He is squeaky clean and prone to moralise, but not in a cloying way.
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The Beano ultimately holds sway because it is funny; the characters exist to amuse, not to moralise.
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We see in it a post-MeToo society reflected back at us to pick apart and moralise.
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That's colliding with a weird censorship creep that smacks of Tipper Gore-era pearl-clutching and an attempt to moralise something as broad and amorphous as an entire festival line-up and every one of its 40,000+ attendees.
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Once again, there were elements of the football press who were ready to lump smoking a bit of bud in with the most severe crimes, and moralise over the drug in the same breath as a charge of beating up a man for the colour of his skin.
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Following that year's presidential election, the party ran candidates in the 2017 legislative election, including dissidents from the Socialist Party (PS) and The Republicans (LR) as well as minor parties. It won an absolute majority in the National Assembly, securing 308 seats. Its ally, the Democratic Movement (MoDem), secured 42. LREM accepts globalisation and wants to "modernise and moralise" French politics.
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Amy Spade (Maggie Steed) Another member of the English department. She has an identity problem - last year, she was known as Felicity Scott. She is keen to get most of the male faculty into bed but no one is interested. Nevertheless, she feels entitled to moralise about others so she spends much of her time spying on people and then sending them anonymous poison pen letters assembled from words and phrases cut out of newspapers.
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The troupe, as well as craftsmen and -women involved in the construction of the puppets and the staging, began to transform the style of the Kasper theatre, changing it from a fairground show, with an emphasis on slapstick humour and irreverent anti-authoritarianism, into a theatrical art with a pedagogical purpose. Jacob explained of Kasper that "Er tut das Moralische rein vorbildlich, er moralisiert aber nicht. Und dieses Vorbild nehmen die Kinder in sich auf" (He does what is moral simply by example, but he does not moralise. And the children internalise this example).
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" Malise Ruthven observed in the Times Literary Supplement that Miller "forces no thesis on his readers, allowing them to draw their own conclusion from the facts he uncovers." He took this as both a strength and a weakness of the book, in that it leaves open the question of whether Hubbard was a deliberate con-man or sincerely deluded. He also expressed frustration that Miller had not explained how Hubbard had achieved such a following, but complimented the author's meticulous research in separating fact from fiction. The satirical magazine Private Eye described the book as "meticulously documented" but observed that the author "does not theorise, nor even very often moralise.
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The Church Rate agitation was part of a wider campaign for reforms of position of the established Church, which broke its monopoly over the recording of births, marriages and deaths in 1837, but poor rates were not made voluntary until 1868, five years after Hatherton's death. In fact, after this disappointment, and especially in the early 1840s, a period of Tory dominance that brought Robert Peel to power, Hatherton's contributions slackened for a time in number and in focus. Without a clear programme of government reforms to promote, he tended to moralise or equivocate. Hatherton was always a zealous promoter of Lord's Day observance, a cause which united almost all the churches.
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W.S. Gilbert in about 1870 The scene is the box office lobby of a theatre where a politically scandalous play, implied to be Gilbert's contemporaneous play The Happy Land, is being produced. The play is so popular that spectators are literally crammed into the private boxes, sitting on each other's laps. The boxkeeper thinks that the play is scandalous, but "Society comes because Society is loth to believe in such audacity on mere hearsay, and flocks to the theatre in thousands to witness the appalling spectacle for themselves." Quisby and Jopp, a pair of "swells", arrive to see the play for the sixty- eighth and eighty-fifth time, respectively – but only to "moralise over the depravity of human nature" and "see the spectators".
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Healthism links the "public objectives for the good health and good order of the social body with the desire of individuals for health and well-being" [Rose, 1999:74]. Healthy bodies and hygienic homes may still be objectives of the state, but it no longer seeks to discipline, instruct, moralise or threaten us into compliance. Rather "individuals are addressed on the assumption that they want to be healthy and enjoined to freely seek out the ways of living most likely to promote their own health" [Rose, 1999:86-87] such as going to the gym. However while the technology of responsibilisation may be argued to be a calculated technique of the state, the wave of Healthism is less likely to be a consequence of state planning, but arising out of the newer social sciences such as nutrition and human movement.
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Soon after, in 1922, he published his history of the city of Jerusalem, Ta'rikh al-Quds (History of Jerusalem), (1922) A short story collection Masarih al-Adh'han (Pastures of the Mind) came out in 1924 and displays his use of fiction to moralise and edify the reader. Beidas was interested in European culture, especially with its humanitarian and social aspects and, prompted by the contemporary Russian cultural resurgence to which he had been exposed, called for a comprehensive cultural revival in the Arab world. His own cultural works were multi-faceted: literary criticism, educational textbooks, translation of major foreign works of fiction, works on linguistics, political speeches and articles and works of Arab, Greek and European history. Beidas' was a main proponent of the Palestinian national movement, through his journal Al-Nāfa'is as well as through a number of public speeches and articles in major Arabic (Egyptian) newspapers such as Al-Ahram and Al-Muqattam.
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His wife Elizabeth donated much of the large income generated by her lands and properties to charities, inspiring Denis to help improve the life of the poor and found several social institutions. The frequent procedural issues that arose when he issued his decrees increasingly occupied Denis in his quest to frame the common law as being within the scope of the crown's jurisdiction, and in exercising royal power in the realm. The restrictions he placed on the actions of alvazis (local council officials), judges, as well as proctors and advocates in the courts, show that a merely nominal power of the monarchy over all the inhabitants of the kingdom, as was typical in the Middle Ages, was not compatible with his effort to assert a royal prerogative to scrutinise legal procedures or moralise on the exercise of justice. The appointment of magistrates clearly marks the start of the process of the crown claiming territorial jurisdiction, thus expanding the royal domain, along with the growing importance of Lisbon as the nation's de facto capital.
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