine accusative plural form (ending in -e) that was later reanalyzed as a feminine nominative plural.
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Nouns are marked for case and number. There are 6 cases (nominative, genitive, dative, accusative, locative, and instrumental) and 3 numbers (singular, dual, and plural). Slovenian nouns are divided into 3 genders (masculine, feminine, and neuter). Each gender has different declension patterns, for a total of 10 declension forms.
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This direction can be inverted meaning that the verb marks when the obviative is acting on the proximate by using the inverse morpheme –ikô-: Animohš owâpamikôn pôsînsan 'The dog (animohš) is seen by the cat (pôsîns-an)' So the –an morpheme is something entirely different from an accusative marker.
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However, depending on the dialect, there are some 25 different noun classes, each with its own pronoun. Sometimes those pronouns have both a nominative case (i.e., used as verb subject) and an accusative or dative case (i.e., used as a verb object) as well as a possessive form.
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Mbula (also known as Mangap-Mbula, Mangaaba, Mangaawa, Mangaava, Kaimanga) is an Austronesian language spoken by around 2,500 people on Umboi Island and Sakar Island in the Morobe Province of Papua New Guinea. Its basic word order is subject–verb–object; it has a nominative–accusative case-marking strategy.
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Bonan, like other Mongolic languages, is agglutinative. There are five case markings for Bonan nouns: Nominative, Accusative-Genitive, Dative-Locative, Ablative-Comparative, and Instrumentative. Verbal morphology is quite complex. Evidentiality is marked in the indicative mood as "definite" or "indefinite" with a specific suffix or with an auxiliary verb.
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Nouns have a single form, unmarked by a suffix, for the nominative case (used for the subject of an intransitive verb) and the accusative case (used for the object of a transitive verb), while the ergative case (used for the subject of a transitive verb) is marked by a suffix. In pronouns, on the other hand, the nominative and the ergative coincide in the bare stem form, while the accusative is marked by a suffix. Exceptionally, the third person dual and plural pronouns, as well as vowel-final proper and kin nouns, receive separate marking for each of these three cases. The ergative, if used with inanimate nouns, may also mark an instrument.
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Many languages show mixed accusative and ergative behaviour (for example: ergative morphology marking the verb arguments, on top of an accusative syntax). Other languages (called "active languages") have two types of intransitive verbs--some of them ("active verbs") join the subject in the same case as the agent of a transitive verb, and the rest ("stative verbs") join the subject in the same case as the patient. Yet other languages behave ergatively only in some contexts (this "split ergativity" is often based on the grammatical person of the arguments or on the tense/aspect of the verb). For example, only some verbs in Georgian behave this way, and, as a rule, only while using the perfective (aorist).
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The contrast between accusative and partitive object cases is one of telicity, where the accusative case denotes actions completed as intended (Ammuin hirven "I shot the elk (dead)"), and the partitive case denotes incomplete actions (Ammuin hirveä "I shot (at) the elk"). Often telicity is confused with perfectivity, but these are distinct notions. Finnish in fact has a periphrastic perfective aspect, which in addition to the two inflectional tenses (past and present), yield a Germanic-like system consisting of four tense-aspect combinations: simple present, simple past, perfect (present + perfective aspect) and pluperfect (past + perfective aspect). No morphological future tense is needed; context and the telicity contrast in object grammatical case serve to disambiguate present events from future events.
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Therefore, a text containing DINGIR and MU in succession could be construed to represent the words "ana", "ila", god + "a" (the accusative case ending), god + water, or a divine name "A" or Water. Someone transcribing the signs would make the decision how the signs should be read and assemble the signs as "ana", "ila", "Ila" ("god"+accusative case), etc. A transliteration of these signs, however, would separate the signs with dashes "il-a", "an-a", "DINGIR-a" or "Da". This is still easier to read than the original cuneiform, but now the reader is able to trace the sounds back to the original signs and determine if the correct decision was made on how to read them.
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Exceptions do exist, for instance Grikki (Greek), plural Grikkir. The same applies to Tyrki (Turk) plural Tyrkir. Both, incidentally, end in -ja in the oblique cases (Grikkja is the accusative, dative and genitive for one Greek). Feminines: :The nominative singular ends in -a, the other singular cases end in -u.
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The pronoun quien comes from the Latin QVEM, "whom", the accusative of QVIS, "who". It too can replace [el] que in certain circumstances. Like the English pronouns "who" and "whom", it can only be used to refer to people. It is invariable for gender, and was originally invariable for number.
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A complete Latin noun declension consists of up to seven grammatical cases: nominative, vocative, accusative, genitive, dative, ablative and locative. However, the locative is limited to few nouns: generally names of cities, small islands and a few other words. The case names are often abbreviated to the first three letters.
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Some words do stick to the rules of Latin grammar (boves with -es for the accusative masculine plural, alba with -a suffix for the neuter plural). Yet more are distinctly vernacular, with no cases and producing the typical ending of Romance verbs: pareba (It. pareva), araba (It. arava), teneba (It.
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Nominative-accusative alignment can manifest itself in visible ways, called coding properties. Often, these visible properties are morphological and the distinction will appear as a difference in the actual morphological form and spelling of the word, or as case particles (pieces of morphology) which will appear before or after the word.
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Early Old Swedish was markedly different from modern Swedish in that it had a more complex case structure and had not yet experienced a reduction of the gender system and thus had three genders. Nouns, adjectives, pronouns and certain numerals were inflected in four cases: nominative, genitive, dative and accusative.
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Finnish nominal plurals are often marked by /-i/ (though /-t/ is a suppletive variant in the nominative and accusative, as is common in Uralic languages). Singular and plural number cross-cut the distinctions in grammatical case, and several number/case combinations have somewhat idiosyncratic uses. Several of these deserve special mention.
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Talyshi has a subject–object–verb word order. In some situations the case marker, 'i' or 'e' attaches to the accusative noun phrase. There is no definite article, and the indefinite one is "i". The plural is marked by the suffixes "un", "ēn" and also "yēn" for nouns ending with vowels.
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Etruscan substantives had five cases, and a singular and a plural. Not all five cases are attested for every word. Nouns merge the nominative and accusative; pronouns do not generally merge these. Gender appears in personal names (masculine and feminine) and in pronouns (animate and inanimate); otherwise, it is not marked.
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'item' = Tiberian Jeremiah 22:28). The Qumran tradition sometimes shows some type of back epenthetic vowel when the first vowel is back, e.g. for Tiberian ('tent'). Biblical Hebrew has two sets of personal pronouns: the free-standing independent pronouns have a nominative function, while the pronominal suffixes are genitive or accusative.
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This type of construction is known as the "absolute accusative" (cf. absolute ablative in Latin grammar). Adverbs can be formed from adjectives, ordinal numerals: ' "frequently, a lot, often", ' "rarely", ' "firstly" or from nouns: ' "usually", ' "very". The second method to form adverbs is to use a preposition and a noun, e.g.
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Pronouns may vary in gender, number, and definiteness, and are the only parts of speech that have retained case inflections. Three cases are exhibited by some groups of pronouns – nominative, accusative and dative. The distinguishable types of pronouns include the following: personal, relative, reflexive, interrogative, negative, indefinitive, summative and possessive.
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The word placenta comes from the Latin word for a type of cake, from Greek πλακόεντα/πλακοῦντα plakóenta/plakoúnta, accusative of πλακόεις/πλακούς plakóeis/plakoús, "flat, slab-like",Henry George Liddell, Robert Scott, "A Greek-English Lexicon", at Perseus ."placenta" . Online Etymology Dictionary. in reference to its round, flat appearance in humans.
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If the noun ends in a consonant, /-i/ occurs; otherwise, /-ka/. /-(l)ul/, on the other hand, occurs in the same position as /-i/ or /-ka/ and is also conditioned by the immediately previous sound, but it indicates the accusative case. Therefore, /-(l)ul/ and the set {/-i/, /-ka/} are in contrastive distribution.
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The VI Victrix and the II Augusta legions kept rebelling. Some legionaries tried to make a certain "Priscus" (likely Titus Caunius Priscus) emperor. Others tried to assassinate Pertinax. In short, there were multiple armed men causing troubles all over Britannia, and the Latin for "armed men" in the accusative form is ARMATOS.
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One of the ways in which the production of a nominative–accusative case marking system can be explained is from an Optimality Theoretic perspective. Case marking is said to fulfill two functions, or constraints: an identifying function and a distinguishing function.de Hoop, Helen and Malchukov, Andrej L. (2008) "Case-marking strategies". Linguistic Inquiry.
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The noun is marked for number-cum-gender (masculine, feminine or plural) and case. The nominative is unmarked for one class of nouns, or marked by -i for masculine nouns and -a for feminine nouns. Other cases are accusative, dative, genitive, locative, directional, ablative, comitative, comparative, invocative and translative. HetzronHetzron (1978), p.
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Instead, a hyphen optionally replaces the missing letters: D-ro or Dro for Doktoro (Dr). With ordinal numerals, the adjectival a and accusative n may be superscripted: 13a or 13a (13th). The abbreviation k is used without a period for kaj (and); the ampersand (&) is not found. Roman numerals are also avoided.
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The most spectacular feature of TY and KY grammar is the split intransitive alignment system based on discourse-pragmatic features. In absence of narrow focus, the system is organised on the nominative–accusative basis; when focused, direct objects and subjects of intransitive verbs are co-aligned (special focus case, special focus agreement).
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Sandalo identifies four types of suffixes that can be added: [+cause], [-cause], [+become], and [-beccome]. By adding these suffixes to a verb, valency change occurs. For example, in example (284) below a bare root is shown. Since it is non-accusative, the implied meaning contains [+become] thus making it 'his knife becomes sharpened'.
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There are twelve cases. For nominative and accusative, the noun and the verb are compounded. For the former, the noun comes first and for the latter, the verb. For possessive, the possessor is simply placed before the possessed, but the suffix -si can be added to the possessor if needed for clarification.
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Gildersleeve & Lodge (1895), pp. 314–5. In the last five words, which are an indirect statement, the accusative and infinitive construction is used, but in a shortened form. The full form would be 'he said that they would find'. However, as often happens, all the words are dropped but for the future participle .
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Mongolian uses differential case marking, being a regular Differential Object Marking (DOM) language. DOM emerges from a complicated interaction of factors such as referentiality, animacy and topicality. Mongolian also exhibits a specific type of Differential Subject Marking (DSM), in which the subjects of embedded clauses (including adverbial clauses) occur with accusative case.
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He travelled widely and spent a period with Sayf ad-Dawlah ibn Hamdān the Hamdanid ruler at Aleppo in 952/953 where he held conferences with the famous court poet al- Mutanabbi (915-965). He continued on to Fars, and gained favour at the Buyid court of ‘Aḍud al-Dawlah ibn Buwaih in Shirāz. Ibn Khallikan recounts a grammatical contest at the hippodrome (‘Maidān’) between Abū Alī and the prince ‘Aḍud al-Dawlah on a finer point of grammar over the use of the accusative case. In the expression: The prince argued that ‘Zaid’ should be in the nominative and not in the accusative case. When Abū Alī maintained that the verb is understood in the ellipse and therefore ‘Zaid’ is governed by the accusative, the prince challenged: “Why not use the nominative to fill the ellipse as: Abū Alī conceded he was stumped by this remark saying; However ‘Aḍud is reported to have said: Abū Alī dedicated his grammatical works, the Idāh (illustration) and Takmila (supplement) to ‘Aḍud and composed a treatise on the subject of his debate with the prince which contained ‘Aḍud ad-Dawlah’s approbation.
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In rare cases, such as the Australian Aboriginal language Nhanda, different nominal elements may follow a different case-alignment template. In Nhanda, common nouns have ergative-absolutive alignment—like in most Australian languages—but most pronouns instead follow a nominative- accusative template. In Nhanda, absolutive case has a null suffix while ergative case is marked with some allomorph of the suffixes -nggu or -lu. See the common noun paradigm at play below: Intransitive Subject (ABS) Transitive Subject-Object (ERG-ABS) Compare the above examples with the case marking of pronouns in Nhanda below, wherein all subjects (regardless of verb transitivity) are marked (in this case with a null suffix) the same for case while transitive objects take the accusative suffix -nha.
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One feature of many fusional languages is their systems of declensions. Here nouns and adjectives have a suffix attached to them to specify grammatical case (their uses in the clause), number, and grammatical gender; pronouns may alter their forms entirely to encode this information. In most Romance and Germanic languages, including modern English (with the notable exceptions of German and Icelandic), encoding for case is merely vestigial; this is because it no longer encompasses nouns and adjectives, but only pronouns. Compare the Italian egli (masculine singular nominative), gli (masculine singular dative, or indirect object), lo (masculine singular accusative) and lui (also masculine singular accusative, but emphatic and indirect case to be used with prepositions), corresponding to the single vestigial pair he, him in English.
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Caha proposed that there is a hierarchy in case as follows from broadest to narrowest: Dative, Genitive, Accusative, Nominative. Caha also suggested that each of these cases could be broken down into its most basic structures, each of which is a syntactic terminal, as follows: Dative = [WP W [XP X [YP Y [ZP Z Genitive = [XP X [YP Y [ZP Z ] Accusative = [YP Y [ZP Z Nominative = [ZP Z ] This is further outlined in the Morphological Containment/Nesting portion of this Wikipedia article. As each is formed with sets within, it is possible for portions of the tense to be lexicalised by a separate noun. Therefore, there are several possibilities in syncretism patterns, namely AAAA, AAAB, AABB, ABBB, AABC, ABBC and ABCC.
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Tundra Yukaghir is largely head-final and dependent-marking: the default position for the verb is at the end of the clause, nouns are marked for case, adjectives precede nouns and relative clauses precede main clauses. Case assignment for core participants behaves in a broadly split-intransitive manner, though actual assignment is very complex, involving semantic role, focus, relative animacy of the participants (first or second person versus third), and nature of the noun itself. The assigned cases are primary (used for focused or high animacy nominative arguments), neutral (for low animacy nominative arguments and high animacy accusative ones), and focus case (most focused accusative arguments). Indexation of arguments on the verb is similarly conditioned by focus and animacy as well as mood.
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At present we use the name of Novae (Nouae), although the toponym might have referred to the canabae (canabae legionis I Italicae Novae), when the castra itself had the name of castra legionis I Italicae. The literary sources give the name of Novae or in Accusative form Novas (Itin. Ant. 221, 4; Jord., Get.
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Irish is an inflected language, having four cases: ainmneach (nominative and accusative), gairmeach (vocative), ginideach (genitive) and tabharthach (prepositional). The prepositional case is called the dative by convention. Irish nouns are masculine or feminine. To a certain degree the gender difference is indicated by specific word endings, -án and -ín being masculine and -óg feminine.
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The last charge is for the newest of Hollnich's centres. It is a red bush, according to the blazon, and in German, “red bush” is roten Busch (at least in the accusative case), making the charge canting for “Rothenbusch”, which is pronounced exactly the same way. The arms have been borne since 31 October 1990.
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Saliba is a subject-object-verb (SOV) language. Saliba follows the nominative-accusative pattern in its sentences. The basic clause in Saliba is composed of a verb with its subject and object with its affixes. Any noun phrases preceding or succeeding this core can be thought of as just an expansion of this clause.
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Odia retains most of the cases of Sanskrit, though the nominative and vocative have merged (both without a separate marker), as have the accusative and dative. There are three genders (masculine, feminine and neuter) and two grammatical numbers (singular and plural). However there are no grammatical gender. The usage of gender is semantic, i.e.
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Vincarje was first attested in written sources in 1291 as Weinzůrl (and as Weinzurl in 1318 and Weintzurl in 1500). The name (now a feminine plural) is originally a masculine accusative plural of the common noun vincar 'day laborer in a vineyard', borrowed from Middle High German winzer.Snoj, Marko. 2009. Etimološki slovar slovenskih zemljepisnih imen.
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The dative case, strictly speaking, no longer exists in Modern Greek, except in fossilized expressions like δόξα τω Θεώ (from the ecclesiastical τῷ Θεῷ δόξα, "Glory to God") or εν τάξει (ἑν τάξει, lit. "in order", i.e. "all right" or "OK"). Otherwise, most of the functions of the dative have been subsumed in the accusative.
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Many Ryukyuan languages, like Standard Japanese and most Japanese dialects, have contrastive pitch accent. Ryukyuan languages are generally SOV, dependent-marking, modifier-head, nominative-accusative languages, like the Japanese language. Adjectives are generally bound morphemes, occurring either with noun compounding or using verbalization. Many Ryukyuan languages mark both nominatives and genitives with the same marker.
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Timbisha word order is usually SOV as in taipo kinni'a punittai, 'white-man falcon saw', "The white man saw a falcon". The accusative case and possessive case are marked with suffixes. Adverbial relationships are marked with postpositions on nouns as well as with true adverbs. For example, kahni-pa'a, 'house-on', "on the house".
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As far as the dative is concerned, the choice between a word in concord with a dative and an accusative case seems to be laid down by the speaker's/writer's preference.Herbert Weir Smyth, A Greek Grammar for Colleges, §§ 1061-1062. :: i DAT ACC Thucydides, Historiae, 4.20.3. :: For-LacedaemoniansDAT is-possible [to-you friendsACC] becomeINF].
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Zapoge was attested in written sources in 1330 as Zapaum (and as Zapozech in 1426, Sapokch in 1436, and hof zu Sepach and Sapose in 1458). The name is of uncertain origin. Based on medieval transcriptions, the current name originated as a plural accusative. In the local dialect, the settlement is known as Zəpge.
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Names in -ēs, is and ys take -ēn, -in and -yn as well as -ēm, -im and ym. A few Greek nouns in -os, mostly geographical, belong to the second declension, and sometimes make Accusative in -on as Dēlos, Acc. Dēlon (but Dēlum in prose). In the genitive singular, names in -ēs, parisyllabic, take -ī as well as -is.
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Cook Islands Māori is an isolating language with very little morphology. Case is marked by the particle that initiates a noun phrase, and like most East Polynesian languages, Cook Islands Māori has nominative-accusative case marking. The unmarked constituent order is predicate initial: that is, verb initial in verbal sentences and nominal-predicate initial in non-verbal sentences.
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"I spoke to him/her/them"). This effectively means the loss of a declensional case marker. The difference between lo (accusative case) and le (dative case) are holdovers from Latin declension. The general trend in the evolution of Spanish has been to drop such declensions, but most dialects of Spanish have preserved this feature for object pronouns.
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Typologically, Umpila is an agglutinative, suffixing, dependent-marking language, with a preference for Subject-Object-Verb constituent order. Grammatical relations are indicated by a split ergative case system: nominal inflections are ergative/absolutive, pronominals are nominative/accusative. Features of note include: historical dropping of initial consonants, complex verbal reduplication expressing progressivity and habitual aspect, 'optional' ergative marking.
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Albanian has two grammatical genders, feminine and masculine, neuter is not distinct from masculine. Nouns are morphologically altered for number (singular/plural), definiteness (indefinite/definite), and case. The cases are nominative, accusative, dative, ablative and vocative. Many texts include a genitive case, but this is produced using a linking clitic (see below) and is morphologically identical to the dative.
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The definite article is to (masculine), te (feminine), ta (neuter); The indefinite article is uno (masculine), une (feminine), una (neuter). The articles agree with the noun in number and case. There are four cases in a single conjugation; case can be indicated on the article - to (nominative), tode (genitive), toby (dative) and ton (accusative) - or on the noun.
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In the episode "Andy's Ancestry" from the United States television show The Office, Dwight Schrute created the Dothraki phrase "throat rip" by putting "throat" in the accusative and placing it in front of the transitive verb. Compounds of this sort are a form of object incorporation. Peterson adopted this technique and called it the "Schrutean compound".
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Alternatively one might use the case form -ndaulum 'from' and u:a 'man' giving Ushuaia-ndaulum-u:a. Subject nouns take no overt case marking (subject coreference is on the verb instead). Nouns can be marked for accusative, genitive, dative, locative, instrumental and other cases. Geographical information can be incorporated into the string, as can information about number, collectivity, definiteness, etc.
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The Suppliants, Lines 128–129. (accusative case, and in the Dorian dialect), which many translate as "barbarian speech" but Karba (where the Karbanoi live) is in fact a non-Greek word. They claim to descend from ancestors in ancient Argos even though they are of a "dark race" (melanthes ... genos).Aeschylus. The Suppliants, Lines 154–155.
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Yuat languages are accusative, unlike many other Papuan languages, e.g., Trans New Guinea, East Cenderawasih Bay, Lakes Plain, South Bougainville, which are all ergative. Word order in Yuat languages, like in the Yawa languages, is rigidly SOV, whereas in many other Papuan families, OSV word order is often permitted (as long as the verb is final).
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A morphosyntactic descriptor in the case of morphologically rich languages is commonly expressed using very short mnemonics, such as Ncmsan for Category=Noun, Type = common, Gender = masculine, Number = singular, Case = accusative, Animate = no. The most popular "tag set" for POS tagging for American English is probably the Penn tag set, developed in the Penn Treebank project.
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There are some situations in which only the nominative form (I) is grammatically correct and others in which only the accusative form (me) is correct. There are also situations in which one form is used in informal style (and was often considered ungrammatical by older prescriptive grammars) and the other form is preferred in formal style.
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In tripartite languages, both the agent and object of a transitive clause have case forms, ergative and accusative, and the agent of an intransitive clause is the unmarked citation form. It is occasionally called the intransitive case, but absolutive is also used and is perhaps more accurate since it is not limited to core agents of intransitive verbs.
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In Sibawayh's theoretical argument the accusative form can never be the predicate. However when al-Kisa'i was supported in his assertion by four Bedouin -Desert Arab, whom he had supposedly bribed-Franz Rosenthal, A History of Muslim Historiography, pg. 245. Leiden: Brill Archive, 1952. that the correct form was huwa 'iyyaha, his argument won the debate.
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There are twelve noun and five adjective declensions and one (masculine and feminine) participle declension.Dabartinės lietuvių kalbos gramatika. Vilnius, 1997 Nouns and other parts of nominal morphology are declined in seven cases: nominative, genitive, dative, accusative, instrumental, locative, and vocative. In older Lithuanian texts three additional varieties of the locative case are found: illative, adessive and allative.
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Ad is a Latin preposition expressing direction toward in space or time (e.g. ad nauseam, ad infinitum, ad hoc, ad libidem, ad valorem, ad hominem). It is also used as a prefix in Latin word formation. Astra is the accusative plural form of the Latin word astrum, 'star' (from Greek astron 'a star', derived from PIE root ster-).
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Mundolinco (1888) was the first Esperantido, created in 1888. Changes from Esperanto include combining the adjective and adverb under the suffix -e, loss of the accusative and adjectival agreement, changes to the verb conjugations, eliminating the diacritics, and bringing the vocabulary closer to Latin, for example with superlative -osim- to replace the Esperanto particle plej "most".
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The letter e vanishes while talking, for example, "çuditshe" instead of "çuditeshe" and "skuqshe" instead of "skuqeshe". The letter ë is only used before some consonants and in the accusative case. Other notable features are nasalization and denasalization, which means that nasal vowels predominate. Diphthongs are used with the exception of the "oe" which is not heard at all.
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The estate was attested in written sources in 1548 as Wokhauez (and as Bokaliz in 1580, and Wokhalez in 1697). The modern Slovene name (a feminine plural) was originally an accusative plural form of the surname Bokal. The origin of the surname is unknown. It could be the result of metathesis of the surname Kobal, derived from Italian Cavallo.
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Prepositions inflect for person and number, and different prepositions govern different cases, sometimes depending on the semantics intended. The prepositions can be divided into two basic classes. One governs either the dative or accusative, and the other governs the genitive. The two classes have different syntactic and inflectional behaviour and thus are to be treated separately.
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Latvian has two grammatical genders, masculine and feminine. Latvian nouns can be classified as either declinable or indeclinable. Most Latvian nouns are declinable, and regular nouns belong to one of six declension classes (three for masculine nouns, and three for feminine nouns). Latvian nouns have seven grammatical cases: nominative, genitive, dative, accusative, instrumental, locative and vocative.
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The medieval and modern Greek name is Avlonas (Αυλώνας Aulōnas , accusative Αυλώνα Aulōna ), and is the source of the Latin Aulona, Italian name Valona (also used in other languages) and of the obsolete English Avlona."" in the Encyclopædia Britannica, 1878. During the Ottoman era the city of Vlorë was known in Turkish as Avlonya.Gawrych, G. W. (2006).
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Nouns are also inflected differently in the dative and accusative case. Some adjectives can be serially joined with nouns and some have two plural forms. A pleonastic article is always used before names when referring to someone. In the vocative, a name may instead be declined similarly to how words for near kin decline in the vocative.
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Brode was attested in written sources in 1291 as Furten and in villa Fůrten (and again as Furten in 1318 and Furtten circa 1400). The name is originally a plural accusative of the Slovene common noun brod 'ford, shallow river crossing' and thus refers to a local geographical feature. In the past the German name was Wrodech.
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A suffix -j following the noun or adjective suffixes -o or -a makes a word plural. Without this suffix, a countable noun is understood to be singular. Direct objects take an accusative case suffix -n, which goes after any plural suffix. (The resulting sequence -ojn rhymes with English coin, and -ajn rhymes with fine.) Adjectives agree with nouns.
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A rhetorical question (provided it is not directly dependent on a verb of speaking, and provided that it is not derived from an originally 2nd person verb) is put in the accusative and infinitive construction:Gildersleeve & Lodge (1895), p. 415. : (Caesar)Caesar, B.C. 1.9.5. :'what purpose did all these things have except for his own destruction?' : (Caesar)Caesar, B.G. 5.28.3.
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Aka Manah is the Avestan language name for the Zoroastrian daeva "Evil Mind", "Evil Purpose", "Evil Thinking", or "Evil Intention". Aka Manah is the demon of sensual desire that was sent by Ahriman to seduce the prophet Zoroaster. His eternal opponent is Vohu Manah. Aka Manah is the hypostatic abstraction of accusative akem manah (akәm manah), "manah made evil".
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As already indicated in , Aramba verbs occur in two forms: 'common root' (C) and 'limited action root' (L) (cf. §5.1). To these roots, obligatory prefixes and suffixes are attached. The verb morphology is unusual in that it displays a mixture of ergative-absolutive marking and nominative-accusative marking. Tense/Aspect marking in Aramba is rather complex (cf. §5.2).
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The ' is dropped when the noun is in ' (construct state). Thus: Nominative: : wālidūna: parents (more than two) : al-wālidūna: the parents : wālidū r-rijāli: the parents of the men Accusative and genitive: : wālidīna: parents : al-wālidīna: the parents : wālidī r-rijāli: the parents of the men Note: ending -īna is spelled identically to -ayni (see above).
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Words with the ending never take alif ending for the indefinite accusative. Thus, ' ("son", ) has final alif, but ' ("daughter", ) does not. In the colloquial variants, and in all but the most formal pronunciations of spoken Modern Standard Arabic, the feminine ending ' appears only with nouns in the construct state, and the ending is simply pronounced ' in all other circumstances.
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A VP has the semantic property of having either an unbounded head or unbounded argument. For example, in Finnish the partitive case suffix denotes an unbound event, while the accusative case suffix denotes a bounded event. Note that when translating Finnish into English, the determiners could surface as "a", "the", "some" or numerals in both unbound and bound events.
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Judaeo- Spanish follows Spanish for most of its syntax. (That is not true of the written calque language involving word-for-word translations from Hebrew, which some scholars refer to as Ladino, as described above.) Like Spanish, it generally follows a subject–verb–object word order, has a nominative- accusative alignment, and is considered a fusional or inflected language.
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In Demotic Greek, prepositions normally require the accusative case: από (from), για (for), με (with), μετά (after), χωρίς (without), ως (as) and σε (to, in or at). The preposition σε, when followed by a definite article, fuses with it into forms like στο (σε + το) and στη (σε + τη). While there is only a relatively small number of simple prepositions native to Demotic, the two most basic prepositions σε and από can enter into a large number of combinations with preceding adverbs to form new compound prepositions, for example, πάνω σε (on), κάτω από (underneath), πλάι σε (beside) etc. A few prepositions that take cases other than the accusative have been borrowed into Standard Modern Greek from the learned tradition of Katharevousa: κατά (against), υπέρ (in favor of, for), αντί (instead of).
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The three- word English phrase, "with his club", where 'with' identifies its dependent noun phrase as an instrument and 'his' denotes a possession relation, would consist of two words or even just one word in many languages. Unlike most languages, Kwak'wala semantic affixes phonologically attach not to the lexeme they pertain to semantically, but to the preceding lexeme. Consider the following example (in Kwak'wala, sentences begin with what corresponds to an English verb): kwixʔid-i-da bəgwanəmai-χ-a q'asa-s-isi t'alwagwayu Morpheme by morpheme translation: ::kwixʔid-i-da = clubbed-PIVOT-DETERMINER ::bəgwanəma- χ-a = man-ACCUSATIVE-DETERMINER ::q'asa-s-is = otter-INSTRUMENTAL-3SG- POSSESSIVE ::t'alwagwayu = club :"the man clubbed the otter with his club." (Notation notes: # accusative case marks an entity that something is done to.
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Fiesa was attested in written sources in 1763–87 as Fontana di Fiesso. The Slovene name is borrowed from Italian, based on the old Italian adjective fiesso 'twisted, bent' (< Latin flexus), presumably referring to the bend in the coastline at Fiesa Bay. The Slovenian feminine name Fiesa is a back-formation from the accusative Fieso, reinterpreted as a feminine noun.
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The Siroza ("thirty days") is an enumeration and invocation of the 30 divinities presiding over the days of the month. (cf. Zoroastrian calendar). The Siroza exists in two forms, the shorter ("little Siroza") is a brief enumeration of the divinities with their epithets in the genitive. The longer ("great Siroza") has complete sentences and sections, with the yazatas being addressed in the accusative.
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150 online. A fanum may be a traditional sacred space such as the grove (lucus) of Diana Nemorensis, or a sacred space or structure for non-Roman religions, such as an Iseum (temple of Isis) or Mithraeum. Cognates such as Oscan fíísnú,Fíísnú is the nominative form. Umbrian fesnaf-e,The form fesnaf-e is an accusative plural with an enclitic postposition.
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The name lepton comes from the Greek leptós, "fine, small, thin" (neuter nominative/accusative singular form: λεπτόν leptón);"lepton". Online Etymology Dictionary.. the earliest attested form of the word is the Mycenaean Greek , re-po-to, written in Linear B syllabic script.Found on the KN L 693 and PY Un 1322 tablets. Lepton was first used by physicist Léon Rosenfeld in 1948:L.
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Active languages are a relatively new field of study. Active morphosyntactic alignment used to be not recognized as such, and it was treated mostly as an interesting deviation from the standard alternatives (nominative–accusative and ergative–absolutive). Also, active languages are few and often show complications and special cases ("pure" active alignment is an ideal). Thus, the terminology used is rather flexible.
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Additionally according to Foley, based on some lexical and phonological similarities, the Keuw language (currently unclassified) may also possibly share a deep relationship with the Lakes Plain languages. Like the East Cenderawasih Bay, Trans-New Guinea, and South Bougainville language families, Lakes Plain languages have ergative case marking systems. In contrast, most languages of northern Papua New Guinea have accusative case marking systems.
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Pronominal enclitics are suffixes which have several functions and can be attached to verbs, descriptors, appositions, interrogatives, negatives and nouns. The numbers are: singular, dual and plural with a feminine/masculine distinction in the first person. They mark verbs for person, number, case and voice. The "ergative" enclitcs imply an active transitive situation and the "accusative" implies a passive intransitive situation.
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However, in common usage, the name always takes a definite article. Furthermore, it also inflects for case. Thus it is die Kölnischen Höfe in the nominative and accusative, den Kölnischen Höfen in the dative and der Kölnischen Höfe in the genitive. The name is also plural, meaning that the verb must take the third-person plural form if the name is the subject.
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With pronouns such as ("something") (but not "someone"), if the pronoun is nominative or accusative, the adjective takes the genitive form (coś dobrego "something good"). Adjectives are sometimes used as nouns; for example, ("green") may mean "the/a green one" etc. Compound adjectives can be formed by replacing the ending of the first adjective with -o, as in ("formal (and) legal").
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Nouns decline for 7 cases: nominative, accusative, genitive, dative, instrumental, locative, vocative; 3 genders: masculine, feminine, neuter; and 2 numbers: singular, plural. Adjectives agree with nouns in case, gender, and number. Verbs conjugate for 3 tenses: past, present, future; 2 voices: active, mediopassive, 3 persons: first, second, third; and 2 numbers, singular, and plural. Ukrainian verbs come in aspect pairs: perfective, and imperfective.
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Some athematic noun stems have different final consonants in different cases and are termed heteroclitic stems. Most of the stems end in in the nominative and accusative singular, and in in the other cases. An example of such r/n-stems is the acrostatic neuter 'water', genitive . The suffixes and are also attested, as in the probably- proterokinetic 'fire', genitive or similar.
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Unlike most other Formosan languages, Rukai has an accusative case-marking system instead of an ergative one typical of Austronesian-aligned languages (Zeitoun 2007). There are two types of clauses in Mantauran Rukai: #Nominal #Verbal Complementalization can take on four strategies (Zeitoun 2007). #Zero strategy (i.e. paratactic complements) #Verb serialization #Nominalization #Causativization Definite objects can be topicalized in both active and passive sentences.
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Nigger, a racial epithet in English, derives from the Spanish/Portuguese word , meaning "black", and the French word . Both and (and therefore also and nigger) ultimately come from , the accusative case singular masculine and neuter form of the Latin masculine adjective , meaning "black" or "dark". Its first recorded use dates to 1574, and its first recorded derogatory use to 1775.
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Major (non-derived) lexical classes are noun, adjective and verb. Other grammatical features include postpositions, relator nouns, classifiers, an extremely large system of aspectual suffixes, and a rich set of constituent-final particles coding functions related to epistemological status (such as evidentiality), discourse/pragmatic status, modality, and other related functions. Case- marking is basically accusative; ergativity has not been found.
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The medieval and modern Greek name was Αυλώνας /av'lonas/, accusative Αυλώνα /av'lona/, and is the source of the Italian name Valona and of the obsolete English Avlona."" in the Encyclopædia Britannica, 1878. During the Ottoman era, the Turkish Avlonya was also common.Gawrych, G. W. (2006). The crescent and the eagle: Ottoman rule, Islam and the Albanians, 1874-1913. I.B.Tauris. p. 23. .
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As in Standard German there are four cases in Northern Bavarian: nominative, accusative, genitive and dative. The genitive case, however, is uncommon and is commonly replaced either with the dative and a possessive pronoun or with the preposition von and the dative, e.g. , or father's house. An exception is the genitive instead of the dative after the singular possessive pronouns, e.g.
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The Greek name Xerigordos is known only from Anna Komnene's Alexiad (Χ.6.2), where it is in the accusative form τὴν Ξερίγορδον (Xerigordon). Guibert of Nogent, in the Gesta Dei per Francos, written in Latin, calls the castle Exorogorgum and places it four days' journey beyond Nicaea. It has been tentatively identified with the modern site known as Eskikale (Turkish "Old Castle").
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The alternative theory is that the name is derived from the Bulgarian word "владей" [vladey] which literary means own in imperative, the other alternative theory is that it is simply derived from villa. Etymological studies derive it from the genitive and accusative form of the Bulgarian personal name Vladay. The name of Vladaya was first attested in 1576 as Viladay or Vladay.
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Schematic representation of nominative-accusative alignment. Subject of intransitive verb (S) and subject of transitive verb (A) are treated similarly while object of transitive verb (O or P) is treated differently.Schematic representation of ergative-absolutive alignment. Subject of intransitive verb (S) and object of transitive verb (O or P) are treated similarly while subject of transitive verb (A) is treated differently.
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In addition to indicating direct objects, the accusative/allative case is used with nouns, adjectives and adverbs for showing the destination of a motion, or for replacing certain prepositions; the nominative/oblique is used in all other situations. The case system allows for a flexible word order that reflects information flow and other pragmatic concerns, as in Russian, Greek, and Latin.
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The mixed inflection is used when the adjective is preceded by an indefinite article (ein-, kein-) or a possessive determiner. Note: The prevailing view is that the mixed inflection is not a true inflection in its own right, but merely the weak inflection with a few additions to compensate for the lack of the masculine nominative and neuter nominative and accusative endings.
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For example, "Me and him are real good friends" instead of "He and I are really good friends." Accusative case personal pronouns are used as reflexives in situations which, in American English, do not typically demand them (e.g., "I'm gonna get me a haircut"). The -self/-selves forms are used almost exclusively as emphatics, and then often in non-standard forms (e.g.
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Sadock (2003) p. 11 The grammar uses a mixture of head and dependent marking. Both agent and patient are marked on the predicate, and the possessor is marked on nouns, with dependent noun phrases inflecting for case. The primary morphosyntactic alignment of full noun phrases in Kalaallisut is ergative-absolutive, but verbal morphology follows a nominative-accusative pattern and pronouns are syntactically neutral.
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They mature 60 to 120 days after planting. Other names for this native bean include Pawi, Pavi, Tepari, Escomite, Yori mui, Yorimuni and Yori muni. The name tepary may derive from the Tohono O'odham phrase or "It's a bean". The name for a small bean was recorded in the 17th century, in the now extinct Eudeve language of northern Mexico, as ' (accusative case, ').
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Swedish is descended from Old Norse. Compared to its progenitor, Swedish grammar is much less characterized by inflection. Modern Swedish has two genders and no longer conjugates verbs based on person or number. Its nouns have lost the morphological distinction between nominative and accusative cases that denoted grammatical subject and object in Old Norse in favor of marking by word order.
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The verb distinguishes 13 aspects and 6 modes. The language is double-marking in the typology of Johanna Nichols, as it marks grammatical relations on both the dependent phrases and phrasal heads. The language has both grammatical case and postpositions. The case system distinguishes nominative, accusative, genitive, comitative, instrumental, and locative cases, but there are also many nominal derivational affixes.
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In: Glossa. A Journal of General Linguistics, 5(1), 63. This is different from what happens in non-DOM languages, where all direct objects are uniformly marked in the same way; for instance, a language could mark all direct objects with an accusative ending (as in Quechua); other language could leave all direct objects without overt marker (as in English).
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English uses the nominative-accusative word typology: in English transitive clauses, the subjects of both intransitive sentences ("I run") and transitive sentences ("I love you") are treated in the same way, shown here by the nominative pronoun I. Some languages, called ergative, Gamilaraay among them, distinguish instead between Agents and Patients. In ergative languages, the single participant in an intransitive sentence, such as "I run", is treated the same as the patient in a transitive sentence, giving the equivalent of "me run". Only in transitive sentences would the equivalent of the pronoun "I" be used. In this way the semantic roles can map onto the grammatical relations in different ways, grouping an intransitive subject either with Agents (accusative type) or Patients (ergative type) or even making each of the three roles differently, which is called the tripartite type.
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3sg düšǘntsü < düšǘntsi (Malakopi), from Turkish düşünmek, patišáxıs < patišáxis 'king' (Delmeso), from Turkish padişah. Cappadocian noun morphology is characterized by the emergence of a generalized agglutinative declension and the progressive loss of grammatical gender distinctions, e.g. to néka 'the (neuter) woman (feminine)', genitive néka-ju, plural nékes, genitive nékez-ju (Uluağaç). Another Turkish feature is the morphological marking of definiteness in the accusative case, e.g.
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However, some characteristics of the traditional Montenegrin Zeta–South Raška dialect sometimes appeared. For example, the poem Onamo namo by Nikola I Petrović Njegoš, although it was written in the East Herzegovinian Serbian standard, contains several Zeta–South Raška forms: "Onamo namo, za brda ona" (accusative, instead of instrumental case za brdima onim), and "Onamo namo, da viđu (instead of vidim) Prizren", and so on.
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Hattic formed conventional plurals with a le- prefix: "children" = le-pinu. It formed a collective plural by attaching the prefix fa-: fa-shaf "gods". The genitive case was declined with the suffix -(u)n (fur "land" but furun "of the land"). While some linguists like Polomé and Winter have claimed the accusative case was marked with es-, giving the example of ess-alep "word",Polomé, Winter.
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Berlinese grammar contains some notable differences from that of Standard German. For instance, the accusative case and dative case are not distinguished. Similarly, conjunctions that are distinguished in standard German are not in Berlinese. For example, in Standard German, wenn (when, if) is used for conditional, theoretical or consistent events, and wann (when) is used for events that are currently occurring or for questions.
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Memoirs of the Carnegie Museum IX; 379–403 (1924). In 2015, it was renamed as the separate genus Galeamopus by Emanuel Tschopp, Octávio Mateus and Roger Benson. The generic name is derived from Latin galeam, the accusative of galea, "helmet", and opus, "need". The combination is intended as a translation of Wil-helm, literally "want helmet", in reference to the first name of both Utterback and Holland.
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Franconian speech habits are also responsible for the replacement of Latin cum ("with") with od ← apud "at", then with avuec ← apud hoc "at it" ≠ Italian, Spanish con) in Old French (Modern French avec), and for the preservation of Latin nominative homo "man" as an impersonal pronoun: cf. homme ← hominem "man (accusative)" and Old French hum, hom, om → modern on, "one" (compare Dutch man "man" and men, "one").
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One theory that has been posited to account for the occurrence of accusative systems is that of functional pressure. When applied to languages, this theory operates around the various needs and pressures on a speech community. It has been suggested that languages have evolved to suit the needs of their users.These communities will develop some functional system to meet the needs that they have.
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In Esperanto, an agglutinative language, nouns and adjectives are inflected for case (nominative, accusative) and number (singular, plural), according to a simple paradigm without irregularities. Verbs are not inflected for person or number, but they are inflected for tense (past, present, future) and mood (indicative, infinitive, conditional, jussive). They also form active and passive participles, which may be past, present or future. All verbs are regular.
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There are no elements which pattern as ergative or accusative in this type of clauses in Canela. The historical origin of the nominative–absolutive clauses in Canela has been shown to be a reanalysis of former biclausal constructions (a split-S matrix clause, headed by the auxiliary, and an ergative–absolutive embedded clause, headed by the lexical verb) as monoclausal, with the loss of the ergative.
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The second declension is a category of nouns in Latin and Greek with similar case formation. In particular, these nouns are thematic, with an original o in most of their forms. In Classical Latin, the short o of the nominative and accusative singular became u. Both Latin and Greek have two basic classes of second-declension nouns: masculine or feminine in one class, neuter in another.
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Old Frisian's system of four grammatical cases (nominative, genitive, dative and accusative) has not survived in modern West Frisian. The only remainder of the old declension system is the genitive case suffix "-s", which is used to denote possession. The genitive form may be "-(e)" or "-(e)s". The ending "-(e)" ("-e" or zero) is used with monosyllabic nouns ending with a consonant or the vowel "-e".
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Standard Serbian language has 7 grammatical cases, while Lužnica dialect has only 3: first - nominative, fourth - accusative, fifth - vocative. For other cases, the adverbs are used instead. With the rapid decline in population, and schooling where people are taught the official standard of the language, the dialect is disappearing, too. By the late 2010s, only the oldest residents in the region still spoke it.
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Uyghur is an agglutinative language with a subject–object–verb word order. Nouns are inflected for number and case, but not gender and definiteness like in many other languages. There are two numbers: singular and plural and six different cases: nominative, accusative, dative, locative, ablative and genitive. Verbs are conjugated for tense: present and past; voice: causative and passive; aspect: continuous and mood: e.g. ability.
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However, in example (285) when the [+cause] suffix –Gad is added to the non-accusative verb it creates a bivalent (x cause y become STATE) verb: (284) : (285) : In conclusion, while Sandalo does not explicitly state that this is an increasing valency change, she identifies a causative suffix which is a typical valency- increasing device. As a result, Kadiweu uses these various suffixes to express valency change.
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There are also several frequentative and momentane affixes which form new verbs derivationally. Nouns may be suffixed with the markers for the aforementioned accusative case and partitive case, the genitive case, eight different locatives, and a few other oblique cases. The case affix must be added not only to the head noun, but also to its modifiers; e.g. suure+ssa talo+ssa, literally "big-in house-in".
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Adverbs could also be formed with the suffix -ь (pravь, različь) and are by origin probably inherited Proto-Slavic accusative forms. Frequently occurring are the adverbialized a-stem instrumentals such as jednьnojǫ and also adverbially used oblique cases. Locative adverbs are by origin mostly petrified locative case forms of nouns: gorě, dolě, nizu, and the same can be said for temporal adverbs: zimě, polu dьne.
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New York: Oxford University Press. Case syncretism have been determined to only be possible with adjacent cases, based on ABA theorem. This therefore can be used to target adjacent elements in the ordering of cases, such as nominative and accusative cases in languages such as English. Through using syncretism in Nanosyntax, a universal order of cases can be identified, through determining which cases sit beside one another.
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Norn grammar had features very similar to the other Scandinavian languages. There were two numbers, three genders and four cases (nominative, accusative, genitive and dative). The two main conjugations of verbs in present and past tense were also present. Like all other North Germanic languages, it used a suffix instead of a prepositioned article to indicate definiteness as in modern Scandinavian: ' ("man"); ' ("the man").
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Nouns decline for five cases: nominative, accusative, genitive, dative, instrumental; three genders: masculine, feminine, neuter; and two numbers: singular, and plural; and are strong or weak. The instrumental is vestigial and only used with the masculine and neuter singular and often replaced by the dative. Only pronouns and strong adjectives retain separate instrumental forms. There is also sparse early Northumbrian evidence of a sixth case: the locative.
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Tuscarora appears to be a nominative-accusative language. Tuscarora has a case system in which syntactic case is indicated in the verb. The main verb of the sentence can indicate, for example, "aorist+1st- person+objective+human+'transitive-verb'+punctual+dative." (In this case, a sentence could be a single word long, as below in Noun Incorporation.) Objective and dative are indicated by morphemes.
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It has Iota subscriptum in a few places (e.g. Luke 10:28; 22:23; 23:43; John 5:4), but not Iota adscriptum. It has also some grammar forms, which usually occur in Alexandrian manuscripts: θυγατεραν (Luke 13:16), ειπαν (19:25), πεσατε (23:30), ηγαπησες (17:26), μελαινα (Matthew 5:36), πτερνα (John 13:18). The accusative is often put for the dative after λεγω (e.g.
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Its ergative case is used for agents of transitive verbs and for possessors. The absolutive case is used for patients of transitive verbs and subjects of intransitive verbs.Bjørnum (2003) pp. 71–72 Research into Greenlandic as used by the younger generation has shown that the use of ergative alignment in Kalaallisut may be becoming obsolete, which would convert the language into a nominative–accusative language.
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In Ancient Greek, all nouns are classified according to grammatical gender (masculine, feminine, are used in a number (singular, dual, or plural). According to their function in a sentence, their form changes to one of the five cases (nominative, vocative, accusative, genitive, or dative). The set of forms that a noun will take for each case and number is determined by the declension that it follows.
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Wanano is a nominative accusative language with an SOV sentence structure that contains the following grammatical categories: nouns, verbs, particles, pronouns, and interrogatives. These are outlined in Stenzel’s Reference Grammar of Wanano (2004). Under nouns Stenzel goes into further detail regarding the animates: human vs non-human animates and inanimates: mass nouns vs count nouns (xi). Stenzel discusses the pronouns which will be examined further below.
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In Hebrew the preposition אֶת et used for definite nouns in the accusative. Those nouns might be indicated by use of the definite article (ה Ha "the"). Otherwise, the object may be determined by a possessive pronominal suffix, by virtue of being a nomen regens within a genitive construction, or being a proper name. To continue with the Hebrew example: Ani ro'eh et ha- kelev.
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René de Saussure (brother of linguist Ferdinand de Saussure) published numerous Esperantido proposals, starting with a response to Ido later called Antido 1 ("Anti-Ido 1") in 1907, which increasingly diverged from Esperanto before finishing with a more conservative Esperanto II in 1937. Esperanto II replaced j with y, kv with q, kz with x, and diacritic letters with j (ĵ and ĝ), w (ŭ), and digraphs sh (ŝ), ch (ĉ); replaced the passive in -iĝ- with -ev-, the indefinite ending -aŭ with adverbial -e, the accusative -on on nouns with -u, and the plural on nouns with -n (so membrun for membrojn "members"); dropped adjectival agreement; broke up the table of concords, changed other small grammatical words such as ey for kaj "and", and treated pronouns more like nouns, so that the plural of li "he" is lin rather than ili "they", and the accusative of ĝi "it" is ju.
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Andere Tijden Sport, 6-June 2010 Lippens was known for his imaginative footwork, which earned him the nickname Ente (Duck), and was a fan favorite because of his irreverent good humour. One particular anecdote about Lippens has become a cliché in German football culture: A referee once gave Lippens a yellow card, saying: Ich verwarne Ihnen! ("I'm warning you!"), in defective German grammar, using a dative pronoun instead of accusative.
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However, an alternative form - Tromsa - is in informal use. There is a theory that holds the Norwegian name of Tromsø derives from the Sámi name, though this theory lacks an explanation for the meaning of Romsa. A common misunderstanding is that Tromsø's Sámi name is Romssa with a double "s". This, however, is the accusative and genitive form of the noun used when, for example, writing "Tromsø Municipality" (Romssa Suohkan).
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The grammar of the Klingon language was created by Marc Okrand for the Star Trek franchise. He first described it in his book The Klingon Dictionary. It is a nominative–accusative, primarily suffixing agglutinative language, and has an object–verb–subject word order. The Klingon language has a number of unusual grammatical features, as it was designed to sound and seem alien, but it has an extremely regular morphology.
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Nouns are declined for six cases and three numbers. Adjectives and most pronouns additionally decline for three genders. There are six cases (the Slovene names are given in brackets): # Nominative ( or ) # Genitive ( or ) # Dative ( or ) # Accusative ( or ) # Locative ( or ) # Instrumental ( or ) Traditionally, the cases are given in the order above. They are also usually numbered accordingly: the nominative case is the first case, the genitive the second, and so on.
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Nigel Turner, Grammatical Insights Into the New Testament, Continuum, 2004, , pp. 87–90. More commonly, it is asserted that the genitive is used when a person is heard, the accusative for a thing, which goes in the same direction but yields a far weaker argument.J. W. Wenham, The Elements of New Testament Greek, Cambridge, 1991, p. 203.Herbert Weir Smyth and Gordon M. Messing, Greek Grammar, 2nd ed.
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Third-declension adjectives are normally declined like third-declension i-stem nouns, except for the fact they usually have -ī rather than -e in the ablative singular (unlike i-stem nouns, in which only pure i-stems have -ī). Some adjectives, however, like the one-ending ('old, aged'), have -e in the ablative singular, -um in the genitive plural, and -a in the nominative and accusative neuter plural.
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Hebrew grammar is partly analytic, expressing such forms as dative, ablative and accusative using prepositional particles rather than grammatical cases. However, inflection plays a decisive role in the formation of verbs and nouns. For example, nouns have a construct state, called "smikhut", to denote the relationship of "belonging to": this is the converse of the genitive case of more inflected languages. Words in smikhut are often combined with hyphens.
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In §131, Belgütei is negatively affected by an unknown actor. In §112, the addressee is the passive subject. While it is possible for the speech content to be passive subject, it is far less frequent. In §178, the referent of the subject is directly affected, but syntactically, the affected noun phrase is marked with the reflexive-possessive suffix (that on its own can resemble the accusative case in other contexts).
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In earlier texts, multi-syllable adjectives also receive a final -e in these situations, but this occurs less regularly in later Middle English texts. Otherwise adjectives have no ending, and adjectives already ending in -e etymologically receive no ending as well. Earlier texts sometimes inflect adjectives for case as well. Layamon's Brut inflects adjectives for the masculine accusative, genitive, and dative, the feminine dative, and the plural genitive.
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Concerning the passive as a diagnostic for identifying objects, see for instance Freeborn (1995:175) and Biber et al. (1999:126). ::2. Position occupied: In languages with strict word order, the subject and the object tend to occupy set positions in unmarked declarative clauses. The object follows the subject. ::3. Morphological case: In languages that have case systems, objects are marked by certain cases (accusative, dative, genitive, instrumental, etc.).
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In linguistics, a cognate object (or cognate accusative) is a verb's object that is etymologically related to the verb. More specifically, the verb is one that is ordinarily intransitive (lacking any object), and the cognate object is simply the verb's noun form. This verb also has a passive form. For example, in the sentence He slept a troubled sleep, sleep is the cognate object of the verb slept.
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It is a largely head-marking language with unmarked VOS order and an ergative alignment for marking of nouns combined with accusative marking of pronouns. Paumarí has only two open word classes - nouns and verbs. However, it also has numerous closed classes including fourteen adjectives, adpositions, interjections, conjunctions and demonstratives. Paumarí nouns are elaborately divided into over one hundred possessed nouns and a larger number of free nouns.
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Prodancha () is a small village in Tran Municipality, Pernik Province. It is located in western Bulgaria, 67 km from the capital city of Sofia. The village's name was first attested in 1447 as Prodancha; 15th–17th century sources also hint at the variants Prodankovitsa and Prodantsi. The name stems from the personal name Prodan, its affectionate derivative Prodancho or its derivative adjective Prodancha in an accusative–genitive form.
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Active voice is a grammatical voice common in many of the world's languages. It is the unmarked voice for clauses featuring a transitive verb in nominative–accusative languages, including English and most other Indo- European languages. A verb in such languages is usually in the active voice when the subject of the verb performs the action named. Active voice is used in a clause whose subject expresses the main verb's agent.
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An accusative and infinitive can also be used to express a piece of information which someone has been told, or by extension which someone has learnt about, noticed, realised, seen, dreamed of, perceived or simply knows:Gildersleeve & Lodge (1895), p. 330. : ([Caesar])dē bellō Alexandrīnō 10. :'they learnt that Caesar himself had come in the fleet' : (Livy)Livy, 34.25. :'he realised that the plot had been betrayed' : (Nepos)Nepos, Hannibal 9.2.
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The term derives from the Greek theologia (θεολογία), a combination of theos (Θεός, 'god') and logia (λογία, 'utterances, sayings, oracles')—the latter word relating to Greek logos (λόγος, 'word, discourse, account, reasoning').The accusative plural of the neuter noun λόγιον; cf. Bauer, Walter, William F. Arndt, F. Wilbur Gingrich, and Frederick W. Danker. 1979. A Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament (2nd ed.). Chicago: University of Chicago Press. p. 476.
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A noun's case depends on the role that the noun plays in the sentence. There are multiple sentence structures in Arabic, each of which demands different case endings for the roles in the sentence. "Subject" does not always correspond to "nominative", nor does "object" always correspond to "accusative". Sentences in Arabic are divided into two branches, of which are the incomplete phrases (jumla inshaiya) and the complete phrases (jumla khabariya).
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Here by no means can any ECM phenomenon be attributed. Even further, with such verbs as , which normally take an object in the genitive denoting the source producing a sound, the distinction between the two types of construction is clear. Compare the above example, where is in the genitive case, with the one below, where is in the accusative case: :: Xenophon, Anabasis 1.4.5 :: He heard [that Cyrus was in Cilicia].
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The second or omicron declension is thematic, with an or at the end of the stem. It includes one class of masculine and feminine nouns and one class of neuter nouns. When a second-declension noun is accented on the ultima, the accent switches between acute for the nominative, accusative, and vocative, and circumflex for the genitive and dative. The only exceptions are Attic-declension and contracted nouns.
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The subject of the infinitive, if it is different from the subject of the main verb, is put in the accusative case. When the statement is negative, the word (ou) "not" goes in front of (). : Xenophon, Anabasis 4.1.21 : : "They say there is no other way" ( "they do not say there to be another way") In Greek an infinitive is also often used with the neuter definite article in various constructions.
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Nouns are inflected for number (singular, dual, plural), case (nominative, accusative, genitive, dative, locative, ablative, prolative), and possessive, which can indicate the person and number of the possessor. For example, the following noun is inflected for similative case and third person plural number. Verbs are inflected for agreement, tense, and mood. Present tense is unmarked, but Tundra Nenets distinguishes inflectionally the past, future, habitual, and future-in-the-past tenses.
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For example: Ergative suffix -nim ᶍáᶍaas-nim hitwekǘxce grizzly-ergative he.is.chasing ‘Grizzly is chasing me’ Accusative suffix -ne (here subject to vowel harmony, resulting in surface form -na) ʔóykalo-m titóoqan-m páaqaʔancix ᶍáᶍaas-na all-ergative people-ergative they.respect.him grizzly-accusative ‘All people respect Grizzly’ Intransitive subject ᶍáᶍaac hiwéhyem grizzly has.come ‘Grizzly has come’ (Mithun 1999) This system of marking allows for flexible word order in Nez Perce: Verb–subject–object word order kii pée-ten’we-m-e qíiw-ne ’ iceyéeye-nm this 3→3-talk-csl-past old.man-obj coyote-erg ‘Now the coyote talked to the old man’ Subject–verb–object word order Kaa háatya-nm páa-’nahna-m-a ’iceyéeye-ne and wind-erg 3→3-carry-csl-past coyote- obj ‘And the wind carried coyote here’ Subject–object–verb word order Kawó’ kii háama-pim ’áayato-na pée-’nehnen-e then this husband-erg woman-obj 3→3-take.away- past ‘Now then the husband took the woman away’ (Rude 1992).
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There are only several dozen of transitive verbs which take an accusative patient, all of which are monosyllabic and have distinct finite and nonfinite forms. It has been suggested that all transitive verbs which satisfy both conditions (monosyllabicity and a formal finiteness distinction), and only them, select for accusative patients, while all remaining transitive verbs take absolutive patients in Canela and all other Northern Jê languages. All subordinate clauses as well as recent past clauses (which are historically derived from subordinate clauses and are headed by a nonfinite verb) are ergatively organized: the agents of transitive verbs (A) are encoded by ergative postpositional phrases, whereas the patients of transitive verbs (P) and the sole arguments of all intransitive predicates (S) receive the absolutive case (also called internal case). Evaluative, progressive, continuous, completive, and negated clauses (which are historically derived from former biclausal constructions with an ergatively organized subordinate clause and a split-S matrix clause) in Canela have the cross-linguistically rare nominative-absolutive alignment pattern.
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The anguishing and accusative questions which Leopardi poses to a destiny which has denied beauty to the miserable Sappho are cut short by the thought of death. After having wished to the man she has loved in vain that little bit of happiness which is possible to attain on this earth, Sappho concludes by affirming that of all the hopes for joy, of all the illusions, there remains to await her only Tartarus.
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Absolute constructions occur with other grammatical cases in Indo-European languages, such as accusative absolute, ablative absolute in Latin, dative absolute in Gothic and Old Church Slavonic, and locative absolute in Vedic Sanskrit. Compare also nominative absolute in English. An actual genitive absolute exists in German, such as klopfenden Herzens "(with) his/her heart beating", although its use is much less prominent compared to Greek (or to Latin's ablative or English's nominative in such constructions).
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German is an inflected language, with four cases for nouns, pronouns, and adjectives (nominative, accusative, genitive, dative); three genders (masculine, feminine, neuter); and two numbers (singular, plural). It also has strong and weak verbs. It derives the majority of its vocabulary from the ancient Germanic branch of the Indo-European language family. Some of its vocabulary is derived from Latin and Greek, and fewer words are borrowed from French and Modern English.
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Due to the rich case system in Southern Sierra Miwok, the word order is of little to no importance to the syntax or semantics. For example, naŋŋaʔ halki: hika:hyj; naŋŋaʔ hika:hyj halki:; hika:hyj naŋŋaʔ halki:; and halki: naŋŋaʔ hika:hyj in which, naŋŋaʔ means "the man, nominative case", halki: means "he is hunting" and hika:hyj means "deer, accusative case" so each sentence given above regardless of the order means: "the man is hunting the deer".
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In Kyrgyz, suffixes beginning with show desonorisation of the to after consonants (including ), and devoicing to after voiceless consonants; e.g. the definite accusative suffix -NI patterns like this: ('the boat'), ('the month'), ('the net'), ('the hand'), ('the dawn'), ('the eye'), ('the head'). Suffixes beginning with also show desonorisation and devoicing, though only after consonants of equal or lower sonority than , e.g. the plural suffix -LAr patterns like this: ('boats'), ('months'), ('nets'), ('hands'), ('dawns'), ('eyes'), ('heads').
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The Catholic Encyclopedia Vol. 7. New York: Robert Appleton Company, 1910. 25 July 2015 The word commendam is the accusative singular of the Latin noun commenda, "trust", or "custody", which is derived from the verb commendare ("to entrust"). Granting a benefice in commendam became most common with monasteries, and the commendatory abbot drew a portion of the revenue of the monastery but without fulfilling the duties of the abbot or even residing at the monastery.
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Like other languages and dialects of the Iranian language family, Harzani follows a subject–object–verb (SOV) word order. It has nine vowels, and shares a consonant inventory with Persian. It further exhibits a split-ergative case system: its present tense is structured to follow nominative-accusative patterning, while its past tense follows ergative-absolutive. One characteristic that distinguishes Harzani from related Northwestern Iranian languages is its change from an intervocalic /d/ to an /r/.
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The accusative-dative postposition in Awadhi is /kaː/ or /kə/ while Western Hindi has /koː/ or /kɔː/ and Bihari has /keː/. The locative postposition in both Bihari and Western Hindi is /mẽː/ while Awadhi has /maː/. The pronouns in Awadhi have /toːɾ-/, /moːɾ-/ as personal genitives while /teːɾ-/, /meːɾ-/ are used in Western Hindi. The oblique of /ɦəmaːɾ/ is /ɦəmɾeː/ in Awadhi while it is /ɦəmaːɾeː/ in Western Hindi and /ɦəmrən'kæ/ in Bihari.
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Typologically, it is a highly agglutinating, tonal language with subject–verb–object, word order and nominative–accusative morphosyntactic alignment. With about six million first- language speakers in the Buganda region and a million others fluent elsewhere, it is the most widely spoken Ugandan language. As a second language, it follows English and precedes Swahili. Luganda is used in some primary schools in Buganda as pupils begin to learn English, the primary official language of Uganda.
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Sanskrit is a highly inflected language with three grammatical genders (masculine, feminine, neuter) and three numbers (singular, plural, dual). It has eight cases: nominative, vocative, accusative, instrumental, dative, ablative, genitive, and locative.W. D. Whitney, Sanskrit Grammar: Including both the Classical Language and the Older Dialects Nouns are grouped into "declensions", which are sets of nouns that form their cases in a similar manner. In this article they are divided into five declensions.
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The personal pronoun you is the second-person personal pronoun, both singular and plural, and both nominative and oblique case in Modern English. The oblique (objective) form, you, functioned previously in the roles of both accusative and dative, as well as all instances following a preposition. The possessive forms of you are your (used before a noun) and yours (used in place of a noun). The reflexive forms are yourself (singular) and yourselves (plural).
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Czech declension is a complex system of grammatically determined modifications of nouns, adjectives, pronouns and numerals in the Czech language. As with many other Slavic languages, Czech has seven cases: nominative, genitive, dative, accusative, vocative, locative and instrumental inherited from Proto- Indo-European and Proto-Slavic. This essentially means that a word can have 14 possible forms in singular and plural. Some forms match in more than one place in each paradigm.
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Nouns and pronouns in Gaelic have four cases: nominative, vocative, genitive, and dative (or prepositional) case. There is no distinct accusative case form; the nominative is used for both subjects and objects. Nouns can be classified into a number of major declension classes, with a small number of nouns falling into minor patterns or irregular paradigms. Case forms can be related to the base form by suffixation, lenition, slenderisation, or a combination of such changes.
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PIE had a free pitch accent, which could appear on any syllable and whose position often varied among different members of a paradigm (e.g. between singular and plural of a verbal paradigm, or between nominative/accusative and oblique cases of a nominal paradigm). The location of the pitch accent is closely associated with ablaut variations, especially between normal-grade vowels (/e/ and /o/) and zero-grade vowels (i.e. lack of a vowel).
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This shows the split ergativity evident in Paumarí language – they employ the ergative system for some word orders and the accusative system for others. Adjectives always follow the noun that they describe and if there is also a number in the clause, it follows the adjective (“Three big dogs” becomes “dogs big three”). The Paumarí language has very few words that act as adverbs, but several ways of changing other words into adverbs via affixes.
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The accusative and infinitive is the usual grammatical construction by means of which Classical Latin expressed indirect statements, that is, statements which report what someone has said, thought, felt, etc. Whereas a direct statement would say :"I am a good student," says Julia. the indirect statement might say :Julia says that she is a good student. Classical Latin tends not to use a conjunction equivalent to the English "that" to introduce indirect statements.
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The accusative and infinitive construction can also be used after verbs of will, such as 'I want' and 'I prefer', but mainly when the person has no power over the action:Gildersleeve & Lodge (1895), p. 335. : (Horace)Horace, A.P. 102. :'you want me to weep' : (Nepos)Nepos, Tim. 3.4. :'he preferred to be loved than feared' The construction is also used with 'I order', 'I allow' and 'I forbid': : (Caesar)Caesar, B.G. 5.37.1.
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In Modern Standard Arabic, as well as in Classical Arabic, the use of dual is compulsory when describing two units. For this purpose, , is added to the end of any noun or adjective regardless of gender or of how the plural is being formed. In the case of feminine nouns ending with , this letter becomes a . When the dual noun or adjective is rendered in the genitive or accusative forms, the becomes .
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There are also reflexive pronouns for the dative case and the accusative case (reflexive pronouns for the genitive case are possessive pronouns with a "selbst" following after them). In the first and second person, they are the same as the normal pronouns, but they only become visible in the third person singular and plural. The third person reflexive pronoun for both plural and singular is: "sich": : "Er liebt sich". (He loves himself.) : "Sie verstecken sich".
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Unlike modern English, but like Old English, Old Saxon is an inflected language, rich in morphological diversity. It kept several distinct cases from Proto-Germanic: the nominative, accusative, genitive, dative and (vestigially in the oldest texts) instrumental. Old Saxon also had three grammatical numbers (singular, and dual, and plural) and three grammatical genders (masculine, feminine, and neuter). The dual forms occurred in the first and second persons only and referred to groups of exactly two.
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German nouns have a grammatical gender, as in many related Indo-European languages. They can be masculine, feminine, or neuter: even words for objects without (obvious) masculine or feminine characteristics like 'bridge' or 'rock' can be masculine or feminine. German nouns are also declined (change form) depending on their grammatical case (their function in a sentence) and whether they are singular or plural. German has four cases, nominative, accusative, dative and genitive.
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Pali nouns inflect for three grammatical genders (masculine, feminine, and neuter) and two numbers (singular and plural). The nouns also, in principle, display eight cases: nominative or paccatta case, vocative, accusative or upayoga case, instrumental or ' case, dative or sampadāna case, ablative, genitive or sāmin case, and locative or bhumma case; however, in many instances, two or more of these cases are identical in form; this is especially true of the genitive and dative cases.
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Note, however, that many Greek names, of the third declension in Latin, pass over into the first declension in the Plural; as, Thūcȳdidās, Hyperīdae, and many names in -crates (such as, Sōcratae as well as Sōcratēs). In the vocative singular, names in -is, -ys, -ēs, -eus and -ās (Gen., -antis) form the vocative by dropping the s from the nominative. In the accusative singular, many proper and some common nouns, imparisyllabic, often take the Greek -a for -em.
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There are the three grammatical genders called feminine, masculine, and neuter, and a special case most often treated as exceptions of neuter. Like the German declension, the Colognian declension system does not mark grammatical gender for its plural forms; plural can thus be treated similar to another gender in it formalism. Five grammatical cases are distinguished: nominative, genitive, dative, accusative, and vocative. Genitive has two variants, either of which can also be described as expressions using dative.
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The first excerpt is from the Alexiad of Anna Komnena, recounting the invasion by Bohemond I of Antioch, son of Robert Guiscard, in 1107. The writer employs much ancient vocabulary, influenced by Herodotean Ionic, though post-classical terminology is also used (e.g. , from ). Anna has a strong command of classical morphology and syntax, but again there are occasional 'errors' reflecting interference from the popular language, such as the use of + accusative instead of classical + dative to mean 'in'.
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The ending -0 is still applied to stems of feminine nouns for which this same ending is applied also in the nominative. The ending -ę is still applied to the typically feminine nouns. In Old Polish the ending -ą was applied instead of -ę to nouns whose nominative ended with -å widzę duszę, boginię (I see a soul, a goddess) but wolą, pieczą (will, care). Nowadays, the only remnant of this rule is the accusative form panią (lady).
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The phrase law of the land is a legal term, equivalent to the Latin lex terrae, or legem terrae in the accusative case. It refers to all of the laws in force within a country or region,Merriam-Webster’s Dictionary of Law, p. 282 (Merriam-Webster 1996): “The established law of a nation or region”.Hill, Gerald and Hill, Kathleen. Nolo’s Plain-English Law Dictionary (2009): “The body of rules, regulations, and laws that govern a country or jurisdiction.
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There is no difference between the two in Berlinese.Icke, icke bin Berlina, wer mir haut, den hau ich wieda Wölke Genitive forms are also replaced by prepositional accusative forms, some still with an inserted pronoun: dem sein Haus (this one his house) rather than the standard sein Haus (his house). Plural forms often have an additional -s, regardless of the standard plural ending.Viertel-Dreiviertel-Verbreitungskarte Words ending in -ken are often written colloquially and pronounced as -sken.
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Some languages have strong and weak forms of personal pronouns, the former being used in positions with greater stress. Some authors further distinguish weak pronouns from clitic pronouns, which are phonetically less independent. Examples are found in Polish, where the masculine third-person singular accusative and dative forms are jego and jemu (strong) and go and mu (weak). English has strong and weak pronunciations for some pronouns, such as them (pronounced when strong, but , or even when weak).
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Max Weinreich traces the etymology of cholent to the Latin present participle calentem (an accusative firm of calēns), meaning "that which is hot" (as in calorie), via Old French (present participle of , from the verb , "to warm").Max Weinreich, History of the Yiddish Language, University of Chicago Press, Chicago (1980), p. 400.E. Einhorn, Old French: A Concise Handbook, Cambridge University Press (1974), p. 150. One widely quoted folk etymology derives the word from French ("hot") and ("slow").
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In the transitive past tense the verb consists of the bare past stem and personal concord with the subject is provided by enclitic pronouns following the stem or a constituent preceding the verb. Two modal prefixes are used to convey modal and aspectual information. The past participle is employed in the formation of compound tenses. Vafsi is a split ergative language: Split ergativity means that a language has in one domain accusative morphosyntax and in another domain ergative morphosyntax.
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In Homer, compounds beginning with ἐύ- (also spelled ἐΰ-, with a diaeresis or trema) frequently contain two separate vowels (diaeresis). In later Greek, the two vowels form a diphthong (synaeresis). The word comes from εὖ "well", the adverbial use of the neuter accusative singular of the adjective ἐύς "good". and The form with diaeresis is the original form, since the word comes from Proto-Indo-European ' (e-grade of ablaut), which is cognate with Sanskrit su- (zero-grade).
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It is common for languages (such as Dyirbal and Hindustani) to have overlapping alignment systems, which exhibit both nominative–accusative and ergative–absolutive coding, a phenomenon called split ergativity. In fact, there are relatively few languages that exhibit only ergative–absolutive alignment (called pure ergativity) and tend to be isolated in certain regions of the world, such as the Caucasus, parts of North America and Mesoamerica, the Tibetan Plateau, and Australia. Such languages include Sumerian, Standard Tibetan, and Mayan.
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The antipassive voice is very rare in active–stative languages generally and in nominative–accusative languages that have only one-place or no verbal agreement.Nichols, Johanna; Linguistic Diversity in Space and Time; pp. 154-158. There are a very few exceptions to this rule, such as KrongoWALS - Krongo and the Songhay language Koyraboro Senni,WALS - Koyraboro Senni both of which rely on dedicated antipassive markers that are rare in the more typical type of language with an antipassive.
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The Nukak nouns are marked for gender, number, and case. There are two grammatical genders. The plural of animate nouns is indicated with the suffix -wɨn. Case markers include the following: :accusative -na :dative -ré' ("to") :instrumental -hî' ("with") :locative -rí' ("in", "by") :genitive -î ' ("of", "belongs to") Depending on the noun lexeme, the vocative case is expressed by a tone change; by the suffix -a; or by duplicating the nuclear vowel after the root final consonant.
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One of the more interesting Esperantidoj, grammatically, is Universal (1923–1928).Universal It adds a schwa to break up consonant clusters, marks the accusative case with a nasal vowel, has inclusive and exclusive pronouns, uses partial reduplication for the plural (tablo "table", tatablo "tables"), and inversion for antonyms (mega "big", gema "little"; donu "give", nodu "receive"; tela "far", leta "near"). Inversion can be seen in: ::Al gefinu o fargu kaj la egnifu o grafu. ::He finished reading [lit.
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Nouns in Ersu are either monomorphemic or compounded and can be derived from verbs or verb phrases through nominialization. Nominalizers come in the form of markers on words such as the agentive marker su, purposive marker li, temporal/locative marker ʂə`, and the instrumental/locative marker ta. Many kinship terms and directional terms take an ɑ-prefix. They may also bear case markers such as the genitive marker yɪ, accusative marker vɑ, comitative marker phɛ, etc.
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Kolyma Yukaghir has residual vowel harmony and a complex phonotactics of consonants, rich agglutinative morphology and is strictly head-final. It has practically no finite subordination and very few coordinate structures. Kolyma Yukaghir has a split intransitive alignment system based on discourse-pragmatic features. In absence of narrow focus, the system is organised on a nominative–accusative basis; when focused, direct objects and subjects of intransitive verbs are co-aligned (special focus case, special focus agreement).
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"in the battle") is lost during this period, as is the distinction between nominative and accusative case in nouns. Verb endings are also in transition. The ending -ann, today the usual 3rd person ending in the present tense, was formerly found only in the imperfective. Thus Classical Gaelic contrasted "[he] praises [once]" from "[he] praises regularly", both contrasting with the zero-marked dependent form used after particles such as the negative as well as with an overt pronoun (cf.
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They have even some folk dances that bear the name of the region, Makedonia and Makedonikos antikristos. The overwhelming majority of the Greek Macedonians speak a variant of Greek, called Macedonian (Μακεδονίτικα, Makedonitika). It belongs to the northern dialect group, with phonological and few syntactical differences distinguishing it from standard Greek which is spoken in southern Greece. One of these differences is that the Macedonian dialect uses the accusative case instead of genitive to refer to an indirect object.
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Almost all of the naval terms were also borrowed from Dutch. Early medieval Swedish was markedly different from the modern language in that it had a more complex case structure and had not yet experienced a reduction of the gender system. Nouns, adjectives, pronouns and certain numerals were inflected in four cases; besides the modern nominative and genitive there were also dative and accusative. The gender system resembled that of modern German, having the genders masculine, feminine and neuter.
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Adjectives take the plural suffix when they modify more than one noun, even if those nouns are all singular: :ruĝaj domo kaj aŭto (a red house and [a red] car) :ruĝa domo kaj aŭto (a red house and a car). A predicative adjective does not take the accusative case suffix even when the noun that it modifies does: :mi farbis la pordon ruĝan (I painted the red door) :mi farbis la pordon ruĝa (I painted the door red).
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Proto-Germanic had six cases, three genders, three numbers, three moods (indicative, subjunctive (PIE optative), imperative), and two voices (active and passive (PIE middle)). This is quite similar to the state of Latin, Greek, and Middle Indic of AD 200\. Nouns and adjectives were declined in (at least) six cases: vocative, nominative, accusative, dative, instrumental, genitive. The locative case had merged into the dative case, and the ablative may have merged with either the genitive, dative or instrumental cases.
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Dative is separated from the Accusative and Nominative case, e.g. feminine: "Din jär SkåoLa, je siti ini skå:oLn" (there is the school, I am sitting in the school), masculine: "je sei tjälarn, he lik na ini tjälaro" (I see the basement, it's something in the basement). Several forms of Genitive cases exists, e.g. "Je ha ons Enok bi:l" (I have Enok's car), "je fick bre:ve än Anna" (I got Anna's letter), "kLåk:a gran:o" (The neighbor’s clock).
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There are seven cases: nominative, genitive, dative, accusative, instrumental, locative and vocative. Adjectives agree with nouns in terms of gender, case, and number. Attributive adjectives most commonly precede the noun, although in certain cases, especially in fixed phrases (like język polski, "Polish (language)"), the noun may come first; the rule of thumb is that generic descriptive adjective normally precedes (e.g. piękny kwiat, “beautiful flower”) while categorising adjective often follows the noun (e.g. węgiel kamienny, “black coal”).
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The Chronicle of Albelda, written around 881 in neighbouring Navarre, refers to "much time having passed" in 873 since the rebellion, although it does not mention Eylo by name. Sampiro's chronicle is preserved in two twelfth-century copies: that made by Pelagius of Oviedo for his Chronicon regum Legionensium and that made for the Historia silense. They differ in the spelling of the count's name. The copy of Pelagius uses Eylo (accusative Eylonem) and the Silense uses Gilo (Gilonem).
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Tundra Yukaghir has residual vowel harmony and a complex phonotactics of consonants, rich agglutinative morphology and is strictly head-final. It has practically no finite subordination and very few coordinate structures. Tundra Yukaghir has a split intransitive alignment system based on discourse-pragmatic features. In absence of narrow focus, the system is organised on a nominative–accusative basis; when focused, direct objects and subjects of intransitive verbs are co- aligned (special focus case, special focus agreement).
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The Greenlandic language uses case to express grammatical relations between participants in a sentence. Nouns are inflected with one of the two core cases or one of the six oblique cases.Bjørnum (2003) p. 71 Greenlandic is an ergative–language and so instead of treating the grammatical relations, as in English and most other Indo- European languages, whose grammatical subjects are marked with the nominative case and objects with the accusative case, Greenlandic grammatical roles are defined differently.
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The basic distinction made by a switch-reference system is whether the following clause has the same subject (SS) or a different subject (DS). That is known as canonical switch-reference. For purposes of switch- reference, subject is defined as it is for languages with a nominative–accusative alignment: a subject is the sole argument of an intransitive clause or the agent of a transitive one. It holds even in languages with a high degree of ergativity.
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Wilkins proposes a direct counterexample to Gleitman's example of /put/ and /look/, attested in the Central Australian Aboriginal language of Mparntwe Arrernte. In this case, the verbs /arrerne-/ 'put' and /are-/ 'look, see' share the same case array of {Ergative, Accusative, Dative} arguments (three nouns). Wilkins proposes that this is not a challenge against Gleitman's theory, rather data that may force reconsideration of Gleitman's claim that the theory manifests equally in all languages. ERG ACC VERB DAT a.
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Slape was attested in written sources in 1330 as Zlapp (and as Slap in 1402 and mul an der Slap in 1465). Now a feminine plural noun, it was originally the accusative plural of the masculine noun slap, in the older sense of 'wave', referring to a place where there were rapids or waves on the river. There were three weirs on the Ljubljanica at Slape that were later removed due to construction of the Vevče paper mill.
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For example, in Finnish, join vettä, "I drank (some) water", the word vesi, "water", is in the partitive case. The related sentence join veden, "I drank (the) water", using the accusative case instead, assumes that there was a specific countable portion of water that was completely drunk. The work of logicians like Godehard Link and Manfred Krifka established that the mass/count distinction can be given a precise, mathematical definition in terms of quantization and cumulativity.
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GavaudanHis Occitan name is also found as Gavaudas in the accusative and, by extension, Gavauda in the nominative. Eighteenth- and nineteenth-century French scholarship used to call him le Vieux (the Old), but there is no basis for this. (fl. c. 11951215, known in 1212-1213) was a troubadour and hired soldier (soudadier) at the courts of both Raymond V and Raymond VI of Toulouse and later on in Castile. He was from Gévaudan, as his name (probably a nickname) implies.
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The editio princeps is on page 255 of volume three of Stoicorum Veterum Fragmenta (SVF, Old Stoic Fragments), see External links.A recent critical text with translation is in Appendix A to Will Deming, Paul on Marriage and Celibacy: The Hellenistic Background of 1 Corinthians 7, pp. 221–226. Misogunia appears in the accusative case on page 224 of Deming, as the fifth word in line 33 of his Greek text. It is split over lines 25–26 in von Arnim.
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The grammarian Aelius Donatus (4th century AD), whose work was used as standard throughout the Middle Ages, placed the cases in this order: :Aelius Donatus, Ars Major, 2.8. :"There are six cases: nominative, genitive, dative, accusative, vocative and ablative." This order was based on the order used by earlier Greek grammarians, with the addition of the ablative, which does not exist in Greek. The names of the cases also were mostly translated from the Greek terms, such as from the Greek .
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In linguistics, a subject pronoun is a personal pronoun that is used as the subject of a verb.Peter Matthews, The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Linguistics (Oxford University Press, 1997), p. 359. Subject pronouns are usually in the nominative case for languages with a nominative–accusative alignment pattern. On the other hand, a language with an ergative-absolutive pattern usually has separate subject pronouns for transitive and intransitive verbs: an ergative case pronoun for transitive verbs and an absolutive case pronoun for transitive verbs.
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This voice is very common among ergative–absolutive languages (which may feature passive voices as well), but also occurs among nominative–accusative languages. There are also constructions in some languages that appear to change the valence of a verb, but in fact do not. So called hierarchical or inversion languages are of this sort. Their agreement system will be sensitive to an external person or animacy hierarchy (or a combination of both): 1 > 2 > 3 or Anim > Inan and so forth. E.g.
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Celtic languages have an inflection commonly called the "impersonal" or "autonomous" form, of similar origin to the Latin "passive- impersonal". This is similar to a passive construction in that the agent of the verb is not specified. However its syntax is different from prototypical passives, in that the object of the action remains in the accusative. It is similar to the use of the pronoun "on" in French (except wherever "on" is instead used an alternative to "we", which is very frequent).
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Latvian has only one overt locative case but it syncretizes the above four cases to the locative marking them by differences in the use of prepositions. Lithuanian breaks them out of the genitive case, accusative case and locative case by using different postpositions. Dual form is obsolete in standard Latvian and nowadays it is also considered nearly obsolete in standard Lithuanian. For instance, in standard Lithuanian it is normal to say "dvi varnos (plural) – two crows" instead of "dvi varni (dual)".
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Nouns, pronouns, adjectives and determiners were fully inflected with four grammatical cases (nominative, accusative, genitive, dative), and a vestigial instrumental, two grammatical numbers (singular and plural) and three grammatical genders (masculine, feminine, and neuter). First- and second-person personal pronouns also had dual forms for referring to groups of two people, in addition to the usual singular and plural forms. The instrumental case was somewhat rare and occurred only in the masculine and neuter singular. It was often replaced by the dative.
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In fact, the figura etymologica has been both much more broadly and narrowly defined. In the narrowest definition, it is restricted to specialized uses of the accusative with cognate verbs (for example, live a good life, sing a long song, die a quiet death). In modern linguistics, this same construction goes by the name of "cognate object construction" (COC). In its less restricted sense, the figura etymologica refers to just about any sort of repetition of cognate words relatively close to each other.
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The third criterion is less applicable to English, though, since English lacks morphological case, exceptions being the personal pronouns (I/me, we/us, he/him, she/her, they/them). For languages that have case and relatively freer word order, morphological case is the most readily available criterion for identifying objects. In Latin and related languages, direct objects are usually marked with the accusative case, and indirect objects with the dative case. However, object marking may also follow non-syntactic rules, such as animacy.
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However, that similarity between German and Russian is not evidence that German is more closely related to Russian than to English but means only that the innovation in question, the loss of the accusative/dative distinction, happened more recently in English than the divergence of English from German. The division of related languages into sub- groups is accomplished more certainly by finding shared linguistic innovations that differentiate them from the parent language, rather than shared features that are retained from the parent language.
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The erroneous use of gelen (Modern Finnish kielen) in the accusative case, rather than kieltä in the partitive, and the lack of the conjunction mutta are typical of foreign speakers of Finnish even today. At the time, most priests in Finland were Swedish speaking. During the Middle Ages, when Finland was under Swedish rule, Finnish was only spoken. At the time, the language of international commerce was Middle Low German, the language of administration Swedish, and religious ceremonies were held in Latin.
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Igbo does not mark overt case distinctions on nominal constituents and conveys grammatical relations only through word order. The typical Igbo sentence displays subject-verb-object (SVO) ordering, where subject is understood as the sole argument of an intransitive verb or the agent-like (external) argument of a transitive verb. Igbo thus exhibits accusative alignment. It has been proposed, with reservations, that some Igbo verbs display ergativity on some level, as in the following two examples: (4) Nnukwu mmīri nà-ezò n'iro.
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Votic is an agglutinating language much like the other Finnic languages. In terms of inflection on nouns, Votic has two numbers (singular, plural), and 16 cases: nominative, genitive, accusative (distinct for pronouns), partitive, illative, inessive, elative, allative, adessive, ablative, translative, essive, exessive, abessive, comitative, terminative. Unlike Livonian, which has been influenced to a great extent by Latvian, Votic retained its Finnic characteristics. There are many loan words from Russian, but not a phonological and grammatical influence comparable with the Latvian influence to Livonian.
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Of course, if it chases the cat into the garden, the case of 'garden' would change: :la hundo ĉasis la katon en la ĝardenon, en la ĝardenon la hundo ĉasis la katon, etc. Within copulative clauses, however, there are restrictions. Copulas are words such as esti 'be', iĝi 'become', resti 'remain', and ŝajni 'seem', for which neither noun phrase takes the accusative case. In such cases only two orders are generally found: noun-copula-predicate and, much less commonly, predicate-copula-noun.
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More pertinent is the accusative plural in -jn. Esperanto is superficially similar to the non‑Indo‑European Hungarian and Turkish languages—that is, it is similar in its mechanics, but not in use. None of these proposed "non-European" elements of the original Esperanto proposal were actually taken from non-European or non-Indo-European languages, and any similarities with those languages are accidental. East Asian languages may have had some influence on the development of Esperanto grammar after its creation.
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The plural noun is formed by adding –s to the singular (-es after a consonant). The accusative case is generally identical to the nominative but can optionally be marked with the ending -m (-em after a consonant) with the plural being -sem (-esem after a consonant) or with the preposition em. The genitive is formed with the ending -n (-en after a consonant) with the plural being -sen (-esen after a consonant) or with the preposition de. Other cases are formed with prepositions.
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However, in the early twentieth century numerous reform projects were proposed. Almost all of these Esperantidos were stillborn, but the very first, Ido ("offspring"), had significant success for several years. Ido was proposed by the Delegation for the Adoption of an International Auxiliary Language in Paris in October 1907. Its main reforms were in bringing the alphabet, semantics, and some grammatical features into closer alignment with the Romance languages, as well as removal of adjectival agreement and the accusative case except when necessary.
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Esperanto has an agglutinative morphology, no grammatical gender, and simple verbal and nominal inflections. Verbal suffixes indicate four moods, of which the indicative has three tenses, and are derived for several aspects, but do not agree with the grammatical person or number of their subjects. Nouns and adjectives have two cases, nominative/oblique and accusative/allative, and two numbers, singular and plural; the adjectival form of personal pronouns behaves like a genitive case. Adjectives generally agree with nouns in case and number.
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Kuryłowicz was also interested in the element hierarchy and the function of the language system. Analyzing the problem of hierarchy he introduced the concept of foundation, which is the relation between two forms or functions in a language. One of the forms or functions, so-called founding, always results in the presence of the founded, not conversely. For instance, in Latin, the endings -os and -or in the nominative singular both always correspond with the ending -orem in the accusative singular.
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Kalix (kölismåle ) is a divergent Swedish dialect spoken in the Kalix Municipality along with Sami, Finnish, Meänkieli, and the national standard language Swedish. Like other Scandinavian languages, the Kalix dialect originates in Proto-Norse and dialects of Old Norse, spoken by immigrating Germanic settlers during the Viking Age. It has three grammatical genders, two plural forms of indefinite nouns, and broad usage of definite nouns. Nouns are also inflected differently in dative and accusative case, and there are three forms of expressing genitive.
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Varro says that the Greeks call Caelum (or Caelus) "Olympus."Varro, De lingua latina 7.20; likewise Isidore of Seville, Etymologies 14.8.9. The noun Caelum appears in the accusative case, which obscures any distinction between masculine and neuter. Servius, note to Aeneid 6.268, says that "Olympus" is the name for both the Macedonian mountain and for caelum. Citations and discussion by Michel Huhm, "Le mundus et le Comitium: Représentations symboliques de l'espace de la cité," Histoire urbaine 10 (2004), p. 54.
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The Hindi personal pronouns and possessives display a higher degree of inflection than other parts of speech. Personal pronouns have distinct forms according to whether they stand for a subject (nominative), a direct object (accusative), an indirect object (dative), or a reflexive object. Pronouns further have special forms used with postpositions. The possessive pronouns are the same as the possessive adjectives, but each is inflected to express the grammatical person of the possessor and the grammatical gender of the possessed.
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In Esperanto, the currency is called "eŭro",:eo:Eŭro similar to the Esperanto word for the continent "Eŭropo." The o ending in euro conveniently accords with the standard -o noun ending in Esperanto, but rather than sound out e and u separately, Esperanto speakers use the diphthong eŭ, which matches its etymology. Plurals are formed in accordance with Esperanto rules, eŭroj and cendoj. The words are also declined as any Esperanto noun (eŭro/eŭroj in the nominative, eŭron/eŭrojn in the accusative).
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The Portuguese personal pronouns and possessives display a higher degree of inflection than other parts of speech. Personal pronouns have distinct forms according to whether they stand for a subject (nominative), a direct object (accusative), an indirect object (dative), or a reflexive object. Several pronouns further have special forms used after prepositions. The possessive pronouns are the same as the possessive adjectives, but each is inflected to express the grammatical person of the possessor and the grammatical gender of the possessed.
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Isocrates, 10 (Helenae encomion). 46 :: pro3rd pl think-they [theACC their natureACC more-ableACC beINF than-the by the gods chosen-as-best] literal translation (infinitival subject and predicate in accusative) :: They think that their nature is more competent than the one chosen by the gods as best. idiomatic translation Oratio recta/Direct speech would have been: ἡNOM ἡμετέρα φύσιςNOM ἱκανωτέραNOM ἐστὶFIN τῆς ὑπὸ τῶν θεῶν προκριθείσης. "Our nature is more competent than the one chosen by the gods as best".
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Thus for example, we have incorporation of handshapes from the Nepali manual alphabet into lexical items as we saw above the sections above on manual alphabet and lexicon. Incorporation also occurs in NSL verbs, in what are often referred to as "classifier predicates". Here, as in many other sign languages studied,MW Morgan (2009)) the pattern is ergative-accusative, with subjects of intransitive verbs (e.g. ONE-PERSON in "One person passed by in front of me")), and objects of transitive verbs (e.g.
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Some assimilatory processes mentioned above also occur across word boundaries. In particular, this goes for a number of grammatical words ending in , most notably the negation particles and and the accusative forms of the personal pronoun and definite article and . If these words are followed by a voiceless stop, either assimilates for place of articulation to the stop, or is altogether deleted, and the stop becomes voiced. This results in pronunciations such as ('the father' ACC) or ('it doesn't matter'), instead of and .
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1/6) followed by a masculine adjective (ṣirāṭ mustaqīm). # In the Hijaz, the predicate of verbal sentences agreed in number with the head verb (known as the luġa ˀakalūnī l-barāġīṯ), unlike Standard Arabic, where the head verb is always in the singular. # In the Hijaz, after the shortened forms ˀin and ˀan, the subject took an accusative case, while in Classical Arabic and in the east, shortened particles lost their effect on the following nominal clause. # After the complementizer ˀinna, ˀanna, etc.
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Personal pronouns have two cases: nominative for intransitive and transitive subjects, and accusative for transitive objects. Nouns have an ergative case for transitive subject function and an absolutive case for intransitive subject and transitive object function. There are a total of at least 10 noun cases, and the case-marking suffix is dependent on the final consonant in the root word. The absolutive case is the only case suffix that is not final consonant-dependent, and has a zero as a suffix.
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Relations between participants in an event are coded in Telugu words through suffixation; there are no prefixes or infixes in the language. There are six word classes in Telugu: nominals (proper nouns, pronouns), verbs (actions or events), modifiers (adjectives, quantifiers, numerals), adverbs (modify the way in which actions or events unfold), and clitics. Telugu nouns are inflected for number (singular, plural), noun class (three classes traditionally termed masculine, feminine, and neuter) and case (nominative, accusative, genitive, dative, vocative, instrumental, and locative).
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The phrase is from the Latin habeās, 2nd person singular present subjunctive active of habēre, "to have", "to hold"; and corpus, accusative singular of corpus, "body". In reference to more than one person, the phrase is habeas corpora. Literally, the phrase means "[we command] that you should have the [detainee's] body [brought to court]". The complete phrase habeas corpus [coram nobis] ad subjiciendum means "that you have the person [before us] for the purpose of subjecting (the case to examination)".
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Typologically, Southern Athabaskan languages are mostly fusional, polysynthetic, nominative–accusative head-marking languages. These languages are argued to be non-configurational languages. The canonical word order is SOV, as can be seen in Lipan example below: : Kónitsąąhį́į́ dziłádałts’aa’híí áí daajiłdiił "The Lipan ate those wild grapes." : Subject = Kónitsąąhį́į́ "the Lipan" : Object = dziłádałts’aa’híí áí "those wild grapes" (dziłádałts’aa’híí "wild grapes", áí "those") : Verb = daajiłdiił "they ate them" Southern Athabaskan words are modified primarily by prefixes, which is uncommon for SOV languages (suffixes are expected).
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The patient is affected by the action or state identified by the verb in a sentence. They receive this external action or exhibit a state identified by a verb. E Baba kue(-a) e Bubu ART Baba strike-3ps ART Bubu Baba struck Bubu E Baba kama-kokora ART Baba bad Baba is bad In transitive clauses, the patient noun phrase is encoded by suffixation of the verb with a 3rd person singular affix -a. The accusative marking is optional for noun phrases with given information.
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Yaminawa is a polysynthetic, primarily suffixing language that also uses compounding, nasalization, and tone alternations in word-formation. Yaminawa exhibits split ergativity; nouns and third person pronouns pattern along ergative-absolutive lines, while first and second person pronouns pattern along nominative-accusative lines. Yaminawa verbal morphology is extensive, encoding affective (emotional) meanings and categories like associated motion. Yaminawa also has a set of switch reference enclitics that encode same or different subject relationships as well as aspectual relationships between the dependent (marked) clause and the main clause.
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The Greek nominal system displays inflection for two numbers (singular and plural), three genders (masculine, feminine and neuter), and four cases (nominative, genitive, accusative and vocative). As in many other Indo- European languages, the distribution of grammatical gender across nouns is largely arbitrary and need not coincide with natural sex. Case, number and gender are marked on the noun as well as on articles and adjectives modifying it. While there are four cases, there is a great degree of syncretism between case forms within most paradigms.
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The drawings made by the character Ulises were really made by Luis Fernando Peña, the protagonist of the film, except for the graffiti, which was made by professionals. When filming, the actors could not sleep at their own houses because they had to work for 24 hours. The name of the movie is a wordplay in Spanish: "Amarte" and "Amar te". The first one is the accusative second person singular, while the second one is the infinitive verb and the second person reflexive pronoun.
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The term ὁμοούσιον, the accusative case form of ὁμοούσιος homoousios "consubstantial", was adopted at the First Council of Nicaea (325) in order to clarify the ontology of Christ. From its Greek original, the term was translated into other languages. In Latin, which is lacking a present participle of the verb 'to be', two main corresponding variants occurred. Since the Aristotelian term ousia was commonly translated in Latin as essentia (essence) or substantia (substance), the Greek term homoousios was consequently translated into Latin as coessentialis or consubstantialis.
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Kannada sentences have two basic parts: the subject and the predicate. The subject consists of the central topic of the sentence, declined to the nominative case, while the predicate consists of a verb, often with an object (which formally should be in the accusative case), or may have no verb and object at all but rather simply have another noun declined in the nominative case, known as the predicate nominative, where an equivalency statement is intended. Example: ನಾನು (subject) ಮೇಜನ್ನು (object) ಕಟ್ಟಿದೆನು (verb). ('I built the table.
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Old Norse has three categories of verbs (strong, weak, & present-preterite) and two categories of nouns (strong, weak). Conjugation and declension are carried out by a mix of inflection and two nonconcatenative morphological processes: umlaut, a backness-based alteration to the root vowel; and ablaut, a replacement of the root vowel, in verbs. Nouns, adjectives and pronouns are declined in four grammatical cases – nominative, accusative, genitive and dative, in singular and plural. Some pronouns (first and second person) have dual number in addition to singular and plural.
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Kuikuro from a typological prospective is ergative. There is no obvious absolutive case marker. The morpheme /heke/ is used with some variety of nominal or pronominal argument to denote the ergativity of the argument. Below is an example of a basic sentence.Franchetto, B. (2010) “The ergativity in effect in Kuikuro”. 121-158. # u-ahetinhomba-tagü i-heke 1abs-help-cont 3-erg ‘he is helping me’ However, there is also data that suggests that there is an accusative element to the Kuikuro case system.
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Modern Hebrew grammar is partly analytic, expressing such forms as dative, ablative, and accusative using prepositional particles rather than morphological cases. On the other hand, Modern Hebrew grammar is also fusional synthetic:Zuckermann, Ghil'ad (2006), Complement Clause Types in Israeli, Complementation: A Cross-Linguistic Typology (RMW Dixon & AY Aikhenvald, eds), Oxford University Press, Oxford, pp. 72–92. inflection plays a role in the formation of verbs and nouns (using non-concatenative discontinuous morphemes realised by vowel infixation) and the declension of prepositions (i.e. with pronominal suffixes).
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For example, in the noun phrase waʃí yakahĩ ́ 'the monkey's arm', the genitive form waʃí 'monkey's' is derived from the accusative form of 'monkey' waʃín. The comitative case is used to demonstrate accompaniment, and it is marked with the suffix -haĩ. For example, in the sentence nĩ yatʃĩhaĩ ikama wɨinawai 'he and his brother are going into the forest', we see that yatʃĩhaĩ 'his brother' takes the comitative suffix. The locative case may be used to indicate location, as well as movement towards or into.
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The subject of a sentence can be topicalized and emphasized by moving it to the beginning of the sentence and preceding it with the word ' 'indeed' (or 'verily' in older translations). An example would be ' 'The sky is blue indeed'. ', along with its related terms (or "sister" terms in the native tradition) ' 'that' (as in "I think that ..."), ' 'that' (after ' 'say'), ' 'but' and ' 'as if' introduce subjects while requiring that they be immediately followed by a noun in the accusative case, or an attached pronominal suffix.
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It is now largely archaic, having been replaced in most contexts by you. It is used in parts of Northern England and in Scots (). Thou is the nominative form; the oblique/objective form is thee (functioning as both accusative and dative), the possessive is thy (adjective) or thine (as an adjective before a vowel or as a pronoun) and the reflexive is thyself. When thou is the grammatical subject of a finite verb in the indicative mood, the verb form typically ends in -(e)st (e.g.
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Quakers formerly used thee as an ordinary pronoun; the stereotype has them saying thee for both nominative and accusative cases.See, for example, The Quaker Widow by Bayard Taylor This was started at the beginning of the Quaker movement by George Fox, who called it "plain speaking", as an attempt to preserve the egalitarian familiarity associated with the pronoun. Most Quakers have abandoned this usage. At its beginning, the Quaker movement was particularly strong in the northwestern areas of England and particularly in the north Midlands area.
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The verb esti (to be) is both the copula ("X is Y") and the existential ("there is") verb. As a copula linking two noun phrases, it causes neither to take the accusative case. Therefore, unlike the situation with other verbs, word order with esti can be semantically important: compare hundoj estas personoj (dogs are people) and personoj estas hundoj (people are dogs). One sometimes sees esti-plus- adjective rendered as a verb: la ĉielo estas blua as la ĉielo bluas (the sky is blue).
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English is now often described as having a subjective case, instead of a nominative, to draw attention to the differences between the "standard" generic nominative and the way that it is used in English. The term objective case is then used for the oblique case, which covers the roles of accusative, dative and objects of a preposition. The genitive case is then usually called the possessive form, rather than a noun case per se. English is then said to have two cases: the subjective and the objective.
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The existence of the Ugaritic language is attested to in texts from the 14th through the 12th century BCE. Ugaritic is usually classified as a Northwest Semitic language and therefore related to Hebrew, Aramaic, and Phoenician, among others. Its grammatical features are highly similar to those found in Classical Arabic and Akkadian. It possesses two genders (masculine and feminine), three cases for nouns and adjectives (nominative, accusative, and genitive); three numbers: (singular, dual, and plural); and verb aspects similar to those found in other Northwest Semitic languages.
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Rushani is unusual in having a transitive case – a so- called double-oblique clause structure – in the past tense. That is, in the past tense,or perhaps perfective aspect the agent and object of a transitive verb are both marked, while the subject of an intransitive verb is not. In the present tense, the object of the transitive verb is marked, the other two roles are not – that is, a typical nominative–accusative alignment.J.R. Payne, 'Language Universals and Language Types', in Collinge, ed. 1990.
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Wagner's title is most literally rendered in English as The Ring of the Nibelung. The Nibelung of the title is the dwarf Alberich, and the ring in question is the one he fashions from the Rhine Gold. The title therefore denotes "Alberich's Ring". The "-en" suffix in "Nibelungen" can occur in a genitive singular, accusative singular, dative singular, or a plural in any case (in weak masculine German nouns), but the article "des" immediately preceding makes it clear that the genitive singular is intended here.
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Case is not shown in standard orthography, with the exception of indefinite accusative nouns ending in any letter but ' () or ' followed by ' (), where the ' "sits" on the letter before an alif added at the end of the word (the alif shows up even in unvowelled texts). Cases, however, are marked in the Qur'an, children's books, and to remove ambiguous situations. If marked, it is shown at the end of the noun. Further information on the types of declensions is discussed in the following section, along with examples.
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When speaking or reading aloud, nouns at the end of an utterance are pronounced in a special pausal form ( '). Final short vowels, as well as short vowels followed by a nunation, are omitted; but accusative ' sounds as '. The ' in the feminine ending ' sounds as '. In writing, all words are written in their pausal form; special diacritics may be used to indicate the case endings and nunation, but are normally only found in books for students and children, in the Quran, and occasionally elsewhere to remove ambiguity.
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In linguistic typology, tripartite alignment is a type of morphosyntactic alignment in which the main argument ('subject') of an intransitive verb, the agent argument ('subject') of a transitive verb, and the patient argument ('direct object') of a transitive verb are each treated distinctly in the grammatical system of a language. This is in contrast with nominative- accusative and ergative-absolutive alignment languages, in which the argument of an intransitive verb patterns with either the agent argument of the transitive (in accusative languages) or with the patient argument of the transitive (in ergative languages). Thus, whereas in English, "she" in "she runs" patterns with "she" in "she finds it", and an ergative language would pattern "she" in "she runs" with "her" in "he likes her", a tripartite language would treat the "she" in "she runs" as morphologically and/or syntactically distinct from either argument in "he likes her". Which languages constitute genuine examples of a tripartite case alignment is a matter of debate; however, Wangkumara, Nez Perce, Ainu, Vakh dialects of Khanty, Semelai, Kalaw Lagaw Ya, Kham, and Yazghulami have all been claimed to demonstrate tripartite structure in at least some part of their grammar.
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In the "Encyclopedia of Bible Difficulties", Archer examines two verses in Acts describing the Conversion of Paul which are sometimes perceived as a contradiction:Archer, Gleason L., "Encyclopedia of Bible Difficulties", p. 382. :"The men who travelled with him stood speechless, hearing the voice but seeing no one" :"And those who were with me saw the light, to be sure, but did not understand the voice of the One who was speaking to me" Archer claims that the original Greek shows "there is no real contradiction between these two statements" because "Greek makes a distinction between hearing a sound as a noise (in which case the object to the verb "to hear" takes the genitive case) and hearing a voice as a thought-conveying message (in which case it takes the accusative)" and "in neither account is it stated that his companions ever heard that Voice in the accusative case". Archer points to similar circumstances where "the crowd who heard the sound of the Father talking to the Son in ... perceived it only as thunder". is another troublesome part: The verse appears to place Jacob's burial in Shechem, contradicting verses in Genesis which place the patriarchs' tomb in Hebron.
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In general, Greek is a pro drop language or a null-subject language: it does not have to express the (always in nominative case) subject of a finite verb form (either pronoun or noun), unless it is communicatively or syntactically important (e.g. when emphasis and/or contrast is intended etc.).Herbert Weir Smyth, A Greek Grammar for Colleges §§ 929-931 Concerning infinitives, no matter of which type, either articulated or not, and also either of the dynamic or declarative use, the following can be said as a general introduction to the infinitival syntax (:case rules for the infinitival subject): :(1) When the infinitive has a subject of its own (that is, when the subject of the infinitive is not co- referential either with the subject or the object of the governing verb form), then this word stands in the accusative case (Accusative and Infinitive).Herbert Weir Smyth, A Greek Grammar for Colleges § 936 :(2) When the subject of the infinitive is co-referential with the subject of the main verb, then it is usually neither expressed nor repeated within the infinitival clause (Nominative and Infinitive).
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Some feminine nouns in -ô have the genitive in -ūs. Greek names ending in -eus are declined both according to the Greek and according to the Latin second declension (but the genitive -eī and the Dative -eō are often pronounced as one syllable in poets). In the nominative plural, imparisyllabic Nouns often take -es instead of -ēs and, in the accusative plural, the same nouns often take -ā instead of -ēs. In the genitive plural, -ōn and -eōn are found in the titles of books; as, Geōrgicōn and Metamorphōseōn.
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Final case is used for marking final cause ("for a house"). Semitic languages had that case, but all of them lost itEgon K. Keck, Frede Løkkegaard, Svend Søndergaard, Ellen Wulff, Living Waters: Scandinavian orientalistic studies presented to Frede Løkkegaard on his seventy, Page 160, Google book search, 1990Karin C Ryding, A Reference Grammar of Modern Standard Arabic, Page 166, Google book search, 2005. In Arabic, nouns in such position are marked by the accusative marking (e.g. ǧadda ṭalaban li-l-ʼaǧri he worked hard for the sake of reward).
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The preface reads, Textum ergo habes, nunc ab omnibus receptum: in quo nihil immutatum aut corruptum damus ("so you hold the text, now received by all, in which (is) nothing corrupt"). The two words textum and receptum were modified from the accusative to the nominative case to render textus receptus. Over time, that term has been retroactively applied to Erasmus' editions, as his work served as the basis of the others.Bruce M. Metzger, Bart D. Ehrman, The Text Of The New Testament: Its Transmission, Corruption and Restoration, Oxford University Press, 2005, p. 152.
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Many Indo-European languages, but not English, provide archetypical examples of grammatical gender. Research indicates that the earliest stages of Proto-Indo-European had two genders (animate and inanimate), as did Hittite, the earliest attested Indo-European language. The classification of nouns based on animacy and inanimacy and the lack of gender are today characteristic of Armenian. According to the theory, the animate gender, which (unlike the inanimate) had independent vocative and accusative forms, later split into masculine and feminine, thus originating the three-way classification into masculine, feminine and neuter.
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The Northwest Doric koina was thus both a linguistic and a political rival of the Attic-Ionic koina. The Northwest Doric koina was politically linked to the Aetolian league, which had long had a mutually hostile relationship with Epirus. As such, some have argued that Epirotic during the Hellenistic period was marked by a tendency to avoid the use of features that marked an "Aetolian" identity, such as the use of ἐν + accusative. Coin of the Epirote League, depicting Zeus (left) and a lightning bolt with the word "ΑΠΕΙΡΩΤΑΝ" – of the Epirotes (right).
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The adjective neu (new), for example, can be written in five different ways (neue, neuer, neues, neuen, neuem) depending on the gender of the noun that it modifies, whether the noun is singular or plural, and the role of the noun in the sentence. English lacks such declinations (except for rare and exceptional ones, such as blond/blonde),grammarist.com meaning that an adjective can be written in only one form. Modern High German distinguishes between four cases--nominative, accusative, genitive, and dative--and three grammatical genders--feminine, masculine, and neuter.
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Book 16.2-4. In 355 the Franks had destroyed Cologne (Agrippina), making it a desert of ruins, and the Alamanni had occupied the countryside of Alsace, isolating but not occupying the cities there. A list is given (in the accusative case), presumably including the "alia municipia" of "Prima Germania": Argentoratum (Strasbourg), Brotomagum (Brumath), Tabernas (Saverne), Salisonem (Selz), Nemetas (Speyer), Vangionas (Worms) and Mogontiacum (Mainz).16.2.12. In 356 Julian moved to the relief of the cities, driving out the Alamanni, and reoccupied Cologne, forcing the Franks to the peace table.
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Another variant pronunciation, , is heard in several Cumbrian place names, e.g. Burgh by Sands, Longburgh, Drumburgh, Mayburgh Henge. The English language borough, like the Scots Burgh, is derived from the same Old English language word burh (whose dative singular and nominative/accusative plural form byrig sometimes underlies modern place-names, and which had dialectal variants including "burg"; it was also sometimes confused with beorh, beorg, 'mound, hill', on which see Hall 2001, 69-70). The Old English word was originally used for a fortified town or proto-castle (e.g.
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2005: 413 The reflexive-possessive retains -n, thus -aan.Birtalan 2003: 217, Sečenbaγatur et al. 2005: 414 The pronominal forms are not substantially different from Khalkha. The first person singular pronoun stem is nam- ~ nan-, next to the standard Mongolian first person plural there is also a variant in ma-, namely madan, madnu:s (both nominative), and the third person singular accusative is peculiar in that it is based on the regular stem yy/n- (proximal, distal is tyy/n-), thus inflecting as yyg compared to Written Mongolian , Standard Khalkha .
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Niuean can be considered a VSO language; however, one analysis of Niuean uses ergative terminology, in which case it may be better to speak of verb–agent–patient word order. Because the unmarked case is the absolutive, Niuean transitive verb constructions often appear passive in a literal translation. Compare : : TENSE see AGENT he ARTICLE crab : "The crab was seen by him" and : : TENSE see ARTICLE crab : "The crab was seen" The first example sentence could also be translated into English as the nominative–accusative construction "He saw the crab".
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The genitive and accusative have fused in some variants, becoming –ji, and the ablative may assume the form of the instrumental case. The old comitative has been lost, while the innovated comitative is the same as in Mongolian.Namcarai and Qaserdeni 1983: 110-121, Sengge 619-620 In addition, several other cases have been innovated that are not shared by Mongolian, including a new allative, -maji.Sengge 2004c: 620 Dagur has a fairly simple tense-aspect system consisting of the nonpast markers - and (marginally) - and the past forms - and (marginally) and the non-finite imperfective marker --.
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Nominal adverbs are derived from nominals or turn by conversion to adverbs which are in fact inflective lexemes with adverbial semantics. Modal adverbs are created with the suffixes -o or -ě (the endings of accusative and locative singular neuter gender respectively), with no difference in meanings between suffixes, although some adverbs have only the forms in -o (veselo), and some in -ě (javě). Modal adverbs could also be formed deadjectivally by means of the interfix -ьsk- and the ending -y (by origin, the instrumental plural ending; e.g., slověnьsky).
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In the United States, the professional doctorate in law may be conferred in Latin or in English as Juris Doctor (sometimes shown on Latin diplomas in the accusative form Juris Doctorem) and at some law schools Doctor of Law (J.D. or JD), or Doctor of Jurisprudence (also abbreviated JD or J.D.). "Juris Doctor" literally means "teacher of law", while the Latin for "Doctor of Jurisprudence"—Jurisprudentiae Doctor—literally means "teacher of legal knowledge". The J.D. is not to be confused with Doctor of Laws or Legum Doctor (LLD or LL.D.).
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Proto-Anatolian retained the nominal case system of Proto-Indo-European, including the vocative, nominative, accusative, instrumental, dative, genitive, and locative cases, and innovated an additional allative case. Nouns distinguish singular and plural numbers, as well as a collective plural for inanimates in Old Hittite and remnant dual forms for natural pairs. The Anatolian branch also has a split-ergative system based on gender, with inanimate nouns being marked in the ergative case when the subject of a transitive verb. This may be an areal influence from nearby non-IE ergative languages like Hurrian.
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Georgian has seven noun cases: nominative, ergative, dative, genitive, instrumental, adverbial and vocative. An interesting feature of Georgian is that, while the subject of a sentence is generally in the nominative case, and the object is in the accusative case (or dative), in Georgian, one can find this reversed in many situations (this depends mainly on the character of the verb). This is called the dative construction. In the past tense of the transitive verbs, and in the present tense of the verb "to know", the subject is in the ergative case.
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Another reason to use the accusative and infinitive is to express someone's thoughts, such as the reasons for undertaking a certain course of action: : (Caesar)Caesar, B.G. 4.20.2. :'he thought it would be very useful for him, if he could just go to the island' It can similarly be used with verbs such as 'I hope', 'I am sure', 'I remember', and 'I forget': : (Cicero)Cicero, Att. 5.21.1. :'I hope you are passing a pleasant winter there' : (Cicero)Cicero, Att, 3.3. :'I am sure that you are going to do it' : (Cicero)Cicero, Cat. 2.27.
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The grammatical gender of a noun affects the morphology of other parts of speech (adjectives, pronouns, and verbs) attached to it. Nouns are declined into seven cases: nominative, genitive, dative, accusative, vocative, locative, and instrumental. Verbs are divided into two broad classes according to their aspect, which can be either perfective (signifying a completed action) or imperfective (action is incomplete or repetitive). There are seven tenses, four of which (present, perfect, future I and II) are used in contemporary Serbo-Croatian, and the other three (aorist, imperfect and pluperfect) used much less frequently.
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On the right side, stretching over the horse to the warrior is an incised inscription in Etruscan which reads from right to left, saying mi mamarce zinace. Mi is the first person singular nominative pronoun, mamarce is a male name in the nominative-accusative or locative case and zinace is a past active verb meaning "made". Because Mamarce only states his first name, it is assumed that he belonged to a lower social class. The name Mamerce is Italic, appearing in Latin as Mamercus and connected with Mamers, the Oscan name of the god Mars.
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Many efforts to define the grammatical relations emphasize the role inflectional morphology. In English, the subject can or must agree with the finite verb in person and number, and in languages that have morphological case, the subject and object (and other verb arguments) are identified in terms of the case markers that they bear (e.g. nominative, accusative, dative, genitive, ergative, absolutive, etc.). Inflectional morphology may be a more reliable means for defining the grammatical relations than the configuration, but its utility can be very limited in many cases.
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Romanian nouns are characterized by gender (feminine, masculine, and neuter), and declined by number (singular and plural) and case (nominative/accusative, dative/genitive and vocative). The articles, as well as most adjectives and pronouns, agree in gender, number and case with the noun they modify. Romanian is the only Romance language where definite articles are enclitic: that is, attached to the end of the noun (as in Scandinavian, Bulgarian and Albanian), instead of in front (proclitic). They were formed, as in other Romance languages, from the Latin demonstrative pronouns.
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In languages that show the above distinctions, it is quite common to employ null affixation to mark singular number, present tense and third persons. It is also frequent to find null affixation for the least- marked cases (the nominative case in nominative–accusative languages, and the absolutive case in ergative–absolutive languages). English is unusual in its marking of the third person singular with a non-zero morpheme, by contrast with a null morpheme for others. Another unusual usage of the null morpheme is the feminine genitive case plural in most Slavic languages, cf.
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However: > The sheep can run. In this case the number of the noun (or of the verb) is not manifested at all in the surface form of the sentence, and thus ambiguity is introduced (at least, when the sentence is viewed in isolation). Exponents of grammatical categories often appear in the same position or "slot" in the word (such as prefix, suffix or enclitic). An example of this is the Latin cases, which are all suffixal: rosa, rosae, rosae, rosam, rosā ("rose", in the nominative, genitive, dative, accusative and ablative).
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The tābi‘in (, also accusative or genitive tābi‘īn , singular tābi‘ ), "followers" or "successors", are the generation of Muslims who followed the Companions of the Prophet Muhammad (ṣaḥābah), and thus received their teachings secondhand. A tābi‘ knew at least one ṣaḥābiyy. As such, they played an important part in the development of Islamic thought and philosophy, and in the political development of the early caliphate. The next generation of Muslims after the tabi‘ūn are called the tābi‘ al-tabi‘īn . The first three generations of Muhammad’s followers make up the salaf of Islam.
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The supine is a rarely used part of the verb ending in -tum or (in some verbs) -sum. When a verb is given in a dictionary with its four principal parts, such as 'I bring' or 'I send', the supine is the fourth part. The supine is identical in form with the accusative case of 4th declension verbal nouns such as 'arrival', 'movement', 'return', etc., but it differs from them in that it is a verb as well as a noun, and can sometimes take a direct object.
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In grammar, the term verbal case has been used with various meanings. #It may simply indicate the noun-case system of core arguments of the verb, such as nominative, accusative, ergative, absolutive, and sometimes core dative or benefactive. That is, the cases of those nouns most closely associated with the verb, and which may trigger verbal agreement or may be affected by the voice of a clause, rather than the cases of the more peripheral oblique arguments. A verbal case system may thus be synonymous with morphosyntactic alignment.
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Tundra Nenets has two verbal aspectual classes, perfective and imperfective. There are several derivational aspectual suffixes which can change the aspectual class of a verb. For example, imperfectivizing suffixes can be used to express durative, frequentative, multiplicative, and iterative meanings, such as in tola-bə 'to keep counting' (from tola- 'to count'). There are also denominal verbs with the meaning 'to use as X, to have as X', which are formed from the accusative plural stem, such as in səb'i-q' 'to use as a hat' (from səwa 'hat').
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In those sentences, the action (falling, breaking) can be considered as something that happened to the subject, rather than being initiated by it. Semantically, the word "tree" in the sentence "the tree fell" plays a similar role as it does in a transitive sentence, such as "they cut down the tree", or its passive transformation "the tree was cut down". Unaccusative verbs thus contrast with unergative verbs, such as run or resign, which describe actions voluntarily initiated by the subject. They are called unaccusative because although the subject has the semantic role of a patient, it is not assigned accusative case.
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ICTIS INSVLA at roman-britain.org, accessed 7 February 2012 Diodorus gives an account that is generally supposed to be a description of the working of Cornish tin at about the time of the voyage of Pytheas. He says: Looe, Cornwall, another island suggested as Ictis In the Greek text of Diodorus the name appears, in the accusative case, as "Iktin", so that translators have inferred that the nominative form of the name was "Iktis", rendering this into the medieval lingua franca of Latin (which only rarely used the letter 'k') as "Ictis". However, some commentators doubt that "Ictis" is correct and prefer "Iktin".
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Vikāra (Sanskrit:विकार) basically means – change, change of form, change of mind, disease. It is one of the ten categories of causation listed by Vasubandhu in his Madhyānta-Vibhāga-Bhāśya. In the Sanskrit texts, it is used in the Prātiśākhyas that introduce phonic substitutions by mentioning the substituted unit in the nominative ending and the substitute in the accusative ending. According to the Sadvidyā (the science of being) of Uddālaka Āruni, dualistically all things that exist are differentiations, vikāras (transformations) of sat, the primordial being, who is the universal substrate; all things can be identified on account of nāmarūpa (distinct name and form).
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The original Germanic contextual difference between the dative and accusative cases, standardized in modern German and Icelandic, has degenerated in spoken Danish and Swedish, a tendency which spread to Bokmål too. Ivar Aasen treated the dative case in detail in his work, Norsk Grammatik (1848), and use of Norwegian dative as a living grammatical case can be found in a few of the earliest Landsmål texts. However, the dative case has never been part of official Landsmål/Nynorsk. It is, however, present in some spoken dialects north of Oslo, Romsdal, and south and northeast of Trondheim.
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"Case" is a linguistics term regarding a manner of categorizing nouns, pronouns, adjectives, participles, and numerals according to their traditionally corresponding grammatical functions within a given phrase, clause, or sentence. In some languages, nouns, pronouns, adjectives, determiners, participles, prepositions, numerals, articles and their modifiers take different inflected forms, depending on their case. As a language evolves, cases can merge (for instance, in Ancient Greek, the locative case merged with the dative case), a phenomenon formally called syncretism. English has largely lost its inflected case system although personal pronouns still have three cases, which are simplified forms of the nominative, accusative and genitive cases.
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In grammar, a ditransitive (or bitransitive) verb is a verb which takes a subject and two objects which refer to a theme and a recipient. According to certain linguistics considerations, these objects may be called direct and indirect, or primary and secondary. This is in contrast to monotransitive verbs, which take only one object, a direct or primary object. In languages which mark grammatical case, it is common to differentiate the objects of a ditransitive verb using, for example, the accusative case for the direct object, and the dative case for the indirect object (but this morphological alignment is not unique; see below).
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Gradually, the village of Menuls-lès-Saint-Cloud became known as Boulogne-la-Petite, and later as Boulogne-sur-Seine. In 1924, Boulogne-sur- Seine was officially renamed Boulogne-Billancourt to reflect the development of the industrial neighbourhood of Billancourt annexed in 1860 (see history section below). As for the name Billancourt, it was recorded for the first time in 1150 as Bullencort, sometimes also spelled Bollencort. It comes from Medieval Latin cortem, accusative of cors, meaning "enclosure", "estate", suffixed to the Germanic patronym Buolo (meaning "friend, brother, kinsman"), thus having the meaning of "estate of Buolo".
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One obvious change in a modern direction is the indeclinability of many formerly declined nouns, such as corpus. Also, the -m accusative ending disappears, leaving the preceding vowel or replacing it with -o (Italian, Romanian), as in Danubio for Danubium. Syntax. Case variability and loss of agreement in prepositional phrases (inter Danubium Margumque fluminibus), change of participial tense (egressi [...] et transeuntes), loss of subjunctive in favor of indicative, loss of distinction between principal and subordinate clauses, confusion of subordinating conjunctions. Semantics. Different vocabulary appears: germanus for frater, proprius for suus, civitas for urbs, pelagus for mare, etc.
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The term comes from an obsolete Middle English philosophical word that Alpher said he found in Webster's dictionary. The word means something along the lines of "primordial substance from which all matter is formed" (that in ancient mythology of many different cultures was called the cosmic egg) and ultimately derives from the Greek ὕλη (hūlē, hȳlē), "matter", probably through an accusative singular form in Latin hylen, hylem. In an oral history interview in 1968 Gamow talked about ylem as an old Hebrew word. The ylem is what Gamow and colleagues presumed to exist immediately after the Big Bang.
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Meillet completed his doctorate, Research on the Use of the Genitive-Accusative in Old Slavonic, in 1897. In 1902, he took a chair in Armenian at the Institut national des langues et civilisations orientales and took under his wing Hrachia Adjarian, who would become the founder of modern Armenian dialectology. In 1905, he was elected to the Collège de France, where he taught on the history and structure of Indo-European languages. One of his most-quoted statements is that "anyone wishing to hear how Indo-Europeans spoke should come and listen to a Lithuanian peasant".
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The identifying function is exemplified when case morphology encodes (identifies) specific semantic, thematic, or pragmatic properties or information about the nominal argument. Accusative case in the position of the direct object, for example, can be a strong identifier of patienthood. The distinguishing function is used to distinguish between the core arguments, the subject and the object, of a transitive clause. Helen de Hoop and Andrej Malchukov explain the motivation and need for the distinguishing function in "Case marking strategies": It is rare for case to serve only the distinguishing function, which overlaps greatly with the ‘identify’ function.
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Eblaite presents a nominal system that is comparable to that of Akkadian and whose traces are found in certain Semitic languages. In particular, there are three inflectional categories: gender, with masculine and feminine forms; number, with singular, dual, and plural; and finally case, covering both syntactical relationships like the nominative, accusative, and genitive cases, but also more concrete relationships like the dative and locative cases.M. Diakonoff prefers the terms "dative-locative" and "locative-adverbial," rather than the conventional "dative" and "locative," in order to better cover the semantic range of these cases. See Diakonoff, 1990, p.
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Because of this case marking, the word order can be quite free. A specific word order tells the hearer what is new information (focus) versus old information (topic), but it does not mark the subject and the object (in English, word order is fixed -- subject–verb–object). Nouns in Nez Perce are marked based on how they relate to the transitivity of the verb. Subjects in a sentence with a transitive verb take the ergative suffix -nim, objects in a sentence with a transitive verb take the accusative suffix -ne, and subjects in sentences with an intransitive verb don’t take a suffix.
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Greek first declension has two basic classes of feminine endings and one basic class of masculine endings, distinguished by their original nominative singular: long -ā, short -(y)ă, long -ās. But besides the nominative and accusative singular of feminines, and nominative, genitive, and vocative singular of masculines, forms are the same between subclasses. In the Attic dialect, an ā-ē split divides each class into two subclasses: nouns with ᾱ and nouns with η. By contrast, other dialects tend to generalize the vowel one way or the other — Ionic has only ē, and Doric and Aeolic have only ā.
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The name of the region derives from the initial name of the town of Neapoli, Boiai (Ancient Greek: Βοιαί), which is thought to have been founded in the second century BC. (The pronunciation of many Greek vowels and a few consonants has changed over time, and in Modern Greek the feminine accusative and nominative plural are identical, thus ancient Boiai but modern Voies; see Modern Greek phonology and Modern Greek grammar: Feminine Nouns). The ancient writer Pausanias wrote that Boiai was founded "...by Boios, one of the Heraclidae, who is supposed to have gathered the people from three cities: Etis, Aphrodisias and Side".
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Downing, however, feels that the next line, "it's the woman in you that makes you want to play this game", was already outdated when the song was released in the late 1960s. At the time of the song's initial release, Rolling Stone described the lyrics as "quietly accusative". Young himself has claimed that "Cowgirl in the Sand" is about his impression of "beaches in Spain", despite the fact that when he wrote the song he had never been to Spain. Author Ken Bielen suggests an interpretation of the lyrics, in which Young is singing about himself.
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The heritage site in 2004: Runestones are in the foreground; in the background is one of two mounds. The stones are strongly identified with the creation of Denmark as a nation state. Both inscriptions mention the name "Danmark" (in the form of accusative "tanmaurk" () on the large stone, and genitive "tanmarkar" (pronounced ) on the small stone). The larger stone explicitly mentions the conversion of Denmark from Norse paganism and the process of Christianization, alongside a depiction of the crucified Christ; it is therefore popularly dubbed "Denmark's baptismal certificate" (Danmarks dåbsattest), an expression coined by art historian Rudolf Broby-Johansen in the 1930s.
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Verbs which govern the partitive case continue to do so in the passive, and where the object of the action is a personal pronoun, that goes into its special accusative form: minut unohdettiin "I was forgotten". Whether the object of a passive verb should be termed the subject of the clause has been debated, but traditionally Finnish grammars have considered a passive clause to have no subject. Use of the passive voice is not as common in Finnish as in Germanic languages; sentences in the active voice are preferred, if possible. Confusion may result, as the agent is lost and becomes ambiguous.
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Yabem has a nominative-accusative system of alignment, as is evidenced by the pronominal prefixes that appear on verbs that always mark the subject of either a transitive or intransitive verb. There is no case-marking on the nominals themselves, and word order is typically SVO. Examples are from Bradshaw & Czobor (2005:10-34) unless otherwise noted: : ga-sô tuŋ : 1SG-tie fence : 'I tied the fence' : ga-ŋgôŋ : 1SG-sit : 'I remain' Subject prefixes can also occur with full subject pronouns, as is shown in the example below. Both bolded morphemes refer to the first-personal singular.
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Like many Australian languages, Guugu Yimithirr pronouns have accusative morphology while nouns have ergative morphology. That is, the subject of an intransitive verb has the same form as the subject of a transitive verb if the subject is a pronoun, but the same form as the object of a transitive verb otherwise. Regardless of whether nouns or pronouns are used, the usual sentence order is subject–object–verb, although other word orders are possible. The language is notable for its use of pure geographic directions (north, south, east, west) rather than egocentric directions (left, right, forward, backward), though such "purity" is disputed.
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A type of archaism is the use of thou, the second-person singular pronoun that fell out of general use in the 17th century, while you or ye, formerly only used to address groups, and then also to respectfully address individuals, is now used to address both individuals and groups. Thou is the nominative form; the oblique/objective form is thee (functioning as both accusative and dative), and the possessive is thy or thine. > Though thou hast ever so many counsellors, yet do not forsake the counsel of > thy own soul. :— English proverb > Today me, tomorrow thee.
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Pesetsky was elected a Fellow of the American Association for the Advancement of Science in 2011, and a Fellow of the Linguistic Society of America in 2013. He has published articles and books within the framework of generative grammar. A specialist in syntax, he has published on the cross-linguistic properties of wh-movement as well as the theory of argument structure. In a collaboration with Esther Torrego, he developed a theory of grammatical case in noun phrases, arguing that nominative and accusative cases are the mirror image for the nominal system of phi feature agreement in the verbal system.
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The word count came into English from the French comte, itself from Latin comes—in its accusative comitem—meaning “companion”, and later “companion of the emperor, delegate of the emperor”. The adjective form of the word is "comital". The British and Irish equivalent is an earl (whose wife is a "countess", for lack of an English term). In the late Roman Empire, the Latin title comes denoted the high rank of various courtiers and provincial officials, either military or administrative: before Anthemius became emperor in the West in 467, he was military comes charged with strengthening defenses on the Danube frontier.
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The gender and number of the object noun, not the subject, dictates the gender and number suffixes on the verb . Two other word orders that occur in Paumarí transitive phrases are OVS and SOV. In these cases, the object is marked with a suffix denoting it as such (-ra) and is placed directly before the verb. In these cases, it is thought that the accusative system has taken over, as the subject of the sentence no longer receives the ergative suffix ‘-a’ and is free to occur at the beginning or end of the phrase (but not directly before the verb).
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According to her, dahm was not a (masculine plural) noun, but an (accusative singular feminine) adjective "used exclusively of Afriti among the divine beings." The mistranslation became the standard name of the prayer, and ultimately embodied as that of a yazata. The potency of the Dahma Afriti invocation is also mentioned in the Vendidad as Ahura Mazda's reward for a cure for disease (Vendidad 22.5). It is also the payment a priest may give for medicinal services rendered unto him (Vendidad 7.41, 9.37), which – a Zend commentary explains - is more valuable than any other form of payment.
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English, for example, is related to both German and Russian but is more closely related to the former than to the latter. Although all three languages share a common ancestor, Proto-Indo-European, English and German also share a more recent common ancestor, Proto-Germanic, but Russian does not. Therefore, English and German are considered to belong to a different subgroup, the Germanic languages.. Shared retentions from the parent language are not sufficient evidence of a sub-group. For example, German and Russian both retain from Proto-Indo-European a contrast between the dative case and the accusative case, which English has lost.
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Case attraction is the process by which a relative pronoun takes on (is "attracted to") the case of its antecedent rather than having the case appropriate to its function in the relative clause. For example, in the following English sentence, the relative pronoun has the appropriate case, the accusative: :This is the boss of the man whom I met yesterday. The following erroneous sentence, on the other hand, has case attraction: :This is the boss of the man whose I met yesterday. Because the antecedent, "[of] the man", is possessive, the relative pronoun has become possessive as well.
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Like other modern Iranian languages there is no distinction between the dative and accusative cases, and the nominative in the sentence takes almost no indicators but with word order (depending on dialects it may end in a/o/e). Since Mazanderani lacks articles, there is no inflection for nouns in the sentence (no modifications for nouns). For definition, nouns are added with e at end (me dətere meaning The daughter of mine while me dəter means my daughter). The indefinite article for single nouns is a-tā with tā for determination of number (a-tā kijā meaning a girl).
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A special set of grammatical forms used in indirect speech in Latin: the main verbs of statements and rhetorical questions are changed into one of the tenses of the infinitive; most other verbs are put into the subjunctive mood. When the verb is an infinitive, its subject (unless the introductory verb is passive) is put into the accusative case. For subjunctive mood verbs, the writer can choose whether to use historic tenses (imperfect and pluperfect) or primary ones (present and perfect). The use of primary tenses in a past-time context is referred to in grammar books as .
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In the aorist series, intransitive verbs behave differently. Second conjugation verbs behave as would normally be expected in an ergative language: the subject is declined in the least-marked case, the nominative case (terminologically equivalent in this instance to absolutive cases in other languages). Third conjugation verbs behave as if they belonged to an accusative system: the most-marked case (the ergative) marks the subject. The division between second and third conjugations is a convenient way to remember the difference, but in fact they both contain intransitive verbs, and as a whole the behaviour of these verbs follows an active alignment.
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Voklo was attested in written sources in 1238 as Hv̊lwe (and as apud Hvlwin in 1238, Hulven in 1270, and Hůlben in 1349). The Slovene name is derived from (v) Lókvo (literally, 'to the watering hole'), thus referring to a local geographical feature. Phonologically, it is the result of a dialect development in which l- > w- (lokev > wọ́ku, genitive wọ́kwe) followed by dissimilation of the genitive (wọ́kwe > wọ́kle), creation of the new feminine nominative wọ́kla, and subsequent reanalysis of the accusative wọ́klo as a neuter nominative. In the local dialect, the name of the village is Wọ́ku (genitive Wọ́kləga).
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Grammatical differences include the use of , , and as relative particles, negative , and various differences in verbal and pronominal morphology and syntax. Later pre-exilic Biblical Hebrew (such as is found in prose sections of the Pentateuch, Nevi'im, and some Ketuvim) is known as 'Biblical Hebrew proper' or 'Standard Biblical Hebrew'. This is dated to the period from the 8th to the 6th century BCE. In contrast to Archaic Hebrew, Standard Biblical Hebrew is more consistent in using the definite article , the accusative marker , distinguishing between simple and waw-consecutive verb forms, and in using particles like and rather than asyndeton.
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Herbert Weir Smyth, A Greek Grammar for Colleges § 1973 :(3) When the infinitival subject is co-referential either with the object of the main verb or some other argument constructed in a higher syntactic level, eg. a dative of interest with an impersonal verb or verbal expression, then it is usually omitted within the infinitival clause, and any predicate adjective or participle etc. stands in whichsoever case the main verb's argument stands.Herbert Weir Smyth, A Greek Grammar for Colleges § 937 But it is not unusual at all that an accusative be present or—more usually—understood by a predicate adjective, participle etc.
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According to Fortunatov's 1895 theory, the verbosity in the "Proto-Lithuanian-Slavic" language shifts the stress from the preceding syllable if the articulation did not have an extension. Thus, in the word for "beard" in Russian and Lithuanian, the accent shifted from the root to the ending since the root had an intermittent length, and the ending is the extended length. However, in the word "crow" in Russian and Lithuanian the accent was preserved in the root since it is elongated. In Russian and Lithuanian the word (“beard”) had no accent shift since the ending of the accusative case has an intermittent length.
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The word is a pseudo-Latin neologism (real Latin: adamans, from original Greek ἀδάμας [=indomitable]; adamantem [Latin accusative]) based on the English noun and adjective adamant (and the derived adjective adamantine) added to the neo- Latin suffix "-ium." The adjective adamant has long been used to refer to the property of impregnable, diamondlike hardness, or to describe a very firm/resolute position (e.g. He adamantly refused to leave). The noun adamant describes any impenetrably or unyieldingly hard substance and, formerly, a legendary stone/rock or mineral of impenetrable hardness and with many other properties, often identified with diamond or lodestone.
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In this case, clitic doubling can be a colloquial alternative of the more formal or bookish passive voice, which would be constructed as follows: : :(lit. "Petar and Ivan were eaten by the wolves.") Clitic doubling is also fully obligatory, both in the spoken and in the written norm, in clauses including several special expressions that use the short accusative and dative pronouns such as "" (I feel like playing), студено ми е (I am cold), and боли ме ръката (my arm hurts): : :(lit. "To me to me it- feels-like-sleeping, and to Ivan to him it-feels-like-playing") :Transl.
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Work on stochastic methods for tagging Koine Greek (DeRose 1990) has used over 1,000 parts of speech and found that about as many words were ambiguous in that language as in English. A morphosyntactic descriptor in the case of morphologically rich languages is commonly expressed using very short mnemonics, such as Ncmsan for Category=Noun, Type = common, Gender = masculine, Number = singular, Case = accusative, Animate = no. The most popular "tag set" for POS tagging for American English is probably the Penn tag set, developed in the Penn Treebank project. It is largely similar to the earlier Brown Corpus and LOB Corpus tag sets, though much smaller.
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Ever since its decipherment, research of Sumerian has been made difficult not only by the lack of any native speakers, but also by the relative sparseness of linguistic data, the apparent lack of a closely related language, and the features of the writing system.Typologically, as mentioned above, Sumerian is classified as an agglutinative, split ergative, and subject-object-verb language. It behaves as a nominative–accusative language in the 1st and 2nd persons of the incomplete tense-aspect, but as ergative–absolutive in most other forms of the indicative mood. Sumerian nouns are organized in two grammatical genders based on animacy: animate and inanimate.
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Quantifier Scope Theory explained by Baek and Lee (2004) in their research study also supports the Theme-Goal structure introduced previously. When there is more than one quantifier involved in a DOC example in Korean, the Dative-Accusative (Goal-Theme) construction causes ambiguity while the opposite structure does not. An example provided by Baek and Lee (2004) is as follows: _Ambiguous Case:_ :(25a) Mary-nun motun hagsaeng-eykey etten eumsig-lul cwuessta : Mary-Top every student-Dat some food-Acc gave. :'Mary gave every student some food' _Unambiguous Case:_ :(25b) Mary-nun motun eumsig-lul etten hagsaeng-eykey cwuessta : Mary-Top every food- Acc some student-Dat gave.
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Ugaritic is an inflected language, and its grammatical features are highly similar to those found in Classical Arabic and Akkadian. It possesses two genders (masculine and feminine), three grammatical cases for nouns and adjectives (nominative, accusative, and genitive), three numbers (singular, dual, and plural), and verb aspects similar to those found in other Northwest Semitic languages. The word order for Ugaritic is verb–subject–object (VSO) and subject–object–verb (SOV), possessed–possessor (NG), and noun–adjective (NA). Ugaritic is considered a conservative Semitic language, since it retains most of the phonemes, the case system, and the word order of the ancestral Proto-Semitic language.
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"Between you and I" is an English phrase that has drawn considerable interest from linguists, grammarians, and stylists. It is commonly used by style guides as a convenient label for a construction where the nominative/subjective form of pronouns is used for two pronouns joined by and in circumstances where the accusative/oblique case would be used for a single pronoun, typically following a preposition, but also as the object of a transitive verb. One frequently cited use of the phrase occurs in Shakespeare's The Merchant of Venice (1596–98). According to many style guides, the Shakespearian character who used the phrase should have written "between you and me".
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Data from ninth-graders and their parents indicated little regional variation, but a significant variation between children and their parents, with children being more likely to pick the "correct" pronoun or, in technical terms, to show "accusative case concord with conjoined pronouns". Chambers's explanation is that the children are likely to have had better education than their parents, and a study from 2008 of seven regions across Canada likewise showed that concord increased as the level of education increased. Chambers investigates a number of explanations offered, and accepts as one reason that the mistake occurs because of the considerable distance between the preposition and the second pronoun.
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It is sometimes argued that a certain usage is more logical than another, or that it is more consistent with other usages, by analogy with different grammatical constructions. For instance, it may be argued that the accusative form must be used for the components of a coordinate construction where it would be used for a single pronoun. Speakers and writers frequently do not consider it necessary to justify their positions on a particular usage, taking its correctness or incorrectness for granted. In some cases, people believe an expression to be incorrect partly because they also falsely believe it to be newer than it really is.
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Unstressed appears only in rare loanwords, in compound words (in this case it may be considered to have secondary stress; most notably, occurs in words containing the parts 'three-' and 'four-'), in derivatives of the name of the letter itself ( - yoficator), in loanwords ( - adjective from , from - surfer, - , - ). In modern Russian, the reflex of Common Slavonic under stress and following a palatalized consonant but not preceding a palatalized consonant is . Compare, for example, Russian mojo ("my" neuter nominative and accusative singular) and Polish/Czech/Slovak/Serbo-Croatian/Slovenian moje. However, since the sound change took place after the introduction of writing, the letter continued to be written in that position.
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The Old Norse form of the name were Øyja (accusative case and dative case) which comes from the word Øyi (nominative case). Two lakes in Norway had the name Øyi(r) in Norse times (now called Øymark and Øyeren), and these names are derived from the word øy which means "flat and fertile land along the edge of the water". This name is probably given to this area because the Lågen river widens out in the central part of the municipality and creates two river-lakes (called the Jemnefjorden and Gildbusfjorden). Øyi was probably the old name of one (or both) of these "fjords".
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Ido has a different form for each verbal tense (past, present, future, volitive and imperative) plus an infinitive, and both a present and past participle. There are though no verbal inflections for person or number, and all verbs are regular. Nouns are marked for number (singular and plural), and the accusative case may be shown in certain situations, typically when the direct object of a sentence precedes its verb. On the other hand, adjectives are unmarked for gender, number or case (unless they stand on their own, without a noun, in which case they take on the same desinences as the missing noun would have taken).
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John Wycliffe (1380s) used the spelling Ihesus and also used Ihesu ('J' was then a swash glyph variant of 'I', not considered to be a separate letter until the 1629 Cambridge 1st Revision King James Bible where "Jesus" 1st appeared) in oblique cases, and also in the accusative, and sometimes, apparently without motivation, even for the nominative. Tyndale in the 16th century has the occasional Iesu in oblique cases and in the vocative; The 1611 King James Version uses Iesus throughout, regardless of syntax. Jesu came to be used in English, especially in hymns. Jesu ( ; from Latin Iesu) is sometimes used as the vocative of Jesus in English.
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Kamal ad-Din (, Kamāl ad-Dīn) is a male Muslim given name or surname (laqab in Arabic), meaning "perfection of the religion" in Arabic. The name is formed from the elements kamāl (), al- (), and dīn (). It is often transliterated as Kamāl al-Dīn, but because the letter dāl (, d) is a sun letter, the lām (, l) of al- assimilates into the first letter of dīn in pronunciation, resulting in a doubled consonant. In Classical Arabic the pronunciation of the name changes depending on its function. Thus, the nominative case of the name is Kamaluddin (Kamālu’d-Dīn), the accusative case is Kamaladdin (Kamāla’d-Dīn), and the genitive case is Kamaliddin (Kamāli’d-Dīn).
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Another common classification distinguishes nominative–accusative alignment patterns and ergative–absolutive ones. In a language with cases, the classification depends on whether the subject (S) of an intransitive verb has the same case as the agent (A) or the patient (P) of a transitive verb. If a language has no cases, but the word order is AVP or PVA, then a classification may reflect whether the subject of an intransitive verb appears on the same side as the agent or the patient of the transitive verb. Bickel (2011) has argued that alignment should be seen as a construction-specific property rather than a language- specific property.
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Marianna Pineda (1925–1996) was an American sculptor who worked in a stylized realist tradition. The female figure was typically her subject matter, often in a striking or expressive pose. Major work included an eight-foot bronze statue of the Hawaiian Queen Lili’uokalani, for a site between the Hawaii State Capitol and Iolani Palace, which she used as the subject matter of Search for the Queen, a 1996 documentary she produced on the life of her subject and the sculpture-making process. Other significant work includes the figure of a seated woman in The Accusative for a site in the Honolulu, Hawaii offices of the Commission on the Status of Women.
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The Merriam-Webster Dictionary of English Usage (Merriam-Webster, 1989), pp. 566-67. However, modern grammarians such as Rodney Huddleston and Geoffrey K. Pullum deny that such a rule exists in English and claim that such opinions "confuse correctness with formality". This argument for it is I is based on the model of Latin, where the complement of the finite copula is always in the nominative case (and where, unlike English, nominative and accusative are distinguished morphologically in all nominal parts of speech and not just in pronouns).Peter V. Jones and Keith C. Sidwell, An Independent Study Guide to Reading Latin (Cambridge University Press, 2000: ), p. 11.
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Pronouns such as whom and him (contrasted with who and he), are a conflation of the old accusative and dative cases, as well as of the genitive case after prepositions (while her also includes the genitive case). This conflated form is called the oblique case or the object (objective) case, because it is used for objects of verbs (direct, indirect, or oblique) as well as for objects of prepositions. (See object pronoun.) The information formerly conveyed by distinct case forms is now mostly provided by prepositions and word order. In Old English as well as modern German and Icelandic as further examples, these cases had distinct forms.
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The other was to throw an irate accusative tantrum at poor, downtrodden Fred, with the words, "Every time [such-and-such happens], you always go berserk" The word berserk was given great emphasis, as "Ber-Serk", and always had a successful comedic effect as Fred would wilt under the onslaught. Fred also had a catchphrase; always uttering an affected, over-the-top, supposed-upper class "Yai-sss", accompanied by tilted head, sycophantic smile and rapid eye-blinking, in response to Thora's request for confirmation (e.g. "Isn't that right, Fred?") on some point she was making to any member of the group she was aspiring to equal socially.
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239–169 BC), the leading figure in the Hellenization of Latin literature, considered Pluto a Greek god to be explained in terms of the Roman equivalents Dis Pater and Orcus.Pluto Latine est Dis pater, alii Orcum vocant ("In Latin, Pluto is Dis Pater; others call him Orcus"): Ennius, Euhemerus frg. 7 in the edition of Vahlen = Var. 78 = E.H. Warmington, Remains of Old Latin (Heinemann, 1940), vol. 1, p. 421. The Augustan poet Horace retains the Greek accusative form of the noun (Plutona instead of Latin Plutonem) at Carmen 2.14.7, as noted by John Conington, P. Vergili Maronis Opera (London, 1883), vol. 3, p. 36.
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The company's innovations did not all become successful. One side effort of the company was the failed bank Tusa (the Irish word for you in the accusative case), a joint venture with TSB Bank (now part of Permanent TSB). A joint venture with Texaco to introduce small Superquinn convenience stores at petrol forecourts, SuperQ, also failed. Perhaps more importantly for the company was its failure to expand - Superquinn had less than a third of the branches of its other full-service rivals, Tesco Ireland and Dunnes Stores, and was even eclipsed by discount stores Aldi and Lidl, who have been very aggressive in acquiring sites compared to Superquinn.
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Hjemmeluftbukta is an often used example for how the Norwegianization of the indigenous Sámi language names in Northern Norway have often created meaningless names. In the Northern Sámi language the name Jiepmaluokta is "bay of seals" while the Norwegian name Hjemmeluftbukta is an adaption of the Sámi name and is translated to "home air bay". The ending -luft (air) comes from the accusative and genitive form of the Sámi noun luokta (bay) or "luovtta" which is pronounced "luofta". The Norwegian version's hjemme- (home) may indicate that at an earlier stage the toponym was Jiemmaluokta - the difference being that jiepma is rendered in genitive, making the name mean "seal's bay".
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The modern objective case pronoun whom is derived from the dative case in Old English, specifically the Old English dative pronoun "hwām" (as opposed to the modern subjective "who", which descends from Old English "hwā") – though "whom" also absorbed the functions of the Old English accusative pronoun "hwone". It is also cognate to the word "wem" (the dative form of "wer") in German. The OED defines all classical uses of the word "whom" in situations where the indirect object is not known – in effect, indicating the anonymity of the indirect object. Likewise, some of the object forms of personal pronouns are remnants of Old English datives.
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There is also an impersonal construction where the active verb is used (in third person singular) with no subject, but with the reflexive pronoun się present to indicate a general, unspecified subject (as in pije się wódkę "vodka is being drunk"—note that wódka appears in the accusative). A similar sentence type in the past tense uses the passive participle with the ending -o, as in widziano ludzi ("people were seen"). As in other Slavic languages, there are also subjectless sentences formed using such words as można ("it is possible") together with an infinitive. Yes-no questions (both direct and indirect) are formed by placing the word czy at the start.
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Negation uses the word nie, before the verb or other item being negated; nie is still added before the verb even if the sentence also contains other negatives such as nigdy ("never") or nic ("nothing"), effectively creating a double negative. Cardinal numbers have a complex system of inflection and agreement. Zero and cardinal numbers higher than five (except for those ending with the digit 2, 3 or 4 but not ending with 12, 13 or 14) govern the genitive case rather than the nominative or accusative. Special forms of numbers (collective numerals) are used with certain classes of noun, which include dziecko ("child") and exclusively plural nouns such as drzwi ("door").
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Hilalian dialects, on which the modern koine is based, often use regular plural while the wider use of the broken plural is characteristic to pre-Hilalian dialects. The regular masculine plural is formed with the suffix -in, which derives from the Classical Arabic genitive and accusative ending -īna rather than the nominative -ūna: ::mumen (believer) → mumnin For feminine nouns, the regular plural is obtained by suffixing -at: :: Classical Arabic: bint (girl) → banat :: Algerian Arabic: bent → bnat The broken plural can be found for some plurals in Hilalian dialects, but it is mainly used, for the same words, in pre-Hilalian dialects: :: Broken plural: ṭabla → ṭwabəl.
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The Ancient Greek historian Herodotus mentions the city as Siris (Σίρις) in the 5th century BC. Theopompus refers to the city as Sirra (Σίρρα). Later, it is mentioned as Sirae, in the plural, by the Roman historian Livy. Since then the name of the city has remained plural and by the 5th century AD it was already in the contemporary form as Serrae or Sérrai (Σέρραι) (plural), which remained the Katharevousa form for the name till modern times. In the local Greek dialect, the city is still known as "ta Serras" (τα Σέρρας), which is actually a corruption of the plural accusative "tas Serras" (τας Σέρρας) of the archaic form "Serrae".
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The articular infinitiveHerbert Weir Smyth §§ 2025-2037 corresponds to a cognate verbal noun (in singular number only). It is preceded by the neuter singular article (, , , ) and has the character and function of both a noun and a verbal form. It can be used in any case (nominative, genitive, dative, accusative) and thus participate in a construction just like any other noun: it can be subject, object (direct or indirect), predicative expression (rarely), or it may also serve as an apposition; it may have an adnominal (e.g. to be in a genitive construction as a possessive or objective genitive etc.) or an adverbial use (e.g.
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Plato, Hippias Major, 282e :: almost in-some-degree proi think-I [meACC more money have-earnedINF than othersACC two-togetherACC [whoever like-you] of-the sopisths]. (literal translation) :: Ii pretty well think Ii have earned more money than any other two sophists together of your choice. (idiomatic translation) Here the unemphatic dropped null-subject (if emphatic, a 1st person pronoun ἐγώi NOM should be present) of the main verb is emphatically repeated right after the verb within the infinitival clause in accusative case (ἐμέ, "I"). The meaning is ‘I believe that it is I who have made more money than any other two sophists together – you may choose whoever you like’.
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The Kayardild language is an agglutinating, completely suffixing member of the Tangkic languages, but unlike most Australian languages, including others classified under Tangkic including Yukulta, Kayardild exhibits a case morphology that is accusative, rather than ergative. Etymologically Kayardild is a compound formed from ka (ng) 'language' and yardild (a) 'strong', thus meaning 'strong language'. Analysis of the grammar of Kayardild revealed that it provided an empirical challenge to a theorem regarding putative linguistic universals in natural languages. Steven Pinker and Paul Bloom asserted that "no language uses noun affixes to express tense", a claim that reflected a tradition in Western thought going back to Aristotle.
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In the data, the morpheme "–a" is the partitive morpheme. In 15b, the verb "shot" takes a partitive object and specifies the activities of "shooting without killing" or "shooting at but not necessarily hitting". In 15c, the verb takes an accusative object and denotes accomplishment of hitting and killing. Hence, the difference of unboundness or boundness in the verb, whether the bear was hit (and killed) by the bullet or not, is reflected by the difference in the morphology of the object. The common factor between aspectual and NP-related functions of the partitive case is the process of marking a verb phrase’s (VP) unboundness.
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For first- and second-declension nouns accented on the ultima and third-declension nouns with a single-syllable stem, the strong cases (nominative and accusative) have one type of accent, and the weak cases (genitive and dative) have another. Specifically, the first- and second-declension nouns have acute (´) in the strong cases, but circumflex (ˆ) in the weak cases. Third-declension nouns have the accent on the stem in the strong cases, but the ending in the weak cases. Both of these patterns can be summarized by a single rule suggested by Paul Kiparsky: pre- ending accent in the strong cases and post-stem accent in the weak cases.
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However, upon reading Brian's message and realising that its grammar is atrocious, the centurion instead corrects Brian's mistakes in the manner of a traditional strict Latin teacher, as what he has written translates to "People called 'Romanes' they go the house." He forces Brian to use the proper imperative and accusative cases and write the correct phrase, ', 100 times, threatening to "cut [his] balls off" if he has not done so by sunrise next morning. Brian does so, covering nearly every surface of the plaza with the graffiti. When he does complete the task in the following morning, the soldier guarding him tells him "don't do it again" and leaves with his partner.
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Thus for example he criticises Addison's sentence "Who should I meet the other night, but my old friend?" on the grounds that the thing acted upon should be in the "Objective Case", corresponding, as he says earlier, to an accusative in Latin. (Descriptive critics, on the other hand, would take this example and others as evidence from noted writers that "who" can refer to direct objects in English.) Lowth's ipse dixits appealed to those who wished for certainty and authority in their language. Lowth's grammar was not written for children; nonetheless, within a decade of its appearance, versions of it were adapted for schools, and Lowth's stylistic opinions acquired the force of law in the classroom.
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The Lebanese Pound ( līra Libnāniyya; French: livre libanaise; sign: , ISO 4217: LBP) is the currency of Lebanon. It used to be divided into 100 piastres (or qirsh) but high inflation during the Lebanese Civil War (1975-1990) eliminated the need for subdivisions. The Lebanese Pound is also known as the Lebanese Lira. The plural form of lira, as used on the currency, is either lirat (ليرات līrāt) or invariant, whilst there were four forms for qirsh: the dual qirshān (قرشان) used with number 2, the plural qurush (قروش) used with numbers 3–10, the accusative singular qirshan (قرشا) used with 11–99, and the genitive singular qirshi (قرش) used with multiples of 100.
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One other woman in Iceland was already registered at the time with the name Blær, and two declensions (sets of case forms)—one masculine and one feminine—exist for the name.As a masculine name, is declined in Icelandic grammar as (nominative), (accusative/dative), and (genitive). As a feminine name, the declension is (N), (A), (D), and (G). See On 31 January 2013, the Reykjavík district court ruled in the family's favour and overruled the naming committee, finding that could in fact be both a man's and a woman's name and that Blær had a constitutional right to her own name, and rejecting government claims that it was necessary to deny her request in order to protect the Icelandic language.
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By the year 1500 the number of cases in Old Swedish had been reduced from four (nominative, genitive, dative and accusative) to two (nominative and genitive). The dative case, however, lived on in a few dialects well into the 20th century. Other major changes include the loss of a separate inflectional system for masculine and feminine nouns, pronouns and adjectives in the course of the 15th century, leaving only two genders in the standard Swedish language, although three genders are still common in many of the dialects. The old dative forms of the personal pronouns became the object forms (honom, henne, dem; him, her, them) and -s became more common as the ending for the genitive singular.
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In Hungarian, verbs have polypersonal agreement, which means they agree with more than one of the verb's arguments: not only its subject but also its (accusative) object. Difference is made between the case when there is a definite object and the case when the object is indefinite or there is no object at all. (The adverbs do not affect the form of the verb.) Examples: Szeretek (I love somebody or something unspecified), szeretem (I love him, her, it, or them, specifically), szeretlek (I love you); szeret (he loves me, us, you, someone, or something unspecified), szereti (he loves her, him, it, or them specifically). Of course, nouns or pronouns may specify the exact object.
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For example, Mary gave the apples is ungrammatical in this sense. A fundamental hypothesis of case grammar is that grammatical functions, such as subject or object, are determined by the deep, semantic valence of the verb, which finds its syntactic correlate in such grammatical categories as Subject and Object, and in grammatical cases such as Nominative and Accusative. Fillmore (1968) puts forwards the following hierarchy for a universal subject selection rule: > Agent < Instrumental < Objective That means that if the case frame of a verb contains an agent, this one is realized as the subject of an active sentence; otherwise, the deep case following the agent in the hierarchy (i.e. Instrumental) is promoted to subject.
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The modern French name is derived from the accusative case of the latter, . Sarcophagus of Jovinus (Musée Saint-Remi) Christianity had become established in the city by 260, at which period Saint Sixtus of Reims founded the Diocese of Reims (which would be elevated to an archdiocese around 750). The consul Jovinus, an influential supporter of the new faith, repelled the Alamanni who invaded Champagne in 336; but the Vandals captured the city in 406 and slew Bishop Nicasius; and in 451 Attila the Hun put Reims to fire and sword. Saint Remigius, Bishop of Reims, begging of Clovis the restitution of the Sacred Vase taken by the Franks in the pillage of Soissons.
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Latin being an inflected language, names in a Latin context may have different word-endings to those shown here, which are given in the nominative case. For instance Roma (Rome) may appear as Romae meaning "at Rome" (locative), "of Rome" (genitive) or "to/for Rome" (dative), as Romam meaning "Rome" as a direct object (accusative), or indeed as Romā with a long a, probably not indicated in the orthography, meaning "by, with or from Rome" (ablative). Similarly names ending in -um or -us may occur with -i or -o, and names ending in -us may occur with -um. The words urbs and civitas may occur as urbis, urbi, or urbe, and civitatis, civitati or civitate.
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The hyphen is also occasionally used to clarify compounds, and to join grammatical suffixes to proper names that haven't been Esperantized or don't have a nominal -o suffix, such as the accusative on Kalocsay-n or Kálmán-on. The proximate particle ĉi used with correlatives, such as ĉi tiu 'this one' and ĉi tie 'here', may be poetically used with nouns and verbs as well (ĉi jaro 'this year', esti ĉi 'to be here'), but if these phrases are then changed to adjectives or adverbs, a hyphen is used: ĉi-jare 'this year', ĉi-landa birdo 'a bird of this land'.Kalocsay and Waringhien, §54. Quotation marks show the greatest variety of any punctuation.
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Morphological case is related to structural Case (based on syntax) in the following ways: Structural Case is a condition for arguments that originates from a relational head (e.g. verb), while morphological case is a property that depends on the NP or DP complement. The relationship between morphological case and structural case is evident in how morphological case is subject to case agreement whereby the morphological case appearing on a DP must be licensed by the syntactic context of the DP. In much of the transformational grammar literature, morphological cases are viewed as determined by the syntactic configuration. In particular, the accusative case is assigned through a structural relation between the verbal head and its complement.
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He proposed the reduction of the alphabet to 22 letters (by eliminating the accented letters and most of their sounds), the change of the plural to -i, the use of a positional accusative instead of the ending -n, the removal of the distinction between adjectives and adverbs, the reduction of the number of participles from six to two, and the replacement of the table of correlatives with more Latinate words or phrases. These reforms were overwhelmingly rejected, but some were picked up in subsequent reforms (such as Ido) and criticisms of the language. In the following decade Esperanto spread into western Europe, especially France. By 1905 there were already 27 magazines being published (Auld 1988).
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From mula (=mule) a cross between a horse and a donkey or from the Arabic term muwallad, which means "a person of mixed ancestry" ;Negro :Negro means "black" in Spanish and Portuguese being from the Latin word niger (Dative nigro, Accusative nigrum) and the Greek word Νέγρος Negros both of the same meaning. It came to English through the Portuguese and Spanish slave trade. Prior to the 1970s, it was the dominant term for Black people of African origin; in most English language contexts (except its inclusion in the names of some organizations founded when the term had currency, e.g. the United Negro College Fund), it is now considered either archaic or a slur.
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Remnants of the Old English case system in Modern English are in the forms of a few pronouns (such as I/me/mine, she/her, who/whom/whose) and in the possessive ending -'s, which derives from the masculine and neuter genitive ending -es. The modern English plural ending -(e)s derives from the Old English -as, but the latter applied only to "strong" masculine nouns in the nominative and accusative cases; different plural endings were used in other instances. Old English nouns had grammatical gender, while modern English has only natural gender. Pronoun usage could reflect either natural or grammatical gender when those conflicted, as in the case of , a neuter noun referring to a female person.
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The linguistic evidence has indisputably shown that the roots of the Romani language lie in India: the language has grammatical characteristics of Indian languages and shares with them a large part of the basic lexicon, for example, regarding body parts or daily routines. More exactly, Romani shares the basic lexicon with Hindi and Punjabi. It shares many phonetic features with Marwari, while its grammar is closest to Bengali. Romani and Domari share some similarities: agglutination of postpositions of the second Layer (or case marking clitics) to the nominal stem, concord markers for the past tense, the neutralisation of gender marking in the plural, and the use of the oblique case as an accusative.
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Because Norman was spoken primarily by the elites and nobles, while the lower classes continued speaking Anglo-Saxon (English), the main influence of Norman was the introduction of a wide range of loanwords related to politics, legislation and prestigious social domains. Middle English also greatly simplified the inflectional system, probably in order to reconcile Old Norse and Old English, which were inflectionally different but morphologically similar. The distinction between nominative and accusative cases was lost except in personal pronouns, the instrumental case was dropped, and the use of the genitive case was limited to indicating possession. The inflectional system regularised many irregular inflectional forms, and gradually simplified the system of agreement, making word order less flexible.
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For compound numerals, there are two variants: either genitive plural is used (21 eur, 22 eur) or the form is determined by the unit part of the numeral (21 euro, 22 eura). The partitive genitive is used only when the whole numeral phrase is in nominative or accusative phrases, otherwise the expected case is used: sedm eur (7 euros-genitive), but se sedmi eury (with seven-instrumental euro-instrumental). Moreover, these otherwise common declensions are often ignored and non-declined euro is used for every value (22 euro), even though this form is proscribed. In Czech euro is of neuter gender and inflected as město, while cent is masculine and inflected as hrad.
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It partially shares Anglo-Frisian's (Old Frisian, Old English) Ingvaeonic nasal spirant law which sets it apart from Low Franconian and Irminonic languages, such as Dutch, Luxembourgish and German. The grammar of Old Saxon was fully inflected with five grammatical cases (nominative, accusative, genitive, dative, and instrumental), three grammatical numbers (singular, plural, and dual) and three grammatical genders (masculine, feminine, and neuter). The dual forms occurred in the first and second persons only and referred to groups of two. Historically, Old Saxon and Old Dutch were considered to be distinct dialects of an otherwise unitary language rather than two languages, primarily because they were linked through a dialect continuum spanning the modern Netherlands and Germany.
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William Watson Goodwin, Syntax of the Moods and Tenses of the Greek Verb § §136 Yet it can be also in use with any infinitival use, no matter whether indirect speech is involved or not. In the following examples the infinitival clause is put in square brackets []: :: ::say some-people [SocratesACC wiseACC beINF] literal translation (Subject and predicate adjective are in accusative case) :: Some people say that Socrates is (or: was) wise. idiomatic translation :: :: pro3rd pl consider [Socrates ACC wise ACC be INF] literal translation (as stated before) :: They consider Socrates to be (or: to have been) wise. idiomatic translation :: Oratio Recta/Direct speech for both above examples would have been: ΣωκράτηςNOM σοφόςNOM ἐστινFIN (or ).
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Hyria (Ionic: Ὑρίη, Hyriē; Koine: Ὑρία, Hyria;Plutarch's Moralia: De Exilio P536) is a toponym mentioned in Homer's Catalogue of Ships, where the leading position in the list is given to the contingents from Boeotia, where Hyria and stony Aulis, where the fleet assembled, lead the list.Iliad II.496: Ὑρίην "Hyria (accusative)"; E.V. Rieu renders the placename as Hyrie. The site was assigned to the territory of Tanagra by Strabo,IX.404. Strabo's passage is considered to have been taken in its entirety from Apollodorus of Athens' Commentary on the Catalogue of Ships, according to Carl W. Blegen, "Hyria" Hesperia Supplements 8 Commemorative Studies in Honor of Theodore Leslie Shear (1949:39-42,442-443) p. 39.
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Both Khanty and Mansi are basically nominative–accusative languages but have innovative morphological ergativity. In an ergative construction, the object is given the same case as the subject of an intransitive verb, and the locative is used for the agent of the transitive verb (as an instrumental) . This may be used with some specific verbs, for example "to give": the literal Anglicisation would be "by me (subject) a fish (object) gave to you (indirect object)" for the equivalent of the sentence "I gave a fish to you". However, the ergative is a morphological (marked using a case) only, not syntactic, so that, in addition, these may be passivized in a way resembling English.
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This is due to Gilles Ménage's translation of a passage from Plutarch's On the Apparent Face in the Orb of the Moon. Plutarch reported that Cleanthes (a contemporary of Aristarchus and head of the Stoics) as a worshiper of the Sun and opponent to the heliocentric model, was jokingly told by Aristarchus that he should be charged with impiety. Gilles Ménage, shortly after the trials of Galileo and Giordano Bruno, amended an accusative (identifying the object of the verb) with a nominative (the subject of the sentence), and vice versa, so that the impiety accusation fell over the heliocentric sustainer. The resulting misconception of an isolated and persecuted Aristarchus is still transmitted today.
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In Asia Minor, Greek varieties existed not only in the broader area of Cappadocia, but also in the western coast. The most characteristic is the dialect of Smyrna which had a number of distinguishing features, such as certain differences in the accusative and genitive cases of the definite article; the Greek speakers of the area had also incorporated into their dialect many French words. Constantinopolitan Greek, on the other side, has very few dialectal features, and it is very close to what scholars call "Modern Greek Koiné."Kontosopoulos (2008), 114–116; Trudgill (2003), 60 Another Greek outlying dialect was spoken, until the mid-20th century, in Cargèse on Corsica, by descendants of 17th-century settlers from the Mani peninsula.
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From a typological perspective, the Totonac–Tepehua family presents a fairly consistent profile, and exhibits many features of the Mesoamerican areal type, such as a preference for verb-initial order, head-marking, and extensive use of body part morphemes in metaphorical and locative constructions . The Totonacan languages are highly agglutinative and polysynthetic with nominative/accusative alignment and a flexible constituent order governed by information structure. Syntactic relations between the verb and its arguments are marked by agreement with the subject and one or sometimes two objects. There is no morphological case on nouns and many languages in the family lack prepositions, making use instead of a rich system of causatives, applicatives, and prefixes for body parts and parts of objects.
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The name Le Blanc-Mesnil was recorded for the first time in the 11th century as Mansionile Blaun. This name is a compound of Medieval Latin Mansionile, meaning "little houses", from Latin mansio (accusative mansionem), and of Germanic (Old Frankish) blanch, blaun, meaning "glossy, shining, white", which gave French blanc ("white") and English blank. The name is interpreted by some as a reference to the houses of Le Blanc- Mesnil which were whitened due to the flour dust coming from the windmills located there in ancient times. One researcher, however, thinks that blanc had also the meaning of "free" in Old French, and so the name would mean "free mesnil, free village", perhaps because the villagers had been freed from serfdom.
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The particle o or oo (sometimes written and respectively) is a sentence-final particle used to stress the utterance. It tends to follow declarative or imperative statements and is similar in usage to the particles yo and wa in standard Japanese. Etymologically, it is likely that this particle is a holdover from Old and Middle Japanese and that it has the same origins as the accusative case particle o, which is used to mark the direct object in a sentence. In Old Japanese, the particle started as an exclamatory particle expressing consent and response and was sometimes used in sentence-final position as an interjectional particle used to mark admiration in a declarative phrase or to add strength to an imperative phrase.
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113-14 Thus, Ailred's work helped create what was in essence a new saint, based solely on literary texts and scribal corruptions.Clancy, "Real St Ninian", passim "Ninian" was probably unknown to either the 12th century Gaelic population of Galloway or its pre-Viking Age British predecessors, which is why the names "Ninian" and "Niniau" do not exist in Celtic place-names coined before the later Middle Ages. Uinniau is attested as Uinniauus and Vinnianus in a 6th-century penitential used by Columbanus, Vennianus is mentioned by Columbanus himself, while Adomnán in his Vita Sancti Columbae styles the same man Finnio in the nominative case, Finnionem and Findbarrum in the accusative case, and Viniauo in the dative case.Clancy, "Real St Ninian", p.
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J. de Vries, Altnordisches etymologisches Wörterbuch, 1962, 73; N. Å. Nielsen, Dansk etymologisk ordbog, 1989, 85–96. The element mark is believed to mean woodland or borderland (see marches), with probable references to the border forests in south Schleswig.Navneforskning, Københavns Universitet The first recorded use of the word Danmark within Denmark itself is found on the two Jelling stones, which are runestones believed to have been erected by Gorm the Old () and Harald Bluetooth (). The larger of the two stones is popularly cited as the "baptismal certificate" () of Denmark, though both use the word "Denmark", in the accusative () on the large stone, and the genitive "tanmarkar" (pronounced ) on the small stone,while the dative form tąnmarku (pronounced ) is found on the contemporaneous Skivum stone.
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Ugaritic is an inflected language, and as a Semitic language its grammatical features are highly similar to those found in Classical Arabic and Akkadian. It possesses two genders (masculine and feminine), three cases for nouns and adjectives (nominative, accusative, and genitive [also, note the possibility of a locative case]) ; three numbers: (singular, dual, and plural); and verb aspects similar to those found in other Northwest Semitic languages. The word order for Ugaritic is verb–subject–object (VSO), possessed–possessor (NG), and noun–adjective (NA). Ugaritic is considered a conservative Semitic language, since it retains most of the Proto-Semitic phonemes, the basic qualities of the vowel, the case system, the word order of the Proto-Semitic ancestor, and the lack of the definite article.
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These pronominal endings are likely to have entered the adjective inflection in the Germanic proto-language, via the inflection of possessive adjectives and other "pronominal" word classes, as evidenced by the variation between the bare stem and -ata in the neuter nominative and accusative singular of Gothic adjectives and possessive pronouns. "Weak" adjectives take the endings of -n stem nouns, regardless of the underlying stem class of the adjective. In general, weak adjectival endings are used when the adjective is accompanied by a definite article, and strong endings are used in other situations. However, weak endings are occasionally used in the absence of a definite article, and cause the associated noun to have the same semantics as if a definite article were present.
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German does not have an ablative case (but exceptionally, Latin ablative case-forms were used from the 17th to the 19th century after some prepositions, for example after von in von dem Nomine: ablative of the Latin loanword Nomen). Grammarians at that time, such as Justus Georg Schottel, Kaspar von Stieler ("der Spate"), Johann Balthasar von Antesperg and Johann Christoph Gottsched, listed an ablative case (as the sixth case after nominative, genitive, dative, accusative and vocative) for German words. They arbitrarily considered the dative case after some prepositions to be an ablative, as in ("from the man" or "of the man") and ("with the man"), while they considered the dative case after other prepositions or without a preposition as to be a dative.
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The grammatical description in the earliest books was somewhat vague, so a consensus on usage (influenced by Zamenhof's answers to some questions) developed over time within boundaries set by the initial outline (Auld 1988). Even before the Declaration of Boulogne, the language was remarkably stable; only one set of lexical changes were made in the first year after publication, namely changing "when", "then", "never", "sometimes", "always" from kian, tian, nenian, ian, ĉian to kiam, tiam, neniam etc., to avoid confusion with the accusative forms of kia "what sort of", tia "that sort of", etc. Thus Esperanto achieved a stability of structure and grammar similar to that which natural languages enjoy by virtue of their native speakers and established bodies of literature.
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The dual can be found in Ancient Greek Homeric texts such as the Iliad and the Odyssey, although its use is only sporadic, owing as much to artistic prerogatives as dictional and metrical requirements within the hexametric meter. There were only two distinct forms of the dual in Ancient Greek. In classical Greek, the dual was all but lost, except in the Attic dialect of Athens, where it persisted until the fifth century BC. Even in this case, its use depended on the author and certain stock expressions. In Koine Greek and Modern Greek, the only remnant of the dual is the numeral for "two", , , which has lost its genitive and dative cases (both , ) and retains its nominative/accusative form.
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Romanian has preserved a part of the Latin declension, but whereas Latin had six cases, from a morphological viewpoint, Romanian has only five: the nominative, accusative, genitive, dative, and marginally the vocative. Romanian nouns also preserve the neuter gender, although instead of functioning as a separate gender with its own forms in adjectives, the Romanian neuter became a mixture of masculine and feminine. The verb morphology of Romanian has shown the same move towards a compound perfect and future tense as the other Romance languages. Compared with the other Romance languages, during its evolution, Romanian simplified the original Latin tense system in extreme ways,Yves D'hulst, Martine Coene, Larisa Avram, "Syncretic and analytic tenses in Romanian", in Balkan Syntax and Semantics, pag.
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For example, terms such as 'phoneme,' 'suffix,' 'verb,' 'singular,' 'accusative,' etc. are construed not as categorial terms (denoting sets of linguistic entities) but as names of two-place relations ('is-a-phoneme-of,' 'is-a-suffix-of,' etc.) between linguistic entities and idiolect systems S (e.g., SLEEP is-a-verb-of SE, SCHLAFEN is-a-verb-of SG, where SE and SG are, respectively, an English and a German idiolect system: one and the same relation [is-a-]verb[-of] holds between SLEEP and SE, SCHLAFEN and SG, etc.). Names for categories of a given idiolect system are then derived from such relational terms: the expression 'verb of SE' denotes the set of all verbs of SE (a category), i.e.
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The origin of the name of El Padul comes from the Roman era, deriving from the Latin word palus- paludis and exactly from its accusative case paludem, which means wetland or bog, clearly referring to El Padul's wetland. Due to the lack of known manuscripts talking about the name of the town along a period of time ranging several centuries, the phases of evolution of the Latin word are unknown, as well as the preceding definite article "El". In relation to this point, two plausible possibilities are proposed: (1) The article could have appeared directly from the Latin word ille, which originated the definite articles in all Romance languages. (2) The article could have appeared later with the Arabic article al.
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Romani and Domari share some similarities: agglutination of postpositions of the second layer (or case marking clitics) to the nominal stem, concord markers for the past tense, the neutralisation of gender marking in the plural, and the use of the oblique case as an accusative. This has prompted much discussion about the relationships between these two languages. Domari was once thought to be the "sister language" of Romani, the two languages having split after the departure from the Indian subcontinent, but more recent research suggests that the differences between them are significant enough to treat them as two separate languages within the Central Zone (Hindustani) group of languages. The Dom and the Rom therefore likely descend from two different migration waves out of India, separated by several centuries.
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The words who, whom, whose, what and why, can all be considered to come from a single Old English word hwā, reflecting its masculine and feminine nominative (hwā), dative (hwām), genitive (hwæs), neuter nominative and accusative (hwæt), and instrumental (masculine and neuter singular) (hwȳ, later hwī) respectively. Other interrogative words, such as which, how, where, whence, or whither, derive either from compounds (which coming from a compound of hwā [what, who] and līc [like]), or other words from the same root (how deriving from hū). The Proto-Indo-European root also directly originated the Latin and Romance form qu- in words such as Latin quī ("which") and quando ("when"); it has also undergone sound and spelling changes, as in French qui "which", with initial /k/, and Spanish cuando, with initial /kw/.
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If the core arguments of a transitive clause are termed A (agent of a transitive verb) and P (patient of a transitive verb), active–stative languages can be described as languages that align intransitive S as S = P/O∗∗ ("fell me") or S = A ("I fell"), depending on the criteria described above. Active–stative languages contrast with accusative languages such as English that generally align S as S = A, and to ergative languages that generally align S as S = P/O. Care should be taken when reasoning about language structure, specifically, as reasoning on syntactic roles (S=subject/ O=object) is sometimes difficult to separate from reasoning on semantic functions (A=agent/ P=patient). For example, in some languages, "me fell," is regarded as less impersonal and more empathic.
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For most such languages, the case of the intransitive argument is lexically fixed for each verb, regardless of the actual degree of volition of the subject, but often corresponding to the most typical situation. For example, the argument of swim may always be treated like the transitive subject (agent-like), and the argument of sleep like the transitive direct object (patient-like). In Dakota, arguments of active verbs such as to run are marked like transitive agents, as in accusative languages, and arguments of inactive verbs such as to stand are marked like transitive objects, as in ergative languages. In such language, if the subject of a verb like run or swallow is defined as agentive, it will be always marked so even if the action of swallowing is involuntary.
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For instance, rather than following the classical Latin practice of generally placing the verb at the end, medieval writers would often follow the conventions of their own native language instead. Whereas Latin had no definite or indefinite articles, medieval writers sometimes used forms of unus as an indefinite article, and forms of ille (reflecting usage in the Romance languages) as a definite article or even quidam (meaning "a certain one/thing" in Classical Latin) as something like an article. Unlike classical Latin, where esse ("to be") was the only auxiliary verb, medieval Latin writers might use habere ("to have") as an auxiliary, similar to constructions in Germanic and Romance languages. The accusative and infinitive construction in classical Latin was often replaced by a subordinate clause introduced by quod or quia.
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Declensional endings depend on case (nominative, genitive, dative, accusative, locative, instrumental, vocative), number (singular, dual or plural), gender (masculine, feminine, neuter) and animacy (animate vs inanimate). Unusual in other language families, declension in most Slavic languages also depends on whether the word is a noun or an adjective. Slovene and Sorbian languages use a rare third number, (in addition to singular and plural numbers) known as dual (in case of some words dual survived also in Polish and other Slavic languages). Modern Russian, Serbian and Czech also use a more complex form of dual, but this misnomer applies instead to numbers 2, 3, 4, and larger numbers ending in 2, 3, or 4 (with the exception of the teens, which are handled as plural; thus, 102 is dual, but 12 or 127 are not).
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The building of the Supreme Court of Estonia in Tartu The word court comes from the French , an enclosed yard, which derives from the Latin form , the accusative case of , which again means an enclosed yard or the occupants of such a yard. The English word court is a cognate of the Latin word from Ancient Greek () (meaning "garden", hence horticulture and orchard), both referring to an enclosed space. The meaning of a judicial assembly is first attested in the 12th century, and derives from the earlier usage to designate a sovereign and his entourage, which met to adjudicate disputes in such an enclosed yard. The verb "to court", meaning to win favor, derives from the same source since people traveled to the sovereign's court to win his favor.
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The origins of the name Demogorgon are not entirely clear, though the most prevalent scholarly view now considers it to be a misreading of the Greek δημιουργόν (dēmiourgón, accusative case form of δημιουργός, 'demiurge') based on the manuscript variations in the earliest known explicit reference in Lactantius Placidus (Jahnke 1898, Sweeney 1997, Solomon 2012). Boccaccio, in his influential Genealogia Deorum Gentilium, cites a now lost work by Theodontius, and that master's acknowledged Byzantine source, "Pronapides the Athenian", as authority for the idea that Demogorgon is the antecedent of all the gods. Art historian Jean Seznec concludes that "Demogorgon is a grammatical error, become god." The name variants cited by Jahnke include the Latin "demoirgon", "emoirgon", "demogorgona", "demogorgon", with the first critical editor Friedrich Lindenbrog (Fridericus Tiliobroga) having conjectured "δημιουργόν" as the prototype in 1600.
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Syrtos (, also sirtos; plural syrtoi; sometimes called in English using the Greek accusative forms syrto and sirto; from the , syro, "drag [the dance]") is, in classical and modern Greece: a folk dance in which the dancers link hands to form a chain or circle, headed by a leader who intermittently breaks away to perform improvised steps. Definition of syrtos in English, Oxford Living Dictionaries Syrtos, along with its relative kalamatianos, are the most popular dances throughout Greece and Cyprus, and are frequently danced by the Greek diaspora worldwide. They are very popular in social gatherings, weddings and religious festivals. Syrtos and kalamatianos use the same dance steps, but the syrtos is in time and the kalamatianos is in time, organized in a slow (3 beat), quick (2 beat), quick (2 beat) rhythm.
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The use of "referenda" as a plural form in English (treating it as a Latin word and attempting to apply to it the rules of Latin grammar) is unsupportable according to the rules of both Latin and English grammar. The use of "referenda" as a plural form is posited hypothetically as either a gerund or a gerundive by the Oxford English Dictionary, which rules out such usage in both cases as follows:Oxford English Dictionary Referendum > Referendums is logically preferable as a plural form meaning 'ballots on one > issue' (as a Latin gerund,a gerund is a verbal noun (Kennedy's Shorter Latin > Primer, 1962 edition, p. 91.) but has no nominative case, for which an > infinitive (referre) serves the purpose. It has only accusative, genitive, > dative and ablative cases (Kennedy's Shorter Latin Primer, 1962 edition, pp.
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In this theory he proposes the division into grammatical and concrete cases. According to Kuryłowicz, the case is a syntactic or semantic relation expressed by the appropriate inflected form or by linking the preposition with a noun, so it is the category based on a relation inside the sentence or a relation between two sentences. The category of case covers two basic case groups: #Grammatical cases: their primary function is syntactic, the semantic function is secondary. If we take the sentence: ‘The boy sat down’ (Fisiak 1975: 59) with an intransitive verb ‘sit’, we may notice that the sentence can be changed into causative construction: ‘’He made the boy sit down’’ (ibid), where the word ‘boy’ is changed from nominative into accusative, with the superior position of nominative.
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As much of what, in other languages, might be included in a clause is included in the Seneca word, Seneca features free word order, and cannot be neatly categorized along the lines of a subject/object/verb framework. Rather, new information appears first in the Seneca sentence; when a noun is judged by the speaker to be more "newsworthy" than a verb in the same sentence, it is likely to appear before the verb; should it not be deemed to hold such relevance, it typically follows the verb. Particles, the only Seneca words that cannot be classified as nouns or verbs, appear to follow the same ordering paradigm. Moreover, given the agent/participant distinction that determines the forms of pronominal morphemes, it seems appropriate to consider Seneca a nominative-accusative language.
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In some, the order is the matter of emphasis. For example, Russian allows the use of subject–verb–object in any order and "shuffles" parts to bring up a slightly different contextual meaning each time. E.g. "любит она его" (loves she him) may be used to point out "she acts this way because she LOVES him", or "его она любит" (him she loves) is used in the context "if you pay attention, you'll see that HE is the one she truly loves", or "его любит она" (him loves she) may appear along the lines "I agree that cat is a disaster, but since my wife adores it and I adore her...". Regardless of order, it is clear that "его" is the object because it is in the accusative case.
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It is sometimes controversially suspected that the pronunciation /k/ or /h/ in words such as Khind and bahe, as opposed to /x/ in other Swiss German dialects (Chind and bache), is an influence of Romansh.Treffers-Daller & Willemyns (2002). Language Contact at the Romance-Germanic Language Border. pp. 130–131 In morphosyntax, the use of the auxiliary verb kho 'to come' as opposed to wird 'will' in phrases such as leg di warm a, sunscht khunscht krank ('put on warm clothes, otherwise you will get sick') in Grisons-German is sometimes attributed to Romansh, as well as the lack of a distinction between the accusative and dative case in some Grisons-German dialects and the word order in phrases such as i tet froge jemand wu waiss ('I would ask someone who knows').
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The poem may owe its continued popularity to the large number of pupils who formerly had to learn Latin as a compulsory subject for University entrance exams (not just for Oxford and Cambridge) in the United Kingdom.Ireland's Other Poetry: An Unfashionable Poet: A D Godley Most of them will have used a primer in which Latin nouns were declined; for example, servus, serve, servum, servi, servo, servo (depending upon the order in which Latin's six cases—nominative, vocative, accusative, genitive, dative, ablative—were listed). The poem provided interest to what was a very dry subject for most school pupils. The poem's rhymes assume that the Latin words are read using the traditional English pronunciation, which was taught in British (and American) schools until well into the 20th century.
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In order to encourage customers he started a horse-drawn transport service from the city centre of Nantes to his establishment. The first vehicles stopped in front of the shop of a hatter named Omnés, which displayed a large sign inscribed "Omnes Omnibus", a pun on his Latin-sounding surname, omnes being the male and female nominative, vocative and accusative form of the Latin adjective omnis-e ("all"), combined with omnibus, the dative plural form meaning "for all", thus giving his shop the name "Omnés for all", or "everything for everyone". His transport scheme was a huge success, although not as he had intended as most of his passengers did not visit his spa. He turned the transport service into his principal lucrative business venture and closed the mill and spa.
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The Norsta runestone is an 11th-century runestone inscribed in Old Norse with the Younger Futhark that stands near Wik Castle outside Uppsala, Sweden. It is notable because of the mention of two people named "maiden" and Sweyn. The form møy which appears on this runestone is the accusative form of Old East Norse māʀ which meant "maiden" and this is the only attestation of this word as the name of a girl, in Old Norse, besides a mention in the Hervarar saga, where a Mær ("maiden" in Old West Norse) married the Swedish king Inge I. Her brother was Blot-Sweyn, who succeeded Inge. As the runestone is from about the same time as Blot-Sweyn, it is likely that the Sweyn mentioned in the runestone is the same as the Swedish king Blot-Sweyn.
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Pronouns also often take different forms based on their syntactic function, and in particular on their grammatical case. English distinguishes the nominative form (I, you, he, she, it, we, they), used principally as the subject of a verb, from the oblique form (me, you, him, her, it, us, them), used principally as the object of a verb or preposition. Languages whose nouns inflect for case often inflect their pronouns according to the same case system; for example, German personal pronouns have distinct nominative, genitive, dative and accusative forms (ich, meiner, mir, mich; etc.). Pronouns often retain more case distinctions than nouns – this is true of both German and English, and also of the Romance languages, which (with the exception of Romanian) have lost the Latin grammatical case for nouns, but preserve certain distinctions in the personal pronouns.
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Different main clause constructions present different combinations of alignment patterns, including split-S (default), ergative–absolutive (recent past), and nominative–absolutive (evaluative, progressive, continuous, completive, and negated clauses). In contrast, subordinate clauses are always ergative–absolutive. Prototypically, finite matrix clauses in Canela have a split-S alignment pattern, whereby the agents of transitive verbs (A) and the sole arguments of a subclass of intransitive verbs (SA) receive the nominative case (also called agentive case), whereas the patients of transitive verbs (P) and the sole arguments of the remaining intransitive predicates (SP) receive the absolutive case (also called internal case). In addition, transitive verbs are subdivided into two classes according to whether the third person patient is indexed as absolutive (allomorphs h-, ih-, im-, in-, i-, ∅-) or accusative (cu-), which has been described as an instance of a split-P alignment.
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Generally, thematic nouns and verbs (those with a "thematic vowel" between root and ending, usually /e/ or /o/) had a fixed accent, which (depending on the particular noun or verb) could be either on the root or the ending. These words also had no ablaut variations within their paradigms. (However, accent and ablaut were still associated; for example, thematic verbs with root accent tended to have e-grade ablaut in the root, while those ending accent tended to have zero-grade ablaut in the root.) On the other hand, athematic nouns and verbs usually had mobile accent, with varied between strong forms, with root accent and full grade in the root (e.g. the singular active of verbs, and the nominative and accusative of nouns), and weak forms, with ending accent and zero grade in the root (e.g.
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Pinho Leal (1990), p.311 The modern name Sacavém might have come from the Arabic language; for many years experts believed that it came from the word šagabi (next or in the neighbourhood – in this case, of Lisbon, an important city even during Moorish period) latinised to sacabis, -is, becoming sacabem in the accusative case, and hence, by phonetic modifications during the centuries, Sacavém. Recent investigations, from Arabic sources (namely Yaqut's Kitab Mu'jam Al-Buldan), indicate that the Muslims used the word Šaqabān (), incredibly similar to the modern Portuguese pronunciation. During Al-Andalus, Sacavém was considered a qarya (one of the settlements of al-Ušbuna), but it was administratively integrated into the larger settlement (geographically limited by the Roman conventus), which was governed by the military governor in Cordova, later by the emirs (756–929) and caliphs (929–1031) that governed Al-Andalus.
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U-umlaut is more common in Old West Norse in both phonemic and allophonic positions, while it only occurs sparsely in post-runic Old East Norse and even in runic Old East Norse. Compare West Old Norse fǫður (accusative of faðir, 'father'), vǫrðr (guardian/caretaker), ǫrn (eagle), jǫrð ('earth', Modern Icelandic: jörð), mjǫlk ('milk', Modern Icelandic: mjólk) with Old Swedish faður, varðer, ørn, jorð, miolk and Modern Swedish fader, vård, örn, jord, mjölk with the latter two demonstrating the u-umlaut found in Swedish. This is still a major difference between Swedish and Faroese and Icelandic today. Plurals of neuters do not have u-umlaut at all in Swedish, but in Faroese and Icelandic they do, for example the Faroese and Icelandic plurals of the word land, lond and lönd respectively, in contrast to the Swedish plural länder and numerous other examples.
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He found frequent agreement between Origen and 1739 (outside part of Romans), both agree with p46 against the lesser Alexamdrians.G. Zunts, The Text of the Epistles, British Academy 1953, pp. 151-156 According to C.-B. Amfhoux and B. Outtier (1884) the Catholic epistles of the family 1739 represent the Caesarean text-type, especially in the variants they share with Codex Ephraemi, Papyrus 72, and the Old Georgian version.Christian-Bernard Amphoux, An Introduction to New Testament textual criticism, Cambridge University Press 1991, pp. 104-105 ; Textual features In 1 Corinthians 12:3 reads (no one speaking by the Spirit [of God] ever says "Jesus be cursed!" and no one can say "Jesus is Lord" except by the Holy Spirit); in other textual traditions we find the object phrases in the accusative case Ιησουν, Κυριον Ιησουν; αναθεμα Ιησους is found in Origen comments.
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However, Romanian has preserved certain features of Latin grammar that have been lost elsewhere. This could be explained by a host of arguments such as: relative isolation in the Balkans, possible pre-existence of identical grammatical structures in its substratum (as opposed to the substrata over which the other Romance languages developed), and existence of similar elements in the neighboring languages. One Latin element that has survived in Romanian while having disappeared from other Romance languages, which makes Romanian the only category I language with case inflections is the morphological case differentiation in nouns, albeit reduced to only three forms (nominative/accusative, genitive/dative, and vocative) from the original six or seven. Another might be the retention of the neuter gender in nouns, although in synchronic terms, Romanian neuter nouns can also be analysed as "ambigeneric", i.e.
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None of them have a marked accusative, but at least Majang and Murle sometimes mark nominatives, part of a broader areal pattern (König 2006). The original geographic home of the Surmic peoples is thought to be in Southwestern Ethiopia, somewhere near Maji, with the various groups dispersing from there: for example, the Majangir having moved north, the Murle having migrated clockwise around Lake Turkana (Arensen 1983:56-61, Tornay 1981), and the Mursi having moved into and out of the Omo River valley. Ethnolinguistic identities within the Surmic group have not been rigid, with ample evidence of people’s identities shifting from one ethnolinguistic group to another (Tornay 1981, Turton 1979, Unseth and Abbink 1998). Abbink has published a pioneering work comparing the vocabulary and systems of kinship among Surmic languages, particularly from the South West node of Surmic (Abbink 2006).
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Originally the n-stem declension was not a single declension but a set of separate declensions (e.g., -an, -ōn, -īn) with related endings, and these endings were in no way any "weaker" than the endings of any other declensions. (For example, among the eight possible inflectional categories of a noun — singular/plural crossed with nominative/accusative/dative/genitive — masculine an-stem nouns in Gothic include seven endings, and feminine ōn-stem nouns include six endings, meaning there is very little ambiguity of "weakness" in these endings and in fact much less than in the German "strong" endings.) Although it is possible to group the various noun declensions into three basic categories — vowel-stem, n-stem, and other-consonant-stem (a.k.a. "minor declensions") — the vowel-stem nouns do not display any sort of unity in their endings that supports grouping them together with each other but separate from the n-stem endings.
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Craig Evans states that an argument in favor of the partial authenticity of the Testimonium is that the passage does not stress the role played by the Jewish leaders in the death of Jesus. According to Evans, if the passage had been an interpolation after the emergence of conflicts between Jews and Christians, it would have had a more accusative tone, but in its current form reads as one would expect it to read for a passage composed by Josephus towards the end of the first century. Geza Vermes concurs, arguing that if the Testimonium had been the work of a Christian forger, it would have placed blame on the Jewish leaders, but as is it is "perfectly in line" with the attitude of Josephus towards Pilate. Vermes also states that the detached depiction of the followers of Jesus is not the work of a Christian interpolator.
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According to linguist Joshua Fishman the phrase is, in some circles, "considered to be perfectly OK even in print", while others accept it "only in some contexts", and yet others never accept it at all. Richard Redfern cites many examples of what is considered incorrect pronoun usage, many of which do not follow the "preposition + you and I" construction: "for he and I", "between he and Mr. Bittman". He argues that the "error" is widespread (Elizabeth II even committing it), and that it should become acceptable usage: "The rule asks native speakers of English to stifle their instinctive way of expressing themselves". In its treatment of "coordinate nominatives" used where the accusative (oblique) case would be used in non- coordinate constructions, The Cambridge Grammar of the English Language differentiates different levels of acceptance, depending on the pronouns used and their position in the coordinate construction.
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The shift is proved by Latin and Greek transcriptions like rūs for "head, cape" (Tiberian Hebrew rōš, ), samō for "he heard" (Tiberian Hebrew šāmāʻ, ); similarly the word for "eternity" is known from Greek transcriptions to have been ʻūlōm, corresponding to Biblical Hebrew ʻōlām and Proto-Semitic ʻālam. The letter Y used for words such as ys "which" and yth (definite accusative marker) in Greek and Latin alphabet inscriptions can be interpreted as denoting a reduced schwa vowel that occurred in pre- stress syllables in verbs and two syllables before stress in nouns and adjectives, while other instances of Y as in chyl and even chil for /kull/ "all" in Poenulus can be interpreted as a further stage in the vowel shift resulting in fronting () and even subsequent delabialization of and . Short in originally-open syllables was lowered to and was also lengthened if it was accented.
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Nachum was the teacher of Rabbi Akiva, and taught him the exegetical principle of inclusion and exclusion ("ribbui u-mi'uṭ"). Only one halakhah of his has been preserved;Berachot 22a but it is known that he interpreted the whole Torah according to the rule of "ribbui u-mi'uṭ".Shevu'ot 26a He used to explain the accusative particle "et" by saying that it implied the inclusion in the object of something besides that which is explicitly mentioned. However, in the sentence "You shall fear [et] the Lord your God",Deuteronomy 10:20 he did not explain the particle "et" before "the Lord," since he did not wish to cause any one else to share in the reverence due to God; he justified his inconsistency with the explanation that the omission in this passage was as virtuous as was his resort to interpretation in all the other passages.
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Coat of Arms The toponym is first attested in 590 in Latin as Belitio or Bilitio (in the accusative, Bilitionem), by Gregory of Tours. Gregorius Turonensis, Historiae, 10.3, Quod exercitus Childeberthi regis in Italiam abiit: Olo autem dux ad Bilitionem huius urbis castrum, in campis situm Caninis, inportunae accedens, iaculo sub papilla sauciatus, cecidit et mortuus est "Duke Olo went rashly to Bilitio, a stronghold of this city [Milan], situated on the plains called Canini, and was wounded with a dart under the nipple and fell and died." The name is Lepontic in origin, possibly from belitio ("juniper") or belitione ("juniper bushes").Archiv für das Studium der neueren Sprachen und Literaturen 184, J. Bädeker, 1943, p. 105. Jacob Früh, Geographie der Schweiz, Fehr, 1932, p. 12. During the medieval period, the name is found as Berinzona (721, 762, 803, 1002), Birrinzona (1004), Birizona (1168), Beliciona (901, 977) and Belinzona (1055).
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The outer nominal phrase the relative clause relates to can be any nominal phrase in any case. The clause begins with a form of the relative pronoun derived from and largely identical to the definite pronoun (der/die/das), or the interrogative pronoun (welchem/welcher/welches), the remaining words are put after it. Using the interrogative pronoun without good cause is considered typical for legalese language. :Der Mann, der/welcher seiner Frau den Hund schenkt (nominative subject) ("The man who gives his wife the dog") :Der Hund, den/welchen der Mann seiner Frau schenkt (accusative object) ("The dog which the man gives his wife") :Die Frau, der/welcher der Mann den Hund schenkt (dative object) ("The woman to whom the man gives the dog") :Der Mann, der/welcher ich bin (predicative noun) ("The man I am") The outer nominal phrase can also be the possessor of a noun inside.
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Ohthere's account of a journey to the Danish trading settlement of Hedeby, Old English æt hæþum "[port] at the heaths" and German Haithabu, begins with a reference to a place in the south of Norway named Sciringes heal, to which he said one could not sail [from his home in Hålogaland] in one month if one camped at night and each day had a fair [or: contrary] wind ("Þyder he cwæð þæt man ne mihte geseglian on anum monðe gyf man on niht wicode and ælce dæge hæfde ambyrne wind"). This sentence has very often been quoted in literature. Old English ambyrne (accusative singular masculine; the nominative would be ambyre) is a hapax legomenon in Old English. Since around 1600 the traditionally accepted rendering of the phrase in English has been, without ultimate proof, "fair/favourable wind" in translations and dictionaries; on the other hand only a handful of scholars have supported the meaning "contrary".
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Many aspects of the syntax of Greek have remained constant: verbs agree with their subject only, the use of the surviving cases is largely intact (nominative for subjects and predicates, accusative for objects of most verbs and many prepositions, genitive for possessors), articles precede nouns, adpositions are largely prepositional, relative clauses follow the noun they modify and relative pronouns are clause-initial. However, the morphological changes also have their counterparts in the syntax, and there are also significant differences between the syntax of the ancient and that of the modern form of the language. Ancient Greek made great use of participial constructions and of constructions involving the infinitive, and the modern variety lacks the infinitive entirely (instead of having a raft of new periphrastic constructions) and uses participles more restrictively. The loss of the dative led to a rise of prepositional indirect objects (and the use of the genitive to directly mark these as well).
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The number of cases differs between languages: Persian has two; modern English has three but for pronouns only; Modern Standard and Classical forms of Arabic have three; German, Icelandic, and Irish have four; Romanian has five; Latin, Slovenian, Russian and Turkish each have at least six; Armenian, Czech, Latvian, Lithuanian, Polish, Serbo- Croatian, Slovak and Ukrainian have seven; Sanskrit and Tamil have eight; Assamese has 10; Estonian has 14; Finnish has 15; Hungarian has 18 and Tsez has 64 cases. Commonly encountered cases include nominative, accusative, dative and genitive. A role that one of those languages marks by case is often marked in English with a preposition. For example, the English prepositional phrase with (his) foot (as in "John kicked the ball with his foot") might be rendered in Russian using a single noun in the instrumental case, or in Ancient Greek as (, meaning "the foot") with both words (the definite article, and the noun () "foot") changing to dative form.
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' Second, there are paraphrases of individual and combined verses. Redburn's "Thou shalt not lay stripes upon these Roman citizens" makes use of language of the Ten Commandments in Ex.20 and Pierre's inquiry of Lucy: "Loveth she me with the love past all understanding?" combines John 21:15–17, and Philippians 4:7. Third, certain Hebraisms are used, such as a succession of genitives ("all the waves of the billows of the seas of the boisterous mob"), the cognate accusative ("I dreamed a dream," "Liverpool was created with the Creation"), and the parallel ("Closer home does it go than a rammer; and fighting with steel is a play without ever an interlude"). This passage from Redburn shows how these ways of alluding interlock and result in a texture of Biblical language though there is very little direct quotation: In addition to this, Melville successfully imitates three Biblical strains: the apocalyptic, the prophetic and the sermonic narrative tone of writing.
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The myth demonstrates the importance of Pluto "the Rich" as the possessor of a quest-object. Orpheus performing before Pluto and Persephone was a common subject of ancient and later Western literature and art, and one of the most significant mythological themes of the classical tradition.Geoffrey Miles, Classical Mythology in English Literature: A Critical Anthology (Routledge, 1999), p. 54ff. The demonstration of Orpheus's power depends on the normal obduracy of Pluto; the Augustan poet Horace describes him as incapable of tears.Horace, Carmen 2.14.6–7, inlacrimabilem Plutona (Greek accusative instead of Latin Plutonem). Claudian, however, portrays the steely god as succumbing to Orpheus's song so that "with iron cloak he wipes his tears" (ferrugineo lacrimas deterget amictu), an image renewed by Milton in Il Penseroso (106–107): "Such notes ... / Drew iron tears down Pluto's cheek."A.S.P. Woodhouse et al., A Variorum Commentary on the Poems of John Milton (Columbia University Press, 1972), p. 327.
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In such languages, the ergative case is typically marked (most salient), while the absolutive case is unmarked. New work in case theory has vigorously supported the idea that the ergative case identifies the agent (the intentful performer of an action) of a verb (Woolford 2004). In Kalaallisut (Greenlandic) for example, the ergative case is used to mark subjects of transitive verbs and possessors of nouns. Nez Perce has a three- way nominal case system with both ergative (-nim) and accusative (-ne) plus an absolute (unmarked) case for intransitive subjects: hipáayna qíiwn ‘the old man arrived’; hipáayna wewúkiye ‘the elk arrived’; wewúkiyene péexne qíiwnim ‘the old man saw an elk’. Sahaptin has an ergative noun case (with suffix -nɨm) that is limited to transitive constructions only when the direct object is 1st or 2nd person: iwapáatayaaš łmámanɨm ‘the old woman helped me’; paanáy iwapáataya łmáma ‘the old woman helped him/her’ (direct); páwapaataya łmámayin ‘the old woman helped him/her’ (inverse).
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In linguistics, an object is any of several types of arguments.For descriptions of the traditional distinction between subject and object, see for instance Freeborn (1995:31) and Kesner Bland (1996:415). In subject- prominent, nominative-accusative languages such as English, a transitive verb typically distinguishes between its subject and any of its objects, which can include but are not limited to direct objects, indirect objects, and arguments of adpositions (prepositions or postpositions); the latter are more accurately termed oblique arguments, thus including other arguments not covered by core grammatical roles, such as those governed by case morphology (as in languages such as Latin) or relational nouns (as is typical for members of the Mesoamerican Linguistic Area). In ergative-absolutive languages, for example most Australian Aboriginal languages, the term "subject" is ambiguous, and thus the term "agent" is often used instead to contrast with "object", such that basic word order is often spoken of in terms such as Agent-Object-Verb (AOV) instead of Subject-Object-Verb (SOV).
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Thus, for example, Portuguese mutante ("changing", "varying") does not derive from the Portuguese verb mudar ("to change"), but directly from the Latin accusative present participle mutantem ("changing"). On the other hand, those pairs of words were eventually generalized by Portuguese speakers into a derivational rule, that is somewhat irregular and defective but still productive. So, for example, within the last 500 years we had the derivation pï'poka (Tupi for "to pop the skin") → pipoca (Portuguese for "popcorn") → pipocar ("to pop up all over") → pipocante ("popping up all over"). Similar processes resulted in many other semi-regular derivational rules that turn verbs into words of other classes, as in the following examples: :clicar ("to click") → clicável ("clickable") :vender ("to sell") → vendedor ("seller") :encantar ("to enchant") → encantamento ("enchantment") :destilar ("to distill") → destilação ("distillation") The latter rule is quite productive, to the point that the pervasive -ção ending (derived from Latin -tione) is a visually striking feature of written Portuguese.
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It is especially common when there would otherwise be a double preposition: :la kato ĉasis la muson en la domo (the cat chased the mouse in [inside of] the house) :la kato ĉasis la muson en la domon (the cat chased the mouse into the house). The accusative/allative may stand in for other prepositions also, especially when they have vague meanings that add not much to the clause. Adverbs, with or without the case suffix, are frequently used instead of prepositional phrases: :li iris al sia hejmo (he went to his home) :li iris hejmen (he went home) Both por and pro often translate English 'for'. However, they distinguish for a goal (looking forward in time, or causing: por) and for a cause (looking back in time, or being caused by: pro): To vote por your friend means to cast a ballot with their name on it, whereas to vote pro your friend would mean to vote in their place or as they asked you to.
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In linguistic typology, nominative–absolutive alignment is a type of morphosyntactic alignment in which the sole argument of an intransitive verb shares some coding properties with the agent argument of a transitive verb and other coding properties with the patient argument ('direct object') of a transitive verb. It is typically observed in a subset of the clause types of a given language (that is, the languages which have nominative–absolutive clauses also have clauses which show other alignment patterns such as nominative-accusative and/or ergative-absolutive). The languages for which nominative–absolutive clauses have been described include the Cariban languages Panare (future, desiderative, and nonspecific aspect clauses) and Katxuyana (imperfective clauses), the Northern Jê languages Canela (evaluative, progressive, continuous, completive, and negated clauses), Kĩsêdjê (progressive, continuous, and completive clauses, as well as future and negated clauses with non-pronominal arguments), and Apinajé (progressive, continuous, and negated clauses), as well as in the main clauses of the Tuparian languages (Makurap, Wayoró, Tuparí, Sakurabiat, and Akuntsú).
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Although the 3rd person pronoun você tended to replace the classical 2nd-person pronoun tu in several Brazilian dialects and, especially, in the media communication, the use of tu is still frequent in several Brazilian Portuguese dialects. Most of the dialects that retain tu also use accordingly te (accusative pronoun), ti (dative postprepositional pronoun), contigo, and the possessive teu, tua, teus, and tuas. The use of tu is dominant in the South (Rio Grande do Sul, Santa Catarina and parts of Paraná) and Northeast (with the exception of most of Bahia and some other areas, mostly in the coast), and it is also very frequent in the Northern region and Rio de Janeiro. However, even in some of the regions where você is the prevailing pronoun, the object pronoun te and ti and the possessive pronoun teu/tua are quite common, although not in most of São Paulo, Brazil's most populous state.
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Among the languages considered was a new language anonymously submitted at the last moment (and therefore against the Committee rules) under the pen name Ido. In the end the Committee, always without plenary sessions and consisting of only 12 members, concluded the last day with 4 votes for and 1 abstention. They concluded that no language was completely acceptable, but that Esperanto could be accepted "on condition of several modifications to be realized by the permanent Commission in the direction defined by the conclusions of the Report of the Secretaries [Louis Couturat and Léopold Leau] and by the Ido project". The International Ido Congress in Dessau, Germany, in 1922 Esperanto's inventor, L. L. Zamenhof, having heard a number of complaints, had suggested in 1894 a proposal for a Reformed Esperanto with several changes that Ido adopted and made it closer to French: eliminating the accented letters and the accusative case, changing the plural to an Italianesque -i, and replacing the table of correlatives with more Latinate words.
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In German, the distinctive case endings formerly present on nouns have largely disappeared, with the result that the load of distinguishing one case from another is almost entirely carried by determiners and adjectives. Furthermore, due to regular sound change, the various definite (n-stem) adjective endings coalesced to the point where only two endings (-e and -en) remain in modern German to express the sixteen possible inflectional categories of the language (masculine/feminine/neuter/plural crossed with nominative/accusative/dative/genitive – modern German merges all genders in the plural). The indefinite (a/ō-stem) adjective endings were less affected by sound change, with six endings remaining (-, -e, -es, -er, -em, -en), cleverly distributed in a way that is capable of expressing the various inflectional categories without too much ambiguity. As a result, the definite endings were thought of as too "weak" to carry inflectional meaning and in need of "strengthening" by the presence of an accompanying determiner, while the indefinite endings were viewed as "strong" enough to indicate the inflectional categories even when standing alone.
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Germanic had a simple two-tense system, with forms for a present and preterite. These were inherited by Old High German, but in addition OHG developed three periphrastic tenses: the perfect, pluperfect and future. The periphrastic past tenses were formed by combining the present or preterite of an auxiliary verb (wësan, habēn) with the past participle. Initially the past participle retained its original function as an adjective and showed case and gender endings - for intransitive verbs the nominative, for transitive verbs the accusative. For example: > After thie thö argangana warun ahtu taga (Tatian, 7,1) > "When eight days had passed", literally "After that then passed (away) were > eight days" > Latin: Et postquam consummati sunt dies octo (Luke 2:21) > > phīgboum habeta sum giflanzotan (Tatian 102,2) > "someone had planted a fig tree", literally "fig-tree had certain (or > someone) planted" > Latin: arborem fici habebat quidam plantatam (Luke 13:6) In time, however, these endings fell out of use and the participle came to be seen no longer as an adjective but as part of the verb, as in Modern German.
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The torpedo is guided by passive/aggressive accusative homing or wire guidance to deliver its 650-pound (292 kg) warhead to the target. Each unit costs an average of 2.5 million dollars to produce. The UUM-44A SUBROC missile is an anti-submarine missile. Unlike your average anti-submarine missile, the UUM-44A is designed to be fired out of the submarine into the air where it calculates its targets position and flies 55 kilometers to impact point. This weapon is so powerful it doesn't have to have a direct impact to cause significant damage to its target with its 39-inch, 460 pound W-55 thermonuclear warhead. This missile is propelled by Thiokol TE-260G solid-fuel and has the capabilities to go supersonic. The weight of each unit is 4000 pounds (1800 kg). The UGM-84A/C Harpoon missiles are the dedicated anti-ship missiles used in the US Navy. Each unit is propelled by a Teledyne/CAE J402-CA-400 turbojet and has the range of approximately 220 km. The traveling speed of this anti-ship missile is mach 0.85.
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Only a few roots were taken directly from the classical languages: :Latin: sed (but), tamen (however), post (after), kvankam (although), kvazaŭ (as though), dum (during), nek (nor), aŭ (or), hodiaŭ (today), abio (fir), ardeo (heron), iri (to go—though this form survives in the French future), prujno (frost), the adverbial suffix -e, and perhaps the inherent vowels of the past and present tenses, -i- and -a-. Many lexical affixes are common to several languages and thus may not have clear sources, but some such as -inda (worthy of), -ulo (a person), -um- (undefined), and -op- (a number together) may be Latin. :Classical Greek: kaj (and, from καί kai), pri (about, from περί perí), the plural suffix -j, the accusative case suffix -n, the inceptive prefix ek-, the suffix -ido (offspring), and perhaps the jussive mood suffix -u (if not Hebrew). As in the examples of ardeo 'heron' and abio 'fir', the names of most plants and animals are based on their binomial nomenclature, and so many are Latin or Greek as well.
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Each preposition has an assigned case. If an inflectable word follows a preposition, the word is declined in the same case as the preposition's assigned case. Genitive prepositions: ::od, do, iz, s(a), ispred, iza, izvan, van, unutar, iznad, ispod, više, poviše, niže, prije, uoči, poslije, nakon, za, tijekom, tokom, dno (podno, nadno, odno), vrh (povrh, navrh, uvrh, zavrh), čelo, nakraj, onkraj, krajem, potkraj, sred (nasred, posred, usred), oko, okolo, blizu, kod, kraj, pokraj, pored, nadomak, nadohvat, i, u, mimo, duž, uzduž, širom, diljem, preko, bez, osim, mjesto (umjesto, namjesto), uime, putem, (s) pomoću, posredstvom, između, (na)spram, put, protiv, nasuprot, usuprot, usprkos, unatoč, zbog, uslijed, radi (zaradi, poradi), glede, prigodom, prilikom, povodom Dative prepositions: ::k(a), prema, naprama, nadomak, nadohvat, nasuprot, usuprot, usprkos, unatoč, protiv Accusative prepositions: ::kroz, niz, uz, na, o, po, u, mimo, među, nad, pod, pred, za Locative prepositions: ::na, o, po, prema, pri, u Instrumental prepositions: ::s(a), pred, za, nad(a), pod(a), među Dynamic v. Static Some prepositions fall in two or more cases.
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A so-called dynamic infinitive may be governed by verbs of will or desire to do something ( or "to be willing, wish to", "pray, wish for", "pray against, imprecate curse to", "choose, prefer to", "to be about to, or: delay to", "urge, command to", "order to", "vote to", "allow to", "beg to" etc.), verbs of will or desire not to do anything ( "fear to", "be afraid to", "abstain from doing", "be ashamed to", "forbid to", "hinder, prevent" etc.) and verbs or verbal expressions denoting ability, fitness, necessity, capacity, etc. (, "be able to", , "know how to", "learn to", , "I am able to", "it is fair/right to", "it is necessary to", "it is time to" etc.). It can also be found after adjectives (and sometimes derived adverbs) of kindred meaning ( "skillful", "able", "able", "sufficient, capable" etc.). It stands as the object (direct or indirect) of such verbs or verbal expressions, or it serves as the subject if the verb/the verbal expression is used impersonally; it also defines the meaning of an adjective almost as an accusative of respect.
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Immurement of a nun (fictitious depiction in a painting from 1868) In Catholic monastic tradition, there existed a type of enforced, lifelong confinement against nuns or monks who had broken their vows of chastity, or espoused heretical ideas, and some have believed that this type of imprisonment was, indeed, a form of immurement. The judgment was preceded by the phrase "vade in pacem", that is, "go into peace", rather than "go in peace". (Latin "in" can be translated to English as either "in" or "into", depending on the case of its object—ablative for "in" or accusative for "into", producing pace and pacem, respectively.) As Henry Charles Lea puts it, the tradition seems to have been that of complete, utter isolation from other human beings, but that food was, indeed, provided:Lea (2012), p. 487 In the footnote appended to this passage, Lea writes:Lea (2012), footnote 444 Although the "Vade in Pace" tradition therefore seems to one of perpetual, aggravated confinement, but not immurement where the individual was meant to starve to death, several have thought "vade in pace" was just that, a death sentence.
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The gradual decline of the English singular pronouns thou and thee and their replacement with ye and later you have been linked to the parallel French use of vous in formal settings.Herbert Schendl, Middle English: Language Contact (2012) The ubiquity of -s to mark plurals in English has also been attributed to French influence, but the -s ending was common in English even prior to the Norman Conquest since -as was the standard suffix form for plurals of strong masculine nouns in the nominative and accusative cases. It is possible that the dominance of that form over other endings such as -en was strengthened by the similarity of the French plural construction. Robert McColl Millar, "English in the 'transition period: the sources of contact-induced change," in Contact: The Interaction of Closely Related Linguistic Varieties and the History of English (2016: Edinburgh University Press) Other suggestions include the impersonal one ("one does what one wants") and possessive phrases such as "the guitar of David", rather than "David's guitar", but similar forms are found in other Germanic languages, though, which casts doubt on the proposed French derivations.
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In his Idāh he mentions that the exception is governed in the accusative by the verb which precedes (i.e. by the verb 'came'), in consequence of its corroboration by the word except. Ibn Khallikān relates another anecdote about a conversation between the poet Abū ‘l-Qāsim ibn Aḥmad al-Andalusī and Abū Alī. The grammarian had expressed envy of Abū ‘l-Qāsim’s genius in poetry and admitted to his own lack, despite, as a grammarian, having expertise in the scientific basis of poetry. He claimed then he had only ever composed three verses which run: ‘Aḍud ad-Dawlat was fond of repeating a quote by Abū Tammām, given in Abū Alī’s treatise Idāh to explain the rule about the verb (),'to be': Ibn Khallikān relates a dream he had while in Cairo that he met three pilgrims in an ancient funeral chapel in the village of Kalyūb. One pilgrim mentioned that the sheikh Abū Alī ‘l-Fārisī had lived there for many years; and that he had been a talented poet among other things. Ibn Khallikān had never came across any of his poetry.
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Nyangumarta creates subordinate clauses through nominalization of verbs. There are fundamentally two types of subordinate clause: the purpose clause and the relative clause. Purpose causes denote why or for what purpose an action occurred, and are marked by dative marking on the nominalized verb. :Jarlin kurta-rna-yi nyampa kuyi-ku warli-na-ku :tongue emerge-NFUT-3PL.SUB quick meat-DAT hold-NM-DAT :“They make their tongue come out quickly to catch the meat” Relative clauses denote either a shared time frame (T-type relative clause) or a shared argument (NP-type relative clause) between the main and subordinate clauses, and are marked by ablative marking on the nominalized verb. Additional case markers (dative, accusative, and locative) can be added on along with the ablative to produce more specific effects :Partany-ju jina wirrka-rna-rninyi marnti ya-ninya-ngulu :child-ERG foot cut-NFUT-REFLX walk go-NM-ABL :“The child cut his foot while he was walking along” :Martuwara-ja jurti-nikinyi-yirni parlkarra-nga jarnti-na-ja-nga :dish-ABL pour- IMPF-1PL.EXC.SUB flat-LOC clear-NM-ABL-LOC :“We poured it from the dish onto the flat which is cleared” However, in many cases what is accomplished in other languages by subordination is accomplished in Nyangumarta with clause conjunction.
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