" And finally, there's "Young Turk: that's been my bro since day one, like January the first.
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But now Thompson sees the Young Turk image floundering on the myopia and hypocrisy of the network's leaders.
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So I had all my kind of smart, Young Turk friends, and we started to put out this kind of very insurgent attitude-heavy magazine.
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Love history boasts two key fatalities: 1) the hot young Turk whose coitus was interrupted in the most permanent way; 2) the beloved first husband (and sorta cousin) who met his demise in a car crash.
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His latest historical mystery, "Farewell, My Beautiful Motherland," is told through the eyes of a revolutionary a century ago in the final years of Ottoman rule, when the Young Turk movement sought, in vain, to reform a crumbling caliphate.
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While Justice Democrats is still developing their own versions of these strategies and has not had much of an opportunity to put them into play yet — they formed in January and just announced Cori Bush as their first candidate — Cenk Uygur, the CEO of The Young Turk Network and a Justice Democrats co-founder, has already started to use his platform to promote the group.
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One the Greek young men suspecting the young Turk took the Police to the young Turk's house. The young Turk confessed and the father offered monetary retribution. The young Greek man refused to be bought off by the father so the young Turk was arrested by the Police. The father was furious that the young Greek man would not accept the money.
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Mehmed V was proclaimed Sultan of the Ottoman Empire after the Young Turk Revolution.
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After the Young Turk Revolution he was accused for the miserable condition of the navy.
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Postcard celebrating the victory of the Young Turk Revolution, with a portrait of İsmail Enver and patriotic slogans in Ottoman Turkish and French In 1908, the Aromanian intellectual was propelled to high office by the Young Turk Revolution and the Second Constitutional Era: the party rewarded his contribution, legally interpreted as "high services to the State", by assigning him a special non-elective seat in the Ottoman Senate (a status similar to that of another Young Turk Aromanian, Filip Mișea, who became a deputy).Hanioğlu, p. 259; Karpat, pp. 563, 569, 571, 576–577.
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After the Young Turk Revolution, occurred in 1908, the Ottoman Empire organized the first parliamentary elections in the Sanjak of Prizren.
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After the Young Turk Revolution, Yordan Asenov withdrew from the active revolutionary activity and practiced his profession. He died in Sofia in 1936.
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As a result of his participation in the Greco-Turkish War he was promoted to the rank of Miralay (colonel). In 1908 after the Young Turk Revolution he became chief of the Ottoman general staff. During that period ( under the Young Turk Government) he was opposed to the military actions of the Ottoman army under Mahmud Shevket Pasha against Albanian nationalists during the Albanian revolts of 1910.
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Before 1908 Sherif Pasha was a supporter of the Young Turk movement and provided economic support to Ahmed Riza, a young Turk leader in Paris. After the 1908 Revolution he returned to the Ottoman Empire and headed up the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) branch in the Istanbul district of Pangaltı. However, he soon fell out with the CUP. The reasons for this are debated.
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Strauss also wrote "There must have also been a Serbian version available in [Bosnia Vilayet]". Arsenije Zdravković published a Serbian translation after the Young Turk Revolution.
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With the Young Turk Revolution, he became a deputy of the National Assembly of the Serbs in Turkey. He was killed in 1910 by the Ottoman government.
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Frashëri's play would not appear in theatres until the aftermath of the 1908 Young Turk Revolution when performances continued for a full three years and during 1911-1912.
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"Erik J. Zürcher The Young Turk Legacy and Nation Building: From the Ottoman Empire to Atatürk's Turkey" [review]. 'Studies in ethnicity and nationalism, vol. 11, no. 3 (2011), p. 586-588.
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During the Young Turk Revolution of July 1908, Kosovo Albanians that gathered at Firzovik (Ferizaj) agreed to a besa toward pressuring sultan Abdul Hamid II to restore constitutional government. In November 1908 during the Congress of Manastir on the Albanian alphabet question, delegates selected a committee of 11 that swore a besa promising that nothing would be revealed before a final decision and in keeping with that oath agreed to two alphabets as the step forward. During the Albanian revolt of 1910, Kosovo Albanian chieftains gathered at Firzovik and swore a besa to fight the centralist polices of the Ottoman Young Turk government. In the Albanian revolt of 1912, Albanians pledged a besa against the Young Turk government which they had assisted into gaining power in 1908.
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Following the Young Turk Revolution of 1908, he led operations in Van, Erzurum and Trabzon. He also took part in the Persian Constitutional Revolution, leading the Dashnak party during the defense of Tabriz.
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The third issue contained a eulogy for the Kurdish poet Haji Qadir Koyi. Ahmad Khani was also honoured by Kurdistan. Stansfield and Sharif, writing in The Kurdish Question Revisited, also note that Kurdistan supported the Young Turk reformers who wanted to oust Sultan Abdul Hamid II and reinstate the constitution: "Kurdistan was also a CUP newspaper. It reported on the activities of the CUP and the Young Turk movement, and in so doing distinguished itself as a forum for opposing the Hamidian regime".
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When the Young Turk Revolution broke out (1907–1908), and there was a temporary peace in Macedonia, the Young Turks gave Serbs more rights. Several members of the Organization joined the Serb Democratic League.
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The Young Turk revolution of 1908 had taken real power out of the hands of the Sultan (although the sultanate remained) and put it in the hands of the Committee of Union and Progress.
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Memorial poster of IMARO issued after the Young Turk Revolution. The group presents Delchev and his already dead comrades, he personally had invited in the organisation: Toma Davidov, Mihail Apostolov, Petar Sokolov and Slavi Merdzhanov.
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Eyüp Sabri (), Ohrili Eyüp Sabri (1876-1950) known as Eyüp Sabri Akgöl (literally 'white lake') after the 1934 Surname Law, was an Ottoman-Albanian revolutionary and one of the leaders of the Young Turk Revolution (1908).
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Following the Young Turk Revolution at the beginning of the 20th century and the flowering of Turkish nationalism, the destruction or assimilation of minority populations (particularly Armenians, Assyrians, Greeks and Kurds) has been a recurring pattern.
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"The Salonica Dynamiters," www.promacedonia.org/ Retrieved October 2, 2011. Following the Young Turk Revolution Bogdanov was pardoned along with Pavel Shatev and returned to Ottoman Macedonia. He brought with him the skulls of Milan Arsov and Marko Boshnakov.
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He served as a lawyer throughout the Ottoman Empire. In the 1912 and 1914 Young Turk elections, Hafız Mehmet was elected as a deputy who represented Trabzon. As a practicing lawyer, Mehmet was nicknamed "hukukcu" or lawyer.
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However, Karpat writes, "Batzaria believed, paradoxically, that if the Young Turks had remained genuinely faithful to their original liberal ideals they might have succeeded in holding the state together." According to Batzaria, the descent into civil war and the misapplication of liberal promises after the Young Turk Revolution made the Young Turk executive fall back on its own ethnic nationalism, and then on Turkification. That policy, the author suggested, was ineffective: regular Turks were poor and discouraged, and Europe looked with displeasure on the implicit anti-colonialism of such theories.Karpat, pp.
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The Saraj in the early 1900s Ahmed Niyazi Bey, a progressive and likely a member of the Young Turk Revolution, was the bey of the Resen area in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The bey desired to have a French-style estate, perhaps after receiving a postcard of Versailles. Construction of the Saraj began in 1905 and the exterior of the building was completed in 1909 after the Young Turk Revolution. Everything else, including the interior, was not completed until a few years after the Balkan Wars and World War I in 1922.
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Aqif Pasha Biçaku mostly known as Aqif Pashë Elbasani (1860 – 10 February 1926) was an Ottoman Albanian political figure in the Sanjak of Elbasan and after the Young Turk Revolution became an activist for the Albanian national cause.
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The late-1970s and the ascension of Young Turk mentor General Prem Tinsulanonda to the premiership in 1980 marked the apex of Class 7's influence in Thai politics. Prem appointed Chamlong as his secretary, an extremely powerful position.
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In 1906, on the basis of a secret agent's reports, his literary pieces were once again destroyed. When the Young Turk Revolution succeeded in 1908, Guirdjian returned to Constantinople and began participating in civic and literary activities once again.
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After Independence he was elected to the provisional Parliament from Bihar in 1950. He was part of the young Turk brigade of the Indian National Congress party during the time of the first Prime Minister of India Jawaharlal Nehru.
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General Arthit was a leader of the counter-coup against the Young Turk coup of 1981. Afterwards, he was promoted to Commander of the First Army Region, traditionally regarded as the most strategic post for coups and counter-coups.
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76–100 The Young Turk leadership began implementing ethnic cleansing policies in the spring of 1914. The Greek communities of the Aegean region of Anatolia and Eastern Thrace were targeted, facing boycott, intimidation, attacks by irregulars and massacre.Lieberman, 2013: p.
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Shattered Dreams of Revolution: From Liberty to Violence in the Late Ottoman Empire is a 2014 book by Bedross Der Matossian, published by Stanford University Press. It discusses the Young Turk Revolution of 1908 and related aspects and contains six chapters.
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Here, in the wake of Young Turk Revolution, Rasulzade founded a journal called Türk Yurdu (The Land of Turks), in which he published his famous article "İran Türkleri" about the Iranian Turks.Azerbaijan Democratic Republic. Azerbaijan Government 1918-1920. Baku, "Youth", 1990.
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Maghen Abraham Synagogue in Beirut, Lebanon. In the center of the photo, synagogue of Deir al-Qamar, dating from the seventeenth century, abandoned but still intact. The Jewish Cemetery in Beirut (2008). The Young Turk Revolution (1908) sparked the organization process.
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With the Young Turk Revolution a new military conscription law was prepared by the Ministry of War in October 1908. According to the draft, all subjects between ages of twenty and forty five were to fulfill a mandatory military service.
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Beyleryan returned to Constantinople only after the Ottoman Constitution of 1908 was put in place following the Young Turk Revolution. She continued to work as a teacher in Smyrna and Tokat until 1915, when she died in the Armenian genocide.
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Their successors, the Young Turks, also took refuge in London in order to escape the absolutism of Abdul Hamid II. Even more political refugees were to arrive after the Young Turk Revolution of July 1908 and after the First World War.
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After the Young Turk Revolution of 1908, the Ottoman state became a constitutional monarchy. The sultan no longer had executive powers. A parliament was formed, with representatives chosen from the provinces. The representatives formed the Imperial Government of the Ottoman Empire.
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In the late Ottoman period, due to the influence of Catholic Franciscan priests some changes to blood feuding practices occurred among Albanian highlanders such as guilt being restricted to the offender or their household and even one tribe accepting the razing of the offender's home as compensation for the offense. In the aftermath of the Young Turk Revolution in 1908 the new Young Turk government established the Commissions for the Reconciliation of Blood Feuds that focused on the regions of İpek (Pejë), Prizren and Tepedelen (Tepelenë). The commissions sentenced Albanians who had participated in blood feud killing and the Council of Ministers allowed them to continue their work in the provinces until May 1909. After the Young Turk Revolution and subsequent restoration of the Ottoman constitution, the Shala, Kastrati, Shoshi and Hoti tribes made a besa (pledge) to support the document and to stop blood feuding with other tribes until 6 November 1908.
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However, this view is challenged by the French-Armenian historian Raymond Kévorkian. Rather, Kévorkian argues that the 1915 genocide emerged from the goal of the Committee of Union and Progress to create a Turkish nation state after the 1908 Young Turk Revolution.
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82Uğur Üngör, Mehmet Polatel: Confiscation and Destruction. The Young Turk Seizure of Armenian Property. Bloomsbury Academic, 2011. p. 132 In Adana he took part in the confiscation of Armenian property and businesses after the Armenian genocide, which was encouraged by the Turkish government.
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He fought mainly Bulgarian forces. Under his command, the Prilep, Kičevo, Veles, Poreče regions were cleared of Bulgarian forces. When the Young Turk Revolution broke out (1907–1908), and there was a temporary peace in Macedonia, the Young Turks gave Serbs more rights.
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On the other side of the hill, the Ottomans, reorganized by a German military mission, had won a clear victory over Greece back in 1897. Following the Young Turk Revolution however, the Ottoman army became involved in politics to the detriment of its efficiency.
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The 7th General Convention of the Social Democrat Hunchakian Party which was held in Constanţa, Romania, in 1913, had a unique and great importance not only for the Hunchaks, but in the history of the Armenian people as a whole. During the Convention, members stressed their concern of the Ittihad (Young Turk) government's blatant disregard of the Armenian lives who resided in Historic Armenia. The Hunchaks feared that this disregard would only escalate as time passed. The Hunchaks also stressed the importance of a United Independent Armenia which would be impossible under the racist and dictatorial Young Turk government's rule of the Ottoman Empire.
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Henry K. Carroll of the Boards of Foreign Missions pleading to the US Secretary of State for protection of Christians with the Ottoman Empire. In 1908, the Young Turk government came to power in a bloodless revolution. Within a year, the Ottoman Empire's Armenian population, empowered by the dismissal of Abdul Hamid II, began organizing politically in support of the new government, which promised to place them on equal legal footing with their Muslim counterparts. Having long endured so-called dhimmi status, and having suffered the brutality and oppression of Hamidian leadership since 1876, the Armenians in Cilicia perceived the nascent Young Turk government as a godsend.
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The Young Turk Seizure of Armenian Property. Bloomsbury Academic, 2011. p. 132 Soon, he became a broker for cotton harvesters. With the money he saved in a few years, Hacı Ömer entered the cotton trade, and in 1932 became a co-owner of a cotton spinning plant.
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Daniel Varoujan (, 20 April 188426 August 1915) was an Armenian poet of the early 20th century. At the age of 31, when he was reaching international stature, he was deported and murdered by the Young Turk government, as part of the officially planned and executed Armenian Genocide.
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After the deposition of the Sultan by the Young Turk Revolution, he returned to Van in 1908. He joined the Van resistance in 1915. After the Armenian victory, they set up an Armenian provisional government, with Aram Manukian at its head. Armenak Yekarian became the police chief.
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Pan-Turkism is often perceived as a new form of Turkish imperial ambition. Some view the Young Turk leaders who saw pan-Turkist ideology as a way to reclaim the prestige of the Ottoman Empire as racist and chauvinistic.Jacob M. Landau. Pan-Turkism: From Irredentism to Cooperation.
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The Serb Democratic League was an Ottoman Serb political organisation established on August 13, 1908, at the First Serb Conference (August 10–13), immediately after the Young Turk Revolution. It included the Serb elite of Old Raška, Kosovo and Metohija, and Vardar Macedonia and Aegean Macedonia.
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After the rebellion he became a district leader. After the Young Turk Revolution he joined the local police. He was killed in Florina in 1909 by the Turks, after a Greek provocation.Vŭorŭzhenata borba na VMORO v Makedonia i Odrinsko, 1904-1912, Todor Petrov, Voenno izdatelstvo, 1991, str. 54.
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Tab Virgil Jr. (born February 8, 1981) better known by his stage name Turk (sometimes "Young Turk" or "Hot Boy Turk"), is an American rapper from New Orleans, Louisiana. He is best known for his late 1990s run at Cash Money Records with the group the Hot Boys.
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Dominic Whiting, Turkey Handbook, Footprint Travel Guides, 2000, , page 445. Young Turk, Moris Farhi, Arcade Publishing, 2005, , page 153.Kevin Fewster, Vecihi Başarin, Hatice Hürmüz Başarin, A Turkish view of Gallipoli: Çanakkale, Hodja, 1985, , page 118.William M. Hale Turkish foreign policy, 1774–2000, Routledge, 2000, , page 52.
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However, since the Ottoman authorities had an arrest warrant for him, he was caught and sent to life imprisonment in Bodrum. After the Young Turk Revolution in 1908, Tiriakian was set free and returned to Constantinople. In Constantinople, he became a publicist and manager of the Azadamard Armenian newspaper.
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Soon, hostility between the Bulgarian organizations and the Serbian Chetnik Organization began. With the failed idea of joint actions, and growing nationalism, the government in Belgrade took over the activities of the organization. The Young Turk Revolution in 1908 imposed a temporary stop to all guerrilla actions in Macedonia.
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Doda was exiled to Anatolia by the Ottoman government and later given a post of Brigadier General in the palace of Sultan Abdul Hamid II. While in Istanbul, Doda had become a member of the Young Turks. He was released in 1908, after the Young Turk Revolution and the new Ottoman government thought that Doda's freedom would assist in gaining the support of the Mirdita tribe. Local Muslim and Christian Albanian highlanders (Malisors) viewed Doda's return as more important than the Ottoman constitution. The local Young Turk (CUP) branch in Shkodër, under pressure from local tribal chieftains, chose to obtain Doda's release for Mirdita in return for supporting the new constitutional government.
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He was a founder of Hell's Kitchen Systems, Inc., which was purchased by Red Hat in 2000 for $85.6 million. He was a founder of BiblioBytes, an electronic publishing site, and was called a "young Turk of publishing" in the New York Observer. BiblioBytes was a named plaintiff in Reno v.
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The coup was an attempt to undermine the Young Turk Revolution of 1908, which was a coup, so it became known as the countercoup of 1909. The suppression of the counterrevolution is known in Turkish as 31 Mart Vakası (31 March incident), due to date originating from the old Rumi calendar.
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After of two years of fruitless effort to find employment, he was appointed as a professor in the Rizareios School, where he taught until 1908."Παγκόσμιο Βιογραφικό Λεξικό", p. 263, vol. 8, "Εκδοτική Αθηνών", 1988 With the amnesty given in 1908 with the Young Turk Revolution he returned to Kastoria.
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6 Armenian provinces of Western Armenia. Patten, William and J.E. Homas, Turkey in Asia, 1903. Constitution Muslim, Armenian, Greek leaders together thumbThe Second Constitutional Era of the Empire began shortly after Sultan Abdülhamid II restored the constitutional monarchy after the 1908 Young Turk Revolution. The period established many political groups.
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Nevertheless, the Young Turk movement resulted in a few instances of collaboration between Greek and Bulgarian bands, while this time the official policy in both countries continue to support the penetration of armed fighters into Ottoman Macedonia, but without having fully ensured that there would be no attacks on each other.
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Rajaram was listed as one of Fortune Magazine's "40 under 40" in 2011 and 2013. In 2012 he was awarded the "Entrepreneur Of The Year India" award in Services sector by Ernst and Young India.. In early 2014, Rajaram was awarded the Young Turk award at the CNBC TV18 India Business Leaders Awards.
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After the Young Turk Revolution initiated the establishment of the Bulgarian Constitutional Clubs and its chairman. After the First World War he is foreign representative of Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (IMRO), one of the founders of the Macedonian Scientific Institute and a full member. Toma Karayovov died in 1950 in Sofia, Bulgaria.
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He was later taken on as a government adviser despite his christian origins. He kept his employment status through the Young Turk Revolution, until 1914. With the outbreak of the I World War, he returned to Europe. By 1918 his star in Istanbul had waned and his contract with the government was terminated.
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M. Terrades, p. 108-113. The successes and sacrifices of young officers such as Melas restored the image of part of the army. In turn, the meddling of the European powers in internal Ottoman affairs contributed to the outbreak of the Young Turk Revolution of July 1908,A. Vacalopoulos, p. 203-204.
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Georgios Kourtoglou (; also known as Yorgaki Efendi; born 1856, Nigde), was a Greek political, legal and social activist, and governor in the late Ottoman Empire. He was elected to be part of the new Ottoman parliament in 1908, after the Young Turk Revolution. He was elected deputy of Niğde in the Konya Vilayet.
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European critics who accused the CUP of depriving non-Turks of their rights through Turkification saw Turk, Ottoman and Muslim as synonymous, and believed Young Turk "Ottomanism" posed a threat to Ottoman Christians. The British ambassador Gerard Lowther said it was like "pounding non-Turkish elements in a Turkish mortar", while another contemporary European source complained that the CUP plan would reduce "the various races and regions of the empire to one dead level of Turkish uniformity." Rifa'at 'Ali Abou-El-Haj has written that "some Ottoman cultural elements and Islamic elements were abandoned in favor of Turkism, a more potent device based on ethnic identity and dependent on a language based nationalism". The Young Turk government launched a series of initiatives that included forced assimilation.
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The Young Turk Revolution in July resulted in the restoration of the 1876 constitution, ushering in the Second Constitutional Era, and the reconvening of the 1878 parliament, bringing back many of the surviving members of that parliament; the restored parliament's single legislation was a decree to formally dissolve itself and call for new elections.
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Cernat (2007), pp. 92–94 Like the Futurists, young Vinea cheered for industrialization and Westernization, giving enthusiastic coverage to the Young Turk Revolution.Cernat (2007), pp. 93–94 He was thus also an advocate of social realism, praising Maxim Gorky and, in later years, Dem. Theodorescu, Vasile Demetrius, Ion Călugăru, and Panait Istrati.Cernat (2007), pp.
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With the spread of Young Turk movement in Lazistan, the short-lived autonomist national movement headed by Faik Efendişi was established. However, it was soon eliminated as the result of Abdul Hamid's intervention. Ethnic map of Asia Minor, 1910 During the First World War (1914–18) Russians invaded the provinces of Rize and Trabzon.
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In Sofia he wrote the most famous of his works, the play Macedonian Bloody Wedding (Makedonska Kărvava Svadba). Voydan reworked it later to give the plot and the libretto for the famous opera "Tsveta" by maestro Georgi Atanasov. After the Young Turk Revolution in 1908 Popgeorgiev moved with his traveling troupe back in Ottoman Macedonia.
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The movement for Balkan Socialist Federation arose after the Young Turk Revolution in 1908. The First Balkan Socialist Conference was held on January 7–9, 1910 in Belgrade. The main platforms at this conference were Balkan unity and action against the impending wars. Another important aspect was the call for a solution to the Macedonian Question.
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Belliss was born in Wanganui in 1951, attending (and playing rugby football at) Wanganui Boys' College. He started playing in the 1970s in the Aramaho (Wanganui) club; Joseph Romanos called him The young Turk of lawn bowls. He had been a railways fitter, and in 1982 was the first New Zealand lawn bowler to turn professional.
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John Burman Politics and Profit:The National Bank of Turkey Revisited Oriens (Brill) Vol.37 (2009) pp = 225-236 jstor= 25759078 Conlin claimsJonathan Conlin (2016): Debt, diplomacy and dreadnoughts: the National Bank of Turkey, 1909–1919, Middle Eastern Studies, DOI: 10.1080/00263206.2015.1124418 that the initial impetus for the bank's creation came about as a result of the Young Turk Revolution.
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However his formal investiture as Emir did not occur until April 1908. In July 1908 the Young Turk Revolution reinstated the Ottoman constitution of 1876. In the Hejaz Sharif Ali and Ahmed Ratib Pasha opposed the new regime and delayed declaration of the constitution. Ali ordered the flogging of some men in Ta'if who were found discussing the subject.
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In July 1908, the Young Turk Revolution changed the political structure of the Empire. The Young Turks rebelled against the absolute rule of Sultan Abdul Hamid II to establish the Second Constitutional Era. On 24 July 1908, Sultan Abdul Hamid II capitulated from his post and restored the Ottoman constitution of 1876. The revolution created multi-party democracy.
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That was followed by series of conflicts between Greeks and Bulgarians into both regions. The tension were result of the different concepts of nationality. The Slavic villages became divided into followers of the Bulgarian national movement and so-called grecomans. The Young Turk Revolution of 1908 restored the Ottoman Parliament, which had been suspended by the Sultan in 1878.
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As such he took an active role in the suppression of the countercoup, which resulted in the overthrow of Abdul Hamid II, who was replaced by his brother Mehmed V, while the power of the CUP was consolidated. Throughout the Young Turk era, Enver was a member of the CUP central committee from 1908 to 1918.
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After the Young Turk Revolution, he returned to Turkey, where he edited the Pyunik and Gaghapar newspapers and collaborated with Ottoman Turkish newspapers. He also wrote a large number of works (from "Yeldiz to Sassoun", 1910; "The Eagle of Avarair", 1909; "For the Freedom", 1911; etc.) and opened a publishing house. He was elected as a national deputy.
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The community alleged that he was too traditional, and that his views and education were incompatible with the modern order. After the Young Turk Revolution of 1908, the Jews of Damascus demanded that Alfandari be removed from his post, and he was subsequently dismissed by the Minister of Justice, the authority responsible for non-Muslim religious affairs.
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His ideas began to gain more interest with the Young Turk Revolution and the proclamation of the Second Constitutional Era. In 1911 he founded the Türk Yurdu Association together with Ahmet Ağaoğlu, Ali Hüseynzade and others. In November 1911 Türk Yurdu began to publish a magazine bearing its name, which sought to become the intellectual force behind Turkish nationalism.
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After the Young Turk Revolution of 1908, both fractions laid down their arms and joined the legal struggle. The federalist wing welcomed in the revolution of 1908 and later joined mainstream political life as the Peoples' Federative Party (Bulgarian Section). The right wing formed the Bulgarian Constitutional Clubs and like the PFP participated in Ottoman elections.
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After the Second Constitutional Era of the Ottoman Empire a farm was established in place of Azatlık; the farm was known as Resneli Farm referring to Resneli Niyazi Bey, a military officer from Resen (then a part of Ottoman Empire), who was a hero of Young Turk Revolution in 1908. Aftermath Ottoman Armanians send away from Azatlı.
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During the events of the Young Turk Revolution (1908), rumors of the time had it that Abdul Hamid II as a last resort asked Qemali for assistance and his response was that only the restoration of the 1878 Ottoman constitution would pacify the Albanians. After the 1908 revolution and constitutional restoration Qemali returned from exile and became a deputy representing Berat in the restored Ottoman Parliament, working with liberal politicians and the British. He contributed to the Young Turk (CUP) newspaper Tanin where Qemali called for government reforms. Qemali became leader of the Albanian deputies in the Ottoman parliament and did not oppose Austro-Hungarian annexation of Bosnia adding that recognition of the move should entail security guarantees for the empire in case of war with Balkan states over territory.
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Warning Ottoman officials to be wary of activities by Italian officials in Albania, he viewed Austria-Hungary as also having its own "vexatious ideas and hopes" on Albania. During the Young Turk Revolution (1908) the Grand Vizer's office instructed Hilmi Pasha to send an official to investigate the reason for the gathering at Firzovik and disperse the Albanian crowd without force. On 20 July two telegrams by 194 notables from the Firzovik meeting were sent to Ferid Pasha and the Seyhulislam demanding the restoration of the constitution of 1876. The sultan sacked Ferid Pasha on 23 July 1908 and replaced him with Mehmed Said Pasha after he failed to prevent the Young Turk Revolution and keep Albanians loyal to the state of which some were involved in those events.
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Before the incident, representatives of the city had sent a telegram to the Sultan in Constantinople in which they demanded the withdrawal of Ibrahim Pasha's military credentials and those of his sons "who gave up the honor of being a soldier through brigandage and murder". General Talaat Pasha, who would later become a member of the ruling Committee of Union and Progress, was sent as special envoy to Diyarbakir by the Sublime Porte to deal with Ibrahim Pasha. After the Young Turk Revolution of 1908 Ibrahim Pasha lost much of his influence in Upper Mesopotamia and left for Damascus. In 1909, upon his return to the Diyarbakir region, he was persecuted by forces of the Young Turk government, who wanted to restore direct control over the region, and died during the escape.
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Large parts of Gegënia posed a security problem for the Ottoman empire, due to the tribalism of Gheg society and limited state control. Gheg freedoms were tolerated by Abdul Hamid II and he enlisted them in his palace guard, integrated the sons of local notables from urban areas into the bureaucracy and co-opted leaders like Isa Boletini into the Ottoman system. During the Young Turk Revolution (1908) some Ghegs were one group in Albanian society that gave its support for the restoration of the Ottoman constitution of 1876 to end the Hamidian regime. Subsequent centralising policies and militarism toward the Albanian Question by the new Young Turk government resulted in four years of local revolts by Ghegs who fought to keep tribal privileges and the defense system of kulas (tower houses).
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The community held a meeting in order to adopt a solution. The participants thought of many different tactics. Mgrdich Yotneghparian and his partisans were among the few who preferred to fight to the death rather than yielding to the Ottomans. The Adana massacre of 1909 had made Yotneghparian increasingly cautious of the new Young Turk government and the Turkish constitution.
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These newspapers included Azad Khosk, Grag, the Mdrag Periodical, and Hachyun. After the Young Turk revolution in 1908, Shahbaz returned to the Ottoman Empire where he continued his political activism. He then went to Bulgaria and then back to Egypt where he got married in 1912. He then moved to Paris, France in order to continue his studies in law.
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The Balkan Wars brought to an end the Ottoman rule of the Balkan Peninsula, except for eastern Thrace and Constantinople. The Young Turk regime was unable to reverse the decline of the Empire. It remained in power and in June 1913, established a dictatorship. A large influx of Turks started to flee into the Ottoman heartland from the lost lands.
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Moreover, in people with pre-diabetes the gastric bypass surgery prevents the development of diabetes by about 40 fold. At the time of such work the gastric bypass surgery was an experimental procedure, which is now well accepted in standard clinical practice. For the sum of this work Caro was elected a member of The American Society for Clinical Investigation (Young Turk).
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From 1912 she held classes at Rectory Farm, for deprived children. During the period 1913 to 1915, she ran a school in Gayton Road, Hampstead. In 1914, before the outbreak of World War I, Fry paid another visit to Edib in Turkey. She met leaders of the Young Turk movement: Talaat Pasha, and Midhat Shukri with whom she could not resolve her differences.
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134-135 The Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization for the Ograzden county was formed and operated in these parts. One of the most prominent leaders of the organization in Strumica was Hristo Chernopeev, who took part in the Young Turk Revolution (1908–09). The outcome of this effort did not bring freedom to the local people who still remained under Ottoman rule.
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Between 1908 and 1918, Djemal was one of the most important leaders of the Ottoman government. Following the Young Turk Revolution in 1908 he became a member of the central committee (Merkezi Umum-i) of the CUP and later was deployed as a Kaymakam to Üsküdar, Constantinople and in 1909 he was assigned as a Wāli to the Adana Vilayet.
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The Osmanischer Lloyd was a German-Language daily newspaper in Ottoman Constantinople which was founded after the Young Turk Revolution in 1908 and existed until 1918. Between 1908 and 1915 the newspaper was published as bi- lingual outlet, with each issue having two pages containing French articles. The newspaper was confronted with a strong opposition by the Ottoman press to German influence.
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During the Ilinden-Preobrazhenie Uprising he was a member of the Hristo Chernopeev's band. After the end of the unsuccessful uprising, he started studying history in Sofia University. In the meantime he worked as a secretary of the IMARO committee in Sofia. After the Young Turk Revolution, Cyril Parlichev participated in the inauguration of the Bulgarian Constitutional Clubs political party.
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The Young Turk revolution resulted in the loss of the Ottoman province of Bosnia to Austria- Hungary, which at any rate had militarily occupied the region since 1878. Moreover, the tributary Principality of Bulgaria declared independence from the Ottoman Empire. Bulgaria simultaneously annexed the autonomous Ottoman Province of Eastern Rumelia (of which the Prince of Bulgaria had been Governor-General since 1885).
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Voters probably considered him and many of his team old and out of touch in contrast with National leader Keith Holyoake, who in 1960 was only in his mid 50s. The phrase Young Turk was used by Ian Templeton to describe three of the new National MPs elected in 1960, Peter Gordon, Duncan MacIntyre and Robert Muldoon. The description stuck (Zavos).
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Baháʼu'lláh was succeeded by his eldest son, ʻAbdu'l-Bahá. Designated as the "Center of the Covenant" and Head of the Faith, Baháʼu'lláh designated him in his will as the sole authoritative interpreter of Baháʼu'lláh's writings. ʻAbdu'l-Bahá had shared his father's long exile and imprisonment. This imprisonment continued until ʻAbdu'l-Bahá's own release as a result of the "Young Turk" revolution in 1908.
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The Young Turk Revolution removed Abdul Hamid II from power in 1908, and officials more favorable to the U.S. replaced him. The Ottoman Legation in Washington was designated as an embassy in 1909, and given the second class ranking; the Ottoman Empire at the time ranked its embassies by importance.İhsanoğlu, Ekmeleddin. History of the Ottoman State, society & civilisation: Vol. 1.
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Dervish Hima was born in Struga to a Tosk landowning family. He attended school in Monastir (Bitola) and Salonika (Thessaloniki), and studied medicine for two years in Istanbul, where he initially supported the Young Turk movement and began to reflect on the Albanian question. In August 1908 Hima left his studies unfinished and devoted himself to the Albanian national movement.
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In 1922, she was sent to France for education upon recommendation of Mustafa Kemal (later Atatürk), as he liberated İzmir from Greek invasion. She entered the Faculty of Letters at the University of Paris. During her study in Paris, she was supported by her paternal uncle Refik Nevzat, a prominent Young Turk. She graduated four years later, and returned home in 1926.
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Berkes was born in Nicosia,Berkes, Feroz, The Development of Secularism in Turkey, p.XV. the capital of Cyprus, on 21 September 1908, shortly after the Young Turk Revolution in Turkey. He started his secondary education in Nicosia. During his education, he later, went to Istanbul and graduated from Istanbul Erkek Lisesi (Istanbul Lycée, or Istanbul Boys' High School ) in 1928.
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He engaged in community organizing and transfer of weaponry (particularly rifles and bullets) to Van from Russia and Iran. In 1906 alone more weapons were transferred to Van than in the previous 15 years. Prior to the Young Turk Revolution, the party branch in Van had around a thousand members. He also sought to minimize the Ottoman government interference in internal Armenian matters.
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He is famed for his bravery in the battle on Paklište. After the Young Turk Revolution (1908), he returned to his village and lived a peaceful life. However, with the breakout of the First Balkan War, he joined the unit of Vojin Popović-Vuk, as the Serbian vanguard, and participated in all battles from the Serbian border to Prilep. He was wounded but declined medical care.
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After foreign troops began to withdraw in 1908, Cretan politics focused entirely on enosis. As far as the Cretans were concerned, Crete was an integral part of Greece. They elected representatives to the Greek government, but those were not allowed to be seated. Meanwhile, from 1908 to 1913, conflict between the Balkan states and the newly belligerent Ottoman Empire under the Young Turk movement grew more intense.
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Municipality of Serres: Bouliasikis I. Theodoros. In the beginning of 1908, he fought in Zihni as the commander of a small group of six guerrillas.Ioannis S. Koliopoulos (scientific editing), Obscure, native Macedonian fighters, Society for Macedonian Studies, University Studio Press, Thessaloniki, 2008, p. 155. In 1908, after the general amnesty issued after the Young Turk Revolution, he went to Serres,Tsamis, 1975, p. 433.
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Josifović was born in the village of Makedonski Brod in Poreč. He joined the Serbian Chetnik Organization in 1905 under the command of Rade Radivojević-Dušan. After the death of his commander in 1907, Mihailo Josifović served as voivode in 1908 until the Young Turk Revolution. From 1911 he was acting as the commander in Poreč with a nominal salary of three Turkish liras per month.
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Babunski (first row, third from right) with a group of Chetniks, during Macedonian Civil War 1903–08 Chetnik leaders during legalisation in time of Young Turk Revolution in 1908. Babunski is seen standing, first from right. In 1905, Babunski's brother and nephew were killed by the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (; VMRO). Seeking revenge, he joined the Chetnik band of Gligor Sokolović and Temeljko Barjaktarević.
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The villages Belkamen, Negovan and Lehovo became heavily involved on the Greek side in the Macedonian Struggle."; p. 5. "In the wake of the Young Turk revolution a new self-assertion could be traced among the Christian Albanians and the Greek clergy struggled to contain the nationalist Albanians in Korçë and Bitola (Bridge 1976, 401-2). This condition also extended into the kaza of Florina.
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Later, his group cooperated in many operations with the Cretan officer Ioannis Karavitis until 1907. In 1908, his group, consisting mainly of Nižepole locals, under the general instructions of the Cretan Panagiotis Gerogiannis, dealt with multiple Bulgarian armed groups. His actions continued until the First Balkan War in 1912 and after the Young Turk Revolution, as Bulgarian armed groups continued to terrorize the Pelagonia area.
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Sabri was of Albanian descent and born into an Albanian-Turkish family in Ohri (modern Ohrid), Ottoman Empire in 1876. Ismail Enver Bey recruited Sabri into the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) movement. Foreigners such as Ernst Jäckh who came into contact with Young Turk (CUP) leaders such as Sabri described him as being an Albanian. He was a prominent military leader of the CUP.
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Three years later, he became the adjutant of sultan Abdul Hamid II, a prestigious but inactive post. In 1897, at the eve of the Greco-Turkish War (1897) he was tasked with defending the Dardanelles. In 1906, he was appointed as the naval minister. Two years later however, following the Young Turk Revolution he was dismissed by the now powerful Committee of Union and Progress partisans.
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Halil Menteşe was born in Milas, he then moved to İzmir where he received an education being provided by Halid Ziya Uşaklıgil. Being a prominent member of the CUP, he joined the parliament in 1908. After the Young Turk Revolution and the restoration of the Constitution, he took office as Council of State President. When the Ottoman Empire collapsed in 1918, he continued being politically active.
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The reforms achieved little practical result apart from giving more visibility to the crisis. The question of competing aspirations of Greece, Serbia, Bulgaria, and local advocates for political autonomy were not addressed, and the notion of ethnic boundaries was impossible to implement effectively. In any case, these concerns were soon overshadowed by the Young Turk revolution of 1908 and the subsequent dissolution of the Ottoman Empire.
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Batandzhiev also participated in the Ilinden-Preobrazhenie Uprising. After the Young Turk Revolution from 1908, he was an active member of the Bulgarian Constitutional Clubs Party. In July 1913, after the outbreak of the Second Balkan War, Hristo Batandzhiev was arrested by the Greek authorities. He was about to be deported to the island of Trikeri in the Aegean Sea, together with many other Bulgarians.
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In 1904, Chanler purchased the yacht Sanibel on which he spent his honeymoon in the Caribbean.1906 New York Yacht Club Member Book, New York, Knickerbocker Press, 1906. He is known to have invited Sun Yat-sen aboard to discuss his plans for overthrowing the Qing dynasty, as well as members of the Young Turk Movement who were organizing opposition to the Ottoman Empire.
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Subsequent to the Young Turk Revolution ʻAbdu'l-Bahá was released from his imprisonment and allowed to travel away from Palestine. He freely expressed his disapproval of Sultan Abdul Hamid II and his policies. ʻAbdu'l-Bahá would continue to praise the Committee of Union and Progress, and during his tour of North America in 1912, the Ottoman embassy in Washington, D.C. held a dinner in his honor.
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Upon the suggestions of Armenian writers Kasim and Der-Hagopyan, he began writing satirical stories in the newspaper Manzume where he became the chief editor. After the Young Turk revolution of 1908, he founded the periodical Gigo which earned him the pen name Gigo. The periodical published various satirical drawings and caricatures drawn by Torosian himself. He later published an encyclopedia consisting of 300 illustrations.
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In the late Ottoman period, due to the influence of Catholic Franciscan priests some changes to blood feuding practices occurred among Albanian highlanders such as guilt being restricted to the offender or their household and even one tribe accepting the razing of the offender's home as compensation for the offense. Ottoman officials were of the view that violence committed by Malisors in the 1880s-1890s was of a tribal nature not related to nationalism or religion. They also noted that Albanian tribesmen who identified with Islam did so in name only and lacked knowledge of the religion. Shkreli tribe at the feast of Saint Nicholas at Bzheta in Shkreli territory, 1908. In the aftermath of the Young Turk Revolution in 1908 the new Young Turk government established the Commissions for the Reconciliation of Blood Feuds that focused on the regions such as İpek (Pejë) and Prizren.
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During the Young Turk Revolution (1908) Tosks, with some being Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) members were one group in Albanian society that gave its support for the restoration of the Ottoman constitution of 1876 with some fighting in guerilla bands to end the Hamidian regime. The revolution had raised hopes among Albanians and the new Young Turk (CUP) government which had relied on Tosk and Gheg support promised them to better governance. The Albanian revolt of 1911 and the subsequent Greçë Memorandum calling for sociopolitical rights received support from Tosk leaders who sent telegrams to Istanbul demanding autonomy and unification of four provinces: Shkodër, Kosovo, Monastir and Yanya into one province of Albania. The Ottoman government seeking to quell unrest decided to negotiate with Tosk Albanians at Tepelenë on 18 August 1911 for a solution and a deal was struck promising Albanian education, linguistic and a few sociopolitical rights.
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While in Sofia, Kolonja would support Mustafa Ragib, a pro Young Turk revolutionary of Bulgaria. With Kolonja's help, Ragib restarted publishing his newspaper Efkar-ı Umumiye ("Public Opinion") in Bulgarian and Turkish. "Public Opinion" consequently dedicated many of its pages to Albanian affairs as well, and publicized Albanian nationalistic materials. Even this would not go unnoticed from Ottoman authorities which would recall Ragib to disconnect him from Kolonja's influence.
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Preparation of Manisa Kebab, a local specialty. Manisa train station After the Young Turk revolution (1908) the local Greek community was subject to wide scale boycott, as noted by the local British ambassador. Magnesia was temporarily occupied by the Greek Army on May 26, 1919 during the Greco- Turkish War (1919-1922), before finally being recaptured by the Turkish army on September 8, 1922. The retreating Greek army burned the city.
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Constituent Assembly of UBCC in September 1908. Bulgarian Constitutional Clubs (also known as Union of the Bulgarian Constitutional Clubs) () was an ethnic Bulgarian political party in the Ottoman Empire, created after the Young Turk Revolution, by members of the Internal Macedonian Adrianople Revolutionary Organization. The party functioned for a little over a year - from September 1908 until November 1909. Its main political rival was the Peoples' Federative Party (Bulgarian Section).
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While in Alexandria, he also became a contributor to the Azad Pern local Armenian newspaper. However, after the death of Arpiar Arpiarian, Larents moved to Athens, Greece. After the Young Turk revolution in 1908, Larents returned to Constantinople where he became the chief-editor of Murj and Tsayn Hayreneats for two years. While in Constantinople, Larents published a book of poems entitled Trahkdi Yerker or "Songs of Heaven".
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Noradunkyan published the Recueil d'actes internationaux de l'empire Ottoman, a four volume compilation of Ottoman treaties with neighboring European countries translated into French. After the Young Turk Revolution in August 1908, Noradunkyan was appointed at the Minister of Trade. Meanwhile, in December of that year, he was elected as a member of the newly formed Senate of the Ottoman Empire. Noradunkyan served his post as Minister of Trade until January 1910.
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155Αρχείο Διεύθυνσης Εφέδρων Πολεμιστών Αγωνιστών Θυμάτων Αναπήρων (ΔΕΠΑΘΑ), Αρχείο Μακεδονικού Αγώνα, φ. Ν-684P. Pennas Ο Μακεδονικός Αγών στην περιοχή της Ζίχνας, Σερραϊκά Χρονικά, part 7 (1976), p. 177 On July 24, 1908, following the Young Turk Revolution and the granting of a general amnesty, he entered the city of Serres, where the citizens received him as a hero.Public Central Library of Serres, Dictionary A street in Serres bears his name.
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In 1904, he returned in Macedonia and participated in the reconstruction of the revolutionary organization. From 1904 to 1912 he worked as a teacher in the villages of Yakoruda, Eleshnitsa, Dobrinishte, Bansko and Bachevo. After the Young Turk Revolution in 1908, he became a member of the People's Federative Party (Bulgarian Section). He participated in the detachment of Yane Sandanski on his way to Constantinople to support the Young Turks.
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In 1903, Minassian moved to the United States where he became the managing editor of the Armenian newspaper Hairenik. In 1905, he moved back to Geneva where he remained until 1909 when, after the Young Turk Revolution, he moved back to Constantinople. While in Constantinople, Minassian briefly worked as a teacher and continued writing. He was then elected as a deputy of the Armenian National Assembly representing the Kasımpaşa district.
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After the Young Turk Revolution in 1908, the Gendarmerie achieved great successes, particularly in Rumelia. In 1909, the Gendarmerie was affiliated with the Ministry of War, and its name was changed to the Gendarmerie General Command (). During World War One, specially after Battle of Sarikamish, Gendarmerie units changed hand from Vali'es (civilian authority) to War Ministry (military authority) to be combatant branch. This change effectively defined them combat units.
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The Young Turks' Crime Against Humanity: The Armenian Genocide and Ethnic Cleansing in the Ottoman Empire is a 2011 book by Taner Akçam, published by Princeton University Press. It discusses the role of the Young Turk movement in the Armenian Genocide and other ethnic removals. The original version of the book is in Turkish. The English version has additional content as well as revisions of the original content.
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The repressive activities and broken promises of the Young Turks, however, led Curri to resume militant activities against the Ottoman authorities.Elsie, p. 93, Malcolm pp. 237-238. In 1912, due to the deteriorating situation between Albanians and Ottoman authorities, Curri alongside other Albanian leaders were present at a meeting in Junik on 20 May where a besa (pledge) was given to wage war on the Young Turk government.
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The Second Constitutional Era established shortly after the 1908 Young Turk Revolution led to the restoration of the constitution of 1876. After the Revolution armed factions laid down their arms and joined the legal struggle. The Bulgarian community founded the Peoples' Federative Party (Bulgarian Section) and the Union of the Bulgarian Constitutional Clubs and participated in Ottoman elections. Some prominent Ottoman Greeks and Serbs also served as Ottoman Parliamentary Deputies.
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During the Young Turk Revolution (1908), Adjuntant Major Ahmed Niyazi Bey devoted his energies toward recruiting Çerçiz whom he regarded as "the Chief of the Tosk Committee of Albanians". Niyazi sent a letter to Topulli inviting him for a meeting to talk about conditions for a union with the Young Turks (CUP). Cerciz Topulli And Mihal Grameno in 1908 or 1909. Representatives from Topulli met with Niyazi in Korçë.
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Eleftherias Square (, Platía Eleftherías, , ) is a central square in downtown Thessaloniki, Greece. It takes its name from the Young Turk Revolution, which began in the square in 1908. The square is currently a car park, but a public competition was launched by the Municipality of Thessaloniki in 2013 to select a design for its redevelopment into a park. Construction will start in 2018 at a cost of €5.1 million ($ million).
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For his efforts he was awarded by the khan title. In 1903-1906 Pashayan lived in Alexandria, Egypt, where he founded an Armenian school and a printing house. In 1908 after the Young Turk revolution he returned to Constantinople and was elected as a member of Ottoman parliament. In 1915 he was arrested among the other Armenian intellectuals and was sent to Ayash, where he was tortured and killed.
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He began acting in 2001 in Dennis Gansel's sex comedy Mädchen, Mädchen. He is best known for playing Cem Öztürk, a young Turk, in Türkisch für Anfänger. Alongside Arnel Taci (who in "Türkisch für Anfänger" was his best friend), he acted in the TV series "Abschnitt 40". In 2008, he appeared in Gansel's acclaimed drama film Die Welle, in the role of Sinan, a student who embraces fascism.
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Many members of the party caucus regarded Marshall as not up to the task of taking on the formidable new Prime Minister Norman Kirk. Partly due to this, Marshall resigned, and Muldoon took over, becoming Leader of the Opposition on 9 July 1974. A day later, Muldoon's first autobiography, The Rise and Fall of a Young Turk, was published. The book was to be reprinted four times and sell 28,000 copies.
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Contemporary Turkish historian Uğur Ümit Üngör asserts that "the elimination of the Armenian population left the state an infrastructure of Armenian property, which was used for the progress of Turkish (settler) communities. In other words: the construction of an étatist Turkish "national economy" was unthinkable without the destruction and expropriation of Armenians."Ungor, U. U. (2008). Seeing like a nation-state: Young Turk social engineering in Eastern Turkey, 1913–50.
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Aehrenthal wanted full control of Bosnia-Herzogovina through annexation even though Austria-Hungary had administered the provinces since 1878. His reasons for this lay in the possible recovery of the "sick man of Europe", Turkey. The "Young Turk" revolution of 1908, led in part by Enver Pasha, convinced some that the Ottoman Empire might be on the rise again. Thus, Aehrenthal reasoned, it was now or maybe never.
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These developments caused the gradual creation of a new governing elite. In some communities, such as the Jewish (cf. Jews in Islamic Europe and North Africa and Jews in Turkey), reformist groups emulating the Young Turks ousted the conservative ruling elite and replaced them with a new reformist one. While the Young Turk Revolution had promised organizational improvement, once instituted, the government at first proved itself rather disorganized and ineffectual.
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Dro and Khetcho. During World War I, the Young Turk (Committee of Union and Progress) government of the Ottoman Empire planned and carried out the Armenian Genocide, the systematic extermination of the Armenians living in their ancestral lands. In the spring of 1915 Van became the only location where Armenians organized a major resistance. Aram Manukian played a key role in this resistance, widely seen as self-defence.
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19th-century drawing of Brummana In the summer of 1915, as the First World War gathered pace, the British imposed an economic blockage against the Ottoman territories along the eastern coast of the Mediterranean sea.Tamari, Salim (2011) Year of the locust: a soldier's diary and the erasure of Palestine's Ottoman past. University of California Press. . p.51 The Young Turk government introduced military rule across its Arab territories and began stockpiling food for their armies.
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Impressed by the efforts the Cretan government had made, and having received assurances regarding the safety of the Muslim population, the European powers decided to send their troops home. On 26 August 1908, the first French contingents embarked at Chania, paving the way for a complete evacuation of the island.S.B Chester, p.125 Alexandros Zaimis In 1908, the Young Turk Revolution roiled the Ottoman political landscape and strained relations between Turkey and Crete.
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Once free, Jangülian went to Cyprus where he tried to unify the Social Democrat Hunchakian Party, which had become divided over various political disagreements. Jangülian then moved to Cairo and became an editor of the local Armenian newspaper Timagavor. He later moved to Europe, where he sought to unite various Armenian political parties under one umbrella. After the Young Turk Revolution in 1908, he returned to Constantinople, remaining politically active in the Hunchakian Party.
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After the Young Turk Revolution in 1908, the Gendarmerie achieved great successes, particularly in Rumelia. In 1909, the Gendarmerie was affiliated with the Ministry of War, and its name was changed to the Gendarmerie General Command (). Gendarmerie units both sustained their internal security duties and took part in the national defence at various fronts as a part of the Armed Forces during the World War I and the Turkish War of Independence.
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See: Music of Armenia Following the Armenian Genocide of 1915 perpetrated by the Young Turk government in Turkey, large numbers of Armenians settled in the Central Valley area of California, especially around Fresno. Of the second- and third-generation musicians from this community, Richard Hagopian became a minor star in the Armenian-American community. Alan Hovhaness used traditional Armenian music in his compositions. Daja Yavasharian is a solo violinist who performs classical music.
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The Gendarmerie was used to great effect after the 1908 Young Turk Revolution, particularly in Rumelia. In 1909, the Gendarmerie was affiliated with the Ministry of War, and its name was changed to the Gendarmerie General Command (). Gendarmerie units continued their internal security duties as well as taking part in the conflict at various fronts as a part of the Armed Forces during World War I and the Turkish War of Independence.
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As the head of the executive branch, he collaborated with Athanasios Vogas, Ioannis Emiris, Theodoros Zlatanos, Athanasios Kallidopoulos, Georgios Divolis, Evangelos Doumas, Argyrios Zachos, Dimitrios Margaropoulos and others in operations within the city of Thessaloniki and the surroundings against specific Bulgarian targets until 1908, when the Young Turk Revolution led to the end of the Macedonian Struggle.Συλλογικό, Θεσσαλονίκη - Επιστημονική επετηρίδα του Κέντρου Ιστορίας Θεσσαλονίκης του Δήμου Θεσσαλονίκης, Vol. III, Thessaloniki 1992, p. 194, 198.
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Lee became something of a Young Turk in the Labour ranks. He seemed impatient with the party leadership which he believed to belong to an older generation. During the selection of his Cabinet, in both 1935 and in 1938, Prime Minister Michael Joseph Savage had ignored Lee's personal appeals for insertion, thinking him too wild and unconventional. Eventually Savage compromised making Lee an under-secretary – a post not previously known in New Zealand politics.
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The Young Turk Revolution began on 3 July 1908 and quickly spread throughout the empire. As a result, Sultan Abdul Hamid II was forced to announce the restoration of the 1876 constitution and the reconvening of the Ottoman parliament. The period is known as the Second Constitutional Era. In the 1908 elections, the Young Turks' Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) managed to gain the upper hand against the Liberal Union, led by Sultanzade Sabahaddin.
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A nationalist newspaper, Țara Noastră, argued that Batzaria's political columns were effectively coaching the public to vote PNȚ, and mocked their author as "a former Young Turk and ministerial colleague of that famous [İsmail] Enver- bey". Alexandru Hodoș, "Însemnări. Însușiri profesionale", in Țara Noastră, Nr. 13/1926, p. 423 Like the PNȚ, the Adevărul journalist proposed the preservation of communal and regional autonomy in Greater Romania, denouncing centralization schemes as "ferocious reactionarism".
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He received support in the cause of the Young Turks. During this time, he met Edmond Demolins and became a follower of the school of social sciences. Sabahaddin advocated liberal economic policies in his , which became a rival to Ahmet Rıza's Committee for Union and Progress (CUP). This division plagued the Young Turk movement before 1908 and would provide the central dispute in the more institutionalized political discourse of the Second constitutional era.
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Ali Pasha of Ioannina was an Ottoman Albanian ruler who served as pasha of a large part of western Rumelia, the Ottoman Empire's European territories, which was referred to as the Pashalik of Yanina. Enver Pasha was an Ottoman military officer and a leader of the 1908 Young Turk Revolution. He became the main leader of the Ottoman Empire in both the Balkan Wars (1912–13) and in World War I (1914–18).
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After the Young Turk Revolution in 1908, he was no more a freedom fighter, but he was killed in an ambush by the Ottoman authorities in Skopje in 1909.Енциклопедия България, том 1, Издателство на БАН, София, 1978. His funeral was a reason for a massive protests by the Macedonians from the region of Skopje against the authorities. A letter from the Serbian activist Bogdan Radenković announcing the death of the Bulgarian voivode Adzhalarski.
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Viewing the Muntasirs as loyalists of Abdul Hamid II, the ousted sultan, they made efforts to reduce Muntasir power in the region. The Young Turk administration in Tripoli vetoed Muntasir membership in the local parliament and dismissed the governor of Tarhuna who was Umar al-Muntasir's son, Ahmad Dhiya al-Muntasir, from his post. In addition, they allegedly hired a group of local Misratans to assassinate Abd al-Qasim, another one Umar's sons.
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After the Young Turk Revolution he participated in the creation of the Bulgarian Constitutional Clubs political party, being chosen as its leader in its inauguration congress. Andon Dimitrov moved to Bulgaria in 1913 and started to work in Ministry of Justice, and later in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Religious Denominations. Later in his life he taught Turkish in the Bulgarian Commerce school in Istanbul. Andon Dimitrov died on 13 March 1933 in Sofia.
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Following the Young Turk Revolution in 1908, the Ottoman Empire experienced democracy and several political parties were created. However, some of the policies implemented by the Young Turks, such as a tax rise and the interdiction of ethnic-based political parties, discontented minorities. Albanians opposed the nationalist character of the movement and led local uprisings in 1910 and 1912. During the latter they managed to seize most of Kosovo and took Skopje on 11 August.
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Ahmed Niyazi Bey (1873 – 1913), (; ; "Ahmet Niyazi Bey from Resen"), was the Ottoman bey of the Resne (now Resen, North Macedonia) area in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. An ethnic Albanian, Niyazi was one of the heroes of the 1908 Young Turk Revolution and of suppressing the 1909 Ottoman countercoup as he played leading roles in both events. Niyazi is also known for the Saraj, a French-style estate he built in Resne.
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He was elected a delegate of the Kyustendil Congress of IMRO from 1908, but failed to attend. After the Young Turk Revolution, on December 31, 1908, a congress of the Edirne Revolutionary District was held in Edirne, where Stamat Ikonomov was presented as a delegate and included in the regional leadership. Ikonomov died in poverty in 1912 in Sofia. In the birth house of Ikonomov in Malko Tarnovo is today an Ethnographic Museum.
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In July 1908, he played a role in the Young Turk Revolution which seized power from Sultan Abdülhamid II and restored the constitutional monarchy. Picardie army manoeuvres in France, 28 September 1910 He was proposing depoliticization in the army, a proposal which was disliked by the leaders of the CUP. As a result, he was sent away to Tripolitania Vilayet (present Libya, then an Ottoman territory) under the pretext of suppressing a tribal rebellion towards the end of 1908.
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The Headquarters of the International Commission of Control (ICC) was in Vlorë. The Great Powers authorized the commission to assume the administration of the country. A plot by the Young Turk government and led by Bekir Fikri to restore Ottoman control over Albania through the installment of an Ottoman-Albanian officer Ahmed Izzet Pasha as monarch was uncovered by the Serbs and reported to the ICC. Ismail Qemali supported the plot for military assistance against Serbia and Greece.
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The Young Turks restored the Ottoman constitution of 1876 and reconvened the Ottoman parliament, effectively started the Second Constitutional Era. Young Turk movement members once underground (named committee, group, etc.) established (declared) their parties. Among them, the "Committee of Union and Progress" (CUP) and the "Freedom and Accord Party"—also known as the Liberal Union or Liberal Entente (LU)—were major parties. A general election was held in October and November 1908 and CUP became the majority party.
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In Üsküp, Draga was also an influential figure of the Albanian club (founded 1908). During the Young Turk Revolution (1908), Galib Bey managed to get Albanian leaders Nexhip Draga, Ferhat Draga and Bajram Curri to attend a meeting at Firzovik (modern Ferizaj) and use their influence to sway the crowd through fears of "foreign intervention" to support constitutional restoration. Draga's CUP branch played a prominent role in rousing Albanians at the Albanian assembly of Firzovik (1908).
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The Ottoman Navy at the Golden Horn in Constantinople, in the early days of WWI. Ottoman battlecruiser . Following the Young Turk Revolution in 1908, the Committee of Union and Progress which effectively took control of the country sought to develop a strong Ottoman naval force. The poor condition of the fleet became evident during the Ottoman Naval Parade of 1910, and the Ottoman Navy Foundation was established in order to purchase new ships through public donations.
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The Japanese invited an Ottoman prince, Abdulkerim, and several anti-Atatürk Young Turk exiles from Turkey to assist them in setting up a puppet state in Xinjiang with the Ottoman Prince as Sultan. All of the Turkish exiles were enemies of Turkish leader Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. Mustafa Ali, the Turkish advisor to the Uyghurs in the First East Turkestan Republic, was anti-Atatürk. Muhsin Çapanolu was also anti-Atatürk, and they both had Pan-Turanist views.
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After these events, Albania became a wasteland for Albanian patriots, and Albanian culture was fully oppressed. One year later, Sultan Mehmed V visited Pristina and declared an amnesty for all who had participated in the revolt, except for those who had committed murder. The Albanian revolts of 1910 and 1912 were a turning point that impacted the Young Turk government which increasingly moved from a policy direction of pan-Ottomanism and Islam toward a singular national Turkish outlook...
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Later, he became a member of the District Revolutionary Committee in his hometown Ohrid, where he was a teacher. Петър Карчев, През прозореца на едно полустолетие (1900-1950), Изток-Запад, София, 2004, стр. 21. After the Ilinden-Preobrazhenie Uprising he was arrested by the Ottoman Authorities in 1904 and in the spring of 1905 was sentenced to four years in prison. He was released due to the general amnesty, announced in 1908 after the Young Turk revolution.
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After the short-lived attempt of turning the Empire into a constitutional monarchy, Sultan Abdülhamid II turned it back into an absolute monarchy by 1878 by suspending the constitution and parliament.A History of the Modern Middle East. Cleveland and Buntin p.78 A couple decades later a new reform movement under the name of the Young Turks conspired against Sultan Abdülhamid II, who was still in charge of the Empire, by starting the Young Turk Revolution.
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Babunski's participation in the struggle against the Ottomans and Bulgarians came at a great personal cost; his wife was tortured in order to disclose his whereabouts and one of his children was killed. With the Young Turk Revolution in 1908, the Ottomans declared a ceasefire between their forces and those of the Chetniks. Babunski left the Chetniks' ranks and returned to civilian life. He was later arrested by the Ottoman authorities, but quickly escaped from prison.
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Traditionally, under the millet system, Orthodox Church leaders had played a great role. However, with the political reforms under way after the Young Turk Revolution, and in keeping with European practice, Kaldis opposed the bishops' continued interference in matters other than strictly ecclesiastical. In the end the outcome hinged on a single vote. The bishop, as the official representative of the non-Muslim minorities, had a casting vote in the election; unsurprisingly, he cast it for his own candidacy.
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Frashëri served as Kaymakam of Peqin in central Albania between 1901 and 1903. After that he moved to Ohrid, where he joined the Secret Committee for the Liberation of Albania. He was denounced by a group of local Muslims as an Albanian nationalist and a pro-Young Turk. He was governor of the Mutasarrifate of Jerusalem under the Ottomans, mayor of Durrës under Prince Wied, minister in the Albanian government of 1918, and minister of the interior in 1920.
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162 After the Young Turk Revolution, Temko became a Serbian deputy to the Ottoman parliament in 1908–09, when he lived in Constantinople. Later he worked in the Serbian Embassy in Athens until the end of the Balkan Wars in 1913. Then he moved to Ohrid, just ceded to Serbia, and became its mayor until the Bulgarian occupation in 1915. In 1918 after World War I he served as the mayor of Ohrid for second time.
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Sarkis Torossian was born in the Armenian populated village of Everek (present-day: Develi) near Kayseri in 1893. He attended the local Armenian Parochial School. At an early age, Sarkis Torossian wanted to become a soldier, however Ottoman Turkish law forbade any non-Muslims to become soldiers until the Young Turk Revolution in 1908. Torossian continued his education in Adrianople (Edirne) where he befriended an Arab named Muharrem whose father was a Brigadier General in Constantinople (Istanbul).
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The dissolution of the Ottoman Empire (1908–1922) began with the Second Constitutional Era with the Young Turk Revolution. It restored the Ottoman constitution of 1876 and brought in multi-party politics with a two stage electoral system (electoral law) under the Ottoman parliament. The constitution offered hope by freeing the empire's citizens to modernize the state's institutions and dissolve inter-communal tensions. Instead, this period became the story of the twilight struggle of the Empire.
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In 1907, he was promoted to the rank of Senior Captain (Kolağası) and assigned to the Third Army in Monastir (now Bitola, North Macedonia). During this period he joined the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP). In 1908, the Young Turk Revolution seized power from the then reigning Sultan Abdülhamid II and Mustafa Kemal became a senior military figure. As one of the first members of the CUP, he played a role in the revolution of 1908.
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As many other villages in Cyprus, Angastina, until 1907, was bi- communal. On 17 August of that year a murder occurred that would eventually drive a wedge between the village's Christian and Muslim communities. A young Turk fell in love with a married Greek woman. He was warned off but took it to heart and stupidly fired upon a company of young Greek men very late at night while they were having a coffee in the village square.
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Murad was one of the most popular figures of the Armenian Liberation movement, and several revolutionary groups worked towards his liberation. In 1906 he escaped from prison and in 1908 he returned to Constantinople. He was elected a member of the Ottoman parliament for the region of Adana. Murad, a Hunchakian who never gave up on the dream of a united and independent Armenia was labelled, like thousands of others, an undesirable by the Young Turk Government.
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Greece at the time was still embroiled in the Cretan question. In 1905, Eleftherios Venizelos had led the Theriso revolt against High Commissioner George of Greece, who had been appointed by the European powers, and demanded enosis. In 1906, the Prince resigned, and a new Commissioner, the former Greek Prime Minister Alexandros Zaimis, was installed. The Young Turk Revolution pushed the Cretans to unilaterally proclaim definitive enosis, taking advantage of the absence of the new High Commissioner.
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The congress was successful in the prism of its goals. A clear respond was sent to the Ottomans that the Latin-script would be the only one, "the alphabet of the Albanian people", and confirmed continuity of the decision that came out of the first congress of 1909. Despite the difficulties, the Albanian language education continued to spread. The Young Turk government suppressed all schools, patriotic societies and clubs (even the "Bashkimi" one) after the Albanian Revolt of 1910.
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Influence over Kuwait was crucial to British foreign policy in the Persian Gulf with regard to commerce and strategic interests concerning India. To the British, further extension of the railway line meant further expansion of Ottoman influence, and the current administration—already emboldened by the “Young Turk” regime—desired to reestablish effective control over its empire south of Kuwait.Briton Cooper Busch, Britain and the Persian Gulf, 1894-1914, (Berkeley: University of California Press,1967), 308, and 319.
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Naum wrote numerous books concerning the Syriac language and people. After the 1908 Young Turk Revolution and the proclamation of the second Ottoman constitution, restrictions on freedom of speech were lifted. In 1910, Naum began publishing a newspaper for the Orthodox, Catholic and Protestant Syriac communities, entitled Kawkab Madnho ("Star of the East"). While written entirely in the Syriac alphabet, Star of the East was actually tri-lingual with articles in Ottoman Turkish, classical Syriac and Arabic.
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The Young Turks were a revolutionary movement that was the main force behind the Young Turk Revolution. The revolution resulted in the Sultan Abdulhamid II announcing the restoration of the Ottoman constitution of 1876 on 3 July 1908. The 1908 Ottoman general election was in effect during November and December 1908. Senate of the Ottoman Empire reconvened for the first time in over 30 years on December 17, 1908, with the living members from the first constitutional area.
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Another aim was to loosen ties between the Empire's Turk and ethnically non-Turkish populations through efforts to purify the Turkish language of Arabic influences. In this nationalist vision of Turkish identity, language was supreme and religion relegated to a subordinate role. Arabs responded by asserting the superiority of Arabic language, describing Turkish as a "mongrel" language that had borrowed heavily from the Persian and Arabic languages. Through the policy of Turkification, the Young Turk government suppressed Arabic language.
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Fehim Zavalani held the introductory speech at the congress and was one of its delegates. Other delegates of the congress from his family include Izet Zavalani, delegate of Florina and Gjergj Zavalani. By In July 23–28, 1909 he was one of main participants and the leader of the Albanian faction of the Congress of Dibra, organized in Debar by the Young Turk association Union and Progress. The Young Turks aimed to impose an ottomanization of the Albanian society.
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During the Young Turk revolution (1908), the CUP in its aims of securing Albanian support for its cause managed to reach an understanding with the Bucharest-based Bashkimi Society. In the course of the revolution a pro-government gathering held at Firzovik (modern Ferizaj) turned into a meeting calling for constitutional restoration and Ottoman authorities felt dismayed when they found out that some Albanians in the crowd were reading the Drita journal of the Bashkimi Society.
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After the Young Turk Revolution he openly supported the Union of the Bulgarian Constitutional Clubs, but did not participate in its activities. In 1910 he was elected a reserve member of the Central Committee of IMRO. When Bulgaria entered the Balkan Wars and the First World War, Tatarchev was sent to the front as a regimental physician. At the end of the wars he was one of the initiators of the Temporary representation of the former IMARO.
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But at the outbreak of hostilities in Kosovo and Macedonia, like many men of his generation, the patriotic enthusiastic about the war effort took hold. He left his teaching post as assistant professor at the University of Belgrade and the executive post at a match factory to join the Chetniks.In the time of the Young Turk Revolution and the Bosnian crisis, he and other Chetniks retreated to Serbia. Before the First Balkan War in 1912, he was in Switzerland being treated for tuberculosis.
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Some pieces were made of stained glass and cardboard cutouts. During her life, most "young-Turk" artists of Baltimore used Soul as a model. Earl Hofmann painted her as a surrealistic giant towering over Baltimore. In response to the exhibit, Soul reported "It’s very funny to see 25 of yous staring at you. It's a happy things, a fun thing, I feel like it’s my birthday." John Waters called Maelcum Soul “my first star”, adding "she was ahead of her time".
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In 2009, IRB Infra won the bid to develop the greenfield Sindhudurg Airport in the Sindhudurg district of Maharashtra on a build-operate-transfer basis. IRB Infrastructure Developers Ltd. has been acknowledged for its overall excellence and proficiency in the form of various awards and accolades. Virendra D. Mhaiskar, Chairman and Managing Director of IRB, was conferred with the “Young Turk of the Year” award at the 6th Edition of CNBC TV 18 India Business Leader Awards on 11 December 2010 at Mumbai.
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He secretly supported the Young Turks movement. But when Sultan Abdülhamit II arrested 350 Young Turk adherents on the charge of planning a coup in 1896, Mehmet Nadir was forced to resign. After working in a public school in İstanbul in 1903, he was appointed to Aleppo (now in Syria) as the director of education. In 1908, Young Turks came to power and he was exiled to Tripoli (now in Libya) by the Young Turks, who suspected of his betrayal back in 1896.
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They had two children, Sophie and Hrant. Zabel Yesayan Like Mari Beyleryan, Yesayan only returned to Istanbul after the Young Turk Revolution of 1908. In 1909 she went to Cilicia and published a series of articles in connection with the Adana massacres. The tragic fate of the Armenians in Cilicia is also the subject of her book Among the Ruins (Աւերակներու մէջ, Istanbul 1911), the novella The Curse (1911), and the short stories "Safieh" (1911), and "The New Bride" (1911).
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Yesayan was the only woman on the list of Armenian intellectuals targeted for arrest and deportation by the Ottoman Young Turk government on April 24, 1915. She was able to evade arrest and flee to Bulgaria and then to the Caucasus, where she worked with refugees documenting their eyewitness accounts of atrocities that had taken place during the Armenian Genocide. Zabel Yesayan with her son Hrant 1918 found her in the Middle East organizing the relocation of refugees and orphans.
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The recognition of Vlachs as a distinct millet in the Ottoman Empire in 1905, was the final straw in this Balkan nationalistic competition. As result, intense ethnic and national rivalries among the Balkan peoples emerged at the eve of the 20th century in Macedonia. That was followed by series of conflicts among Greeks (Grecomans), Serbs (Serbomans), Bulgarians (Bulgarophiles) and Vlachs (Rumanophiles) into the region. The Young Turk Revolution of 1908 restored the Parliament, which had been suspended by the Sultan in 1878.
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Nallis was born in 1874 in Gradešnica, then in the Ottoman Empire (now in North Macedonia). He grew up in Monastir (now Bitola), where his family had moved for security. His brother Stavros was one of the three founders of the Interior Organization of Monastir in 1904. Nallis was a notable of the Greek community and was elected in 1908 as a representative of the Greek community of the kaza of Monastir to the Ottoman Chamber of Deputies following the Young Turk Revolution.
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Some of its leaders like Sandanski and Chernopeev participated in the march on Istanbul to depose the counter-revolutionaries. The former centralists formed the Union of the Bulgarian Constitutional Clubs and like the PFP participated in Ottoman elections. Soon, however, the Young Turk regime turned increasingly nationalist and sought to suppress the national aspirations of the various minorities in Macedonia and Thrace. This prompted most right-wing and some left-wing IMARO leaders to resume the armed fight in 1909.
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The Young Turk Revolution, which began in the Balkan provinces, spread quickly throughout the empire and resulted in the Sultan Abdul Hamid II announcing the restoration of the Ottoman constitution of 1876 on 3 July 1908. The Ottoman general election of 1908 took place during November and December of that year. The Senate of the Ottoman Empire reconvened for the first time in over 30 years on 17 December 1908. The Chamber of Deputies' first session was on 30 January 1909.
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The new prime minister hastened to show signs of goodwill toward the Turkish ambassador and the Western powers. Wishing to avoid a new Greco-Turkish war, he criticised the "Cretan revolutionaries" and declared his willingness to abide by the Great Powers' decisions. Indignation toward the government's weaknesses and timorous attitude mounted, among the populace as well as in the army, above all among the young officers who had fought in Macedonia. The idea of imitating the Young Turk officers began to spread.
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Einstein's diplomatic career began in 1903, when he was appointed as Third Secretary of Legation at Constantinople. Einstein advanced from Second Secretary to First Secretary and then Charge d'Affairs during the Young Turk Revolution of 1908, remaining in Constantinople despite the hostilities. For one month in 1911, he served as United States Ambassador to Costa Rica (having been appointed by President William H. Taft) before his wife's ill health in the country's high altitude forced him to leave the post.
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In 1909, the Young Turk government planned to assassinate Qiriazi for his involvement in the Albanian national movement. Gjergj Qiriazi was one of the founders of the Albanian printing press Bashkimi i Kombit. He helped his brother Gejrasim to publish two volumes of literature, namely Hristomathi a udhëheqës për ç'do shtëpi shqiptari (Monastir, 1902) and a co-wrote with him a collection of religious verse Kënkë të shenjtëruara (Monastir, 1906).Aux origines du nationalisme albanais: la naissance d'une nation by Nathalie Clayer. 2007.
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Ded Gjo Luli of Hoti, Smajl Martini of Gruda and Dod Preçi of Kastrati did not surrender and hid in the mountains as fugitives. In a smaller scale, skirmishes and clashes continued well into the 1890s. The Young Turk Revolution in 1908 and subsequent restoration of the Ottoman constitution provided new hopes for minorities about the upholding of their national rights. Like many other tribes, Hoti made a besa (pledge) to support the constitution and halt blood feuding until November 6, 1908.
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In 1908, after the Young Turk Revolution, he was no longer a freedom fighter and became a teacher. In 1912, after the beginning of the Balkan War, he was a leader of a revolutionary band that helped the actions of the Bulgarian army in the regions of Razlog and Drama. In 1913 he entered the Bulgarian Workers' Social Democratic Party. During the First World War he served in the 29th Infantry Regiment and participated in the Vladaya Uprising in 1918.
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Instead, this period became the story of the twilight struggle of the Empire. Declaration of the Young Turk Revolution by the leaders of the Ottoman millets in 1908 Members of Young Turks movement who had once gone underground now established their parties. Among them "Committee of Union and Progress", and "Freedom and Accord Party" were major parties. On the other end of the spectrum were ethnic parties, which included Poale Zion, Al-Fatat, and Armenian national movement organized under Armenian Revolutionary Federation.
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The Second Constitutional Era of the Ottoman Empire began shortly after Abdul Hamid II was forced to restore the constitutional monarchy after the 1908 Young Turk Revolution. The period established many political groups and parties. The leaders of the revolution, Ahmed Niyazi Bey and Enver Pasha, were mentioned in the March of the Deputies (), the anthem of the restored Chamber of Deputies (see audio at top right at 01:20); the fourth line was sung "Long live Niyazi, long live Enver!" ().
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Soon afterwards, in 1911, production was relocated to Jerusalem, where it was published on the printing presses of the Syrian Orphanage (Dar al-Aytam) in Jerusalem, founded by Johann Ludwig Schneller (1820–1896). several months after the Young Turk Revolution of July 1908. It was to become one of the most popular periodicals amongst Arabs living both within the Levant and in the Palestinian Diaspora. Beidas was in full technical control of the journal, editing most of the contents himself.
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In 1905, Ağaoğlu played an important role in the prevention of ethnic clashes between Armenians and Azeris. He was also elected as Duma representative for the Muslims of Trancaucasia. Along with Nasib-bey Yusifbeyli, Ağaoğlu became a founder of the "Difai" (Defender) National Committee in Ganja, which in 1917 merged with the Turkic Party of Federalists and Musavat into a single party. Fleeing police persecution and possible imprisonment, in late 1908, Ağaoğlu moved to Constantinople during the Young Turk Revolution.
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He came to be known as a 'young Turk' for his conviction and courage in the fight against the vested interests. The other 'young Turks', who formed the 'ginger group' in the Congress in the fight for egalitarian policies, included leaders like Feroze Gandhi, Satyendra Narayan Sinha, Mohan Dharia and Ram Dhan. As a member of the Congress Party, he vehemently criticised Indira Gandhi for her declaration of emergency in 1975. Chandrashekhar was arrested during the emergency and sent to prison along with other "young turks".
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After his primary education, the family moved to Belgrade where young Prelić finished high school and Law Faculty. He joined the Serbian Chetnik Organization and was sent to Old Serbia during the Macedonian struggle (1903-1912) to fight as a Chetnik commander. After the Young Turk revolution in 1908 when affairs in Macedonia seemed to be going towards a political solution, Prelić took part in the First Conference of Serbs of Old Serbia and Macedonia (12-15 August 1908) in Skopje.Српска демократска лига у Отомаској царевини.
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Veteran student leader of East Pakistan Khaleque Nawaz Khan defeated sitting Prime Minister of East Pakistan Mr. Nurul Amin in Nandail Constituency of Mymensingh district and created history in political arena. Nurul Amin's crushing defeat to a 27 years old young Turk of Jukto Front effectively eliminated the Muslim League from political landscape of the then East Pakistan. United Front parties securing a landslide victory and gaining 223 seats in the 309-member assembly. The Awami League emerged as the majority party, with 143 seats.
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The commissions sentenced Albanians who had participated in blood feud killing and the Council of Ministers allowed them to continue their work in the provinces until May 1909. After the Young Turk Revolution and subsequent restoration of the Ottoman constitution, the Hoti, Shala, Shoshi and Kastati tribes made a besa (pledge) to support the document and to stop blood feuding with other tribes until November 6, 1908. The Albanian tribes showing sentiments of enthusiasm however had little knowledge of what the constitution would do for them.
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The young Turk R. (Rasit Tuncay), who lives in Berlin-Kreuzberg, believes that he can rise from the ground by mere concentration. Initially he briefly succeeds in a public park, but unfortunately, no one has seen it. Being sure of his special powers, he tries it again, even in the most unsuitable situations: He assumes his take-off position, standing on one leg, arms outstretched wide. This strange pose eventually gets him into trouble with almost everyone including his girlfriend — who kicks him out.
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At the time of Nasiriyah's founding, Muntafiq power in the Basra Vilayet (southern Iraq) had increasingly given way to Ottoman centralization. However, Nasir Pasha was appointed by the Ottomans as the head of the vilayet (province) and registered large tracts of land around Nasiriyah into his name. His son, Saadun Pasha, became the mutassarif (tax collector) of Nasiriyah, and by 1908, he virtually governed southern Iraq on their behalf, having curried their favor by strongly supporting the 1908 Young Turk Revolution.Dickson, 1949, p. 556.
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Hasan Unal, "Ottoman policy during the Bulgarian independence crisis, 1908–9: Ottoman Empire and Bulgaria at the outset of the Young Turk revolution." Middle Eastern Studies 34.4 (1998): 135-176. At the same time, in October 1908, Austria-Hungary seized the opportunity of the Ottoman political upheaval to annex the de jure Ottoman province of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which it had occupied since 1878 (see Bosnian Crisis). Bulgaria declared independence as it had done in 1878, but this time the independence was internationally recognised.
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The Young Turks was a splinter group of politicians in the United States within the Republican Party during the early 1960s. The group, mostly consisting of Congressmen who had become disenchanted with the course of the Republican Party, worked within the system to appoint their fellow members into leadership roles, so they could take control of the party. They were considered "rebels" by the traditional Republicans. Gerald R. Ford, who would become President of the United States, rose to prominence as a Young Turk.
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Enver became the main figure in the CUP Monastir branch and he initiated Ottoman officers like Ahmet Niyazi bey and Eyüp Sabri into the CUP organisation. In the early twentieth century some prominent Young Turk members such as Enver developed a strong interest in the ideas of Gustave Le Bon. For example, Enver saw deputies as mediocre and in reference to Le Bon he thought that as a collective mind they had the potential to become dangerous and be the same as a despotic leader.
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In 1908, Abdul Hamid II was overthrown during the Young Turk Revolution, which launched the Second Constitutional Era of the Ottoman Empire. Armenians gained more seats in the 1908 parliament, but the reforms fell short of the greater autonomy that the ARF had hoped for. The Adana massacre in 1909 also created antipathy between Armenians and Turks, and the ARF cut relations with the Young Turks in 1912. Between December 1912 and 1914 ARF politicians held negotiations with the CUP about political reforms in the eastern provinces.
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Heartbroken at his death ʻAbdu'l-Bahá wrote a moving and inspiring tablet. On a visit to Constantinople prior to the Young Turk Revolution in 1908 Wellesley Tudor Pole heard of ʻAbdu'l-Bahá and met and interviewed him over nine days in late November 1910 in Cairo and Alexandria. For the next several decades he was active in the Baháʼí Faith. Other mentions of the Baháʼí Faith included the Archdeacon Wilberforce mentioning the religion in a sermon at the Church of St. John in Westminster in March 1911.
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Declaration of the Young Turk Revolution by the leaders of the Ottoman millets. The Ottoman Empire had long been the "sick man of Europe" and after a series of Balkan wars by 1914 had been driven out of nearly all of Europe and North Africa. It still controlled 28 million people, of whom 17 million were in modern-day Turkey, 3 million in Syria, Lebanon and Palestine, and 2.5 million in Iraq. Another 5.5 million people were under nominal Ottoman rule in the Arabian peninsula.
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Hananu was born to a wealthy family in Kafr Takharim and raised in Aleppo. There is dispute on his birth date: one source mentions he was born in 1879, while another mentions he was born in 1869. He studied at the Imperial High School in Aleppo, and continued his studies at the Ottoman Law Academy of the prestigious Mülkiye school in Constantinople. As a student, he joined the Committee of Union and Progress, the political organ that later took stage following the Young Turk Revolution of 1908.
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The Constitution was put back into effect in 1908 as Abdul Hamid II came under pressure, particularly from some of his military leaders. Abdul Hamid II’s fall came as a result of the 1908 Young Turk Revolution, and the Young Turks put the 1876 constitution back into effect. The second constitutional period spanned from 1908 until after World War I when the Ottoman Empire was dissolved. Many political groups and parties were formed during this period, including the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP).
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Mevlanzade Rifat Bey was one of the most notable and widely read journalists of the Ottoman Empire. He was the owner and editor in chief of Serbestî and friend of the slain journalist Hasan Fehmi. He spent most of his life in exile including France, Yemen, Egypt, Syria and Greece. An opponent of Abdul Hamid II he was initially a member of the Young Turk central committee but later one of its most ardent critics and later a member of the Liberal Entente party.
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He was among the few public figures in the ottoman state who condemned CUP policies against the Armenians, noting that the deportations carried out were systematically planned by the Young Turk as a means to solving the Armenian question by genocide. Mevlanzade also opposed Mustafa Kemal Atatürk and was named as one of the 150 personae non gratae of Turkey. He was an opponent in three different periods, firstly against Abdul Hamid II, secondly against Committee of Union and Progress and thirdly against Mustafa Kemal Atatürk.
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From 1905 to 1906 he organized the transportation and delivery of ammunition to front line positions to assist in self-defense efforts during the Armenian–Tatar massacres of 1905–07. After the Young Turk Revolution of 1908 he moved to Constantinople where he participated in the Armenian National Assembly representing the district of Scutari. He was also a contributor to the newspaper Azadamard. During the Armenian Genocide in 1915 he was deported to Ayas, where he was tortured and ultimately killed in the outskirts of Ankara.
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Before 1917, Palestine's Arab population mostly saw themselves as Ottoman subjects. They feared the objectives of the Zionist movement, but they assumed the movement would fail. After the Young Turk revolution in 1908, Arab Nationalism grew rapidly in the area and most Arab Nationalists regarded Zionism as a threat, although a minority perceived Zionism as providing a path to modernity.Mohammed Muslih, The Origins of Palestinian Nationalism, New York 1988, chapter 3, See also Yehoshua Porath, The Emergence of the Palestinian-Arab National Movement 1918–1929, introduction.
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Thomas R. Berger was elected at the age of 29 to the House of Commons in the 1962 election, representing the riding of Vancouver—Burrard for the New Democratic Party. However, in the 1963 election, he was defeated by Liberal opponent Ron Basford. He was elected to the Legislative Assembly of British Columbia in the 1966 BC election. Described as a "Young Turk" and "young man in a hurry," Berger challenged long-time BC CCF/NDP leader Robert Strachan for the party leadership in 1967.
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1876 Constitution: Sultan Abdul Hamid II, the Grand Vizier, and the millets grant freedom to an idealized female figure representing Turkey, whose chains are being smashed. The flying angel displays a banner with the motto of the French Revolution: Liberty, Equality, Fraternity in Turkish (Arabic script) and in Greek. The scene takes place in a generic Bosphorus scenery. Reproduced from a 1908 postcard (the printed caption of 1895 is inaccurate) celebrating the re-introduction of the constitution thanks to the Young Turk Revolution of 1908.
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In Germany after the war, Wegner married author Lola Landau, and became an activist espousing pacifism. His efforts during the aftermath of World War I and the fall of the Ottoman Empire explicitly advocated a separate Armenian nation as a path to reconciliation, which raised difficult political questions. Likewise, Wegner tried to ascribe culpability to the Young Turk regime rather than the Turkish people as a whole. In 1921 Wegner testified at the trial of Soghomon Tehlirian, the Ottoman Armenian who had killed Talat Pasha in Berlin.
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During the Armenian-Tatar massacres 1905-1907, he was designated head of defense of the Zangezur region and, gathering a group of 50 horsemen, he defended the Armenian population of Kapan from massacres. An amnesty following the Young Turk revolution of 1908 allowed Murad to return to the Ottoman Empire, where he worked in Van and in Sivas. In particular, he participated in the organization of a network of schools and charitable and female societies, and taught physical culture and theatrical art at Armenian schools.
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Most members of the families of Baháʼu'lláh's second and third wives supported Muhammad ʻAlí; however, there were very few outside of Haifa who followed him. Muhammad ʻAlí's machinations with the Ottoman authorities resulted in ʻAbdu'l-Bahá's re-arrest and confinement in Acre. They also caused the appointment of two official commissions of inquiry, which almost led to further exile and incarceration of ʻAbdu'l-Baha to North Africa. In the aftermath of the Young Turk revolution, Ottoman prisoners were freed thus ending the danger to ʻAbdu'l-Baha.
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In 1908, he was dismissed from membership in the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP), the nucleus of the Young Turks movement. However, after the Young Turk Revolution of 1908, he became deputy for Adrianople in the Ottoman Parliament, and in July 1909, he was appointed minister of interior affairs. He became minister of posts, and then secretary-general of the CUP in 1912. After the assassination of the prime minister (grand vizier), Mahmud Şevket Pasha, in July 1913, Talaat Pasha again became minister of interior affairs.
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Some Turkish reformers promoted the Latin script well before Atatürk's reforms. In 1862, during an earlier period of reform, the statesman Münuf Pasha advocated a reform of the alphabet. At the start of the 20th century, similar proposals were made by several writers associated with the Young Turk movement, including Hüseyin Cahit, Abdullah Cevdet and Celâl Nuri. The issue was raised again in 1923 during the İzmir Economic Congress of the new Turkish Republic, sparking a public debate that was to continue for several years.
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They also owned land in Jaramana, a Druze village outside of Damascus and maintained good relations with the local Druze chiefs.Provence 2005, p. 43. When Abdul Hamid II was overthrown during the Young Turk Revolution in 1908, 'Ata lost his favor from the central authorities because of his closeness with the deposed sultan and criticized the revolutionary officers. Consequently, the al-Bakri family realigned itself with Arab nationalists in Syria who opposed the increased Turkish nationalist efforts in the Arabic-speaking territories of the empire.
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In the short time of its existence, the Kurd Society for Cooperation and Progress (Kürt Terraki ve Teavun Cemiyeti) was a leading force in supporting the Kurdish nation. It was founded in the aftermath of the Young Turk Revolution in 1908 by several members of the Kurdish political elite. Some of the co-founders were founders Sheikh Abdulkadir, (a son of Sheikh Ubeydullah); Emin Ali Bedir Khan of the Bedir Khan family and the former ottoman official Muhammad Şerif Pasha. With the establishment of.
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Jamil Ibrahim Pasha was a Sunni Muslim and was described as an "Arabized Kurd" by historian Philip Khoury.Khoury, p. 270. A native of Aleppo, he enrolled in the Ottoman Military College in Istanbul and joined the reformist Committee of Union and Progress (CUP), which took power in the Ottoman state in 1908 during the Young Turk Revolution. Ibrahim Pasha served in the Ottoman army during the Balkan Wars, a series of conflicts between the Ottomans and nationalist forces in their empire's Balkan territories between 1912 and 1913.
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A manifesto of the movement was published at the first exhibition of such paintings at the AIFACS Gallery in 1979 at Delhi. The exhibition presented in all, 26 paintings in oil medium. The artists whose works were included in the first exhibition were S/s R.C. Shukla, R.S. Dhir, Santosh Kumar Singh and Ved Prakash Mishra from Banaras Hindu University, Varanasi; Dr. Gopal Madhukar Chaturvedi from Aligarh and Bala Dutt Pandey from Allahabad. The exhibition was inaugurated by the well-known "young Turk" Shri Chandra Shekhar, then President of the Janata Party.
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During the public disorders of the Young Turk Revolution and Ottoman countercoup of 1909, Russia considered landing troops in Constantinople. In May 1913 the German military mission assigned Otto Liman von Sanders to help train and reorganise the Ottoman army. This was intolerable for St. Petersburg, and Russia developed a plan for invading and occupying the Black Sea port of Trabzon or the Eastern Anatolian town of Bayezid in retaliation. Russia could not at the time find a military solution for a full invasion, which this small occupation might become.
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69 Initially with no political agenda, it became politicized by several leaders and factions and mounted the Young Turk Revolution against Abdul Hamid II in 1908. However, Abdullah Cevdet and Ibrahim Temo cut their ties with the CUP soon after 1902, as the CUP began to advocate a Turkist nationalist policy.Jongerden, (2012), p.70 Instead he promoted his secular ideas in his magazine İçtihat, where he published articles in support of several policies, which later were part of Atatürk's Reforms like the shutting down of the madrases or the furthering of women's rights.
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The Massacre of Phocaea (, I Sfagí tis Fókaias) occurred in June 1914, as part of the ethnic cleansing policies of the Ottoman Empire. It was perpetrated by irregular Turkish bands against the predominantly ethnic Greek town of Phocaea, modern Foça, in the east coast of the Aegean Sea. The massacre was part of a wider anti-Greek campaign of genocide launched by the Young Turk Ottoman authorities, which included boycott, intimidation, forced deportations and massive killings;Lieberman, 2013: pp. 79-80 and was one of the worst attacks during the summer of 1914.
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After the Young Turk Revolution, Pere Toshev opposed the legalization of the Organization. Toshev, Anton Strashimirov and Gyorche Petrov published the newspapers "Konstitutsionna zarya" and "Edinstvo", close to the People's Federative Party (Bulgarian Section). In 1910-1911 he was a school inspector of the Bulgarian schools in the Salonica revolutionary district. He was murdered by the Turks in 1912. Anastas Lozanchev wrote about him in his account of IMARO's founding in 1894: „Pere had clearly defined ideas, with defined views on the revolutionary struggles, which no one else at that time had.
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This first Ottoman constitutional experiment ended soon after it began, however, when the autocratic Sultan Abdul Hamid II abolished the parliament and the constitution in favor of personal rule. Abdul Hamid ruled by decree for the next 30 years, stirring democratic resentment. The reform movement known as the Young Turks emerged in the 1890s against his rule, which included massacres against minorities. The Young Turks seized power in the 1908 Young Turk Revolution and established the Second Constitutional Era, leading to a pluralist and multiparty elections in the Empire for the first time in 1908.
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Bajalan also notes that "the paper advocated the restoration of the Constitution of 1876. This, it was believed, would serve as a panacea to both the Ottoman Empire’s problems and those of the Kurds." Following the Young Turk Revolution in 1908, the Bedir Khan family returned to Turkey, but in 1912 went into exile again when they discovered that the CUP intended to repress the Kurdish nationalist movement in the Ottoman Empire. They remained in exile after the founding of the Turkish republic by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk in 1923.
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Ahmed Izzet Pasha A plot by the Young Turk government and led by Bekir Fikri to restore Ottoman control over Albania through the installment of an Ottoman-Albanian officer Ahmed Izzet Pasha as monarch was uncovered by the Serbs and reported to the ICC. Ismail Qemali supported the plot for military assistance against Serbia and Greece. The ICC allowed their Dutch officers serving as the Albanian Gendarmerie to declare a state of emergency and stop the plot. They raided Vlorë on 7–8 January 1914, discovering more than 200 Ottoman troops and arrested Fikri.
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The Albanian revolt of 1910 (known as the Kryengritja e vitit 1910, or Uprising of 1910, in Albanian historiography) was a reaction to the new centralization policies of the Young Turk Ottoman government in Albania. It was the first of a series of major uprisings. Rebels were supported by the Kingdom of Serbia. New taxes levied in the early months of 1910 led to Isa Boletini's activity to convince Albanian leaders who had already been involved in a 1909 uprising to try another revolt against the Ottoman Empire.
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The Young Turk movement took control of the Ottoman Empire after a coup in 1912 which deposed Sultan Abdul Hamid II. The movement supported a centralised form of government and opposed any sort of autonomy desired by the various nationalities of the Ottoman Empire. An allegiance to Ottomanism was promoted instead.Erik Zurcher, Ottoman sources of Kemalist thought, (New York, Routledge, 2004), p. 19. An Albanian uprising in 1912 exposed the empire's northern territories in Kosovo and Novi Pazar, which led to an invasion by the Kingdom of Montenegro.
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In order to eliminate this threat, Young Turks embarked on a large-scale deportation of Kurds from the regions of Djabachdjur, Palu, Musch, Erzurum and Bitlis. Around 300,000 Kurds were forced to move southwards to Urfa and then westwards to Aintab and Marasch. In the summer of 1917 Kurds were moved to Konya in central Anatolia. Through these measures, the Young Turk leaders aimed at weakening the political influence of the Kurds by deporting them from their ancestral lands and by dispersing them in small pockets of exiled communities.
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110 In 1886, al-Masmiyah was briefly occupied by the Druze clans of Atrash and Halabi during a quarrel with the Sulut tribe.Firro, 1992, pp. 216-217. Following the Young Turk Revolution in 1908, the sultan ceded estate to the treasury department of the Damascus government and consequently, the inhabitants, who were both tenants of the government and permanent residents of the villages, had to pay 20–22% of their agricultural products to the authorities. Nonetheless, the conditions of the inhabitants of the government estate were better than the estates of the notables.
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The Young Turk Revolution, instigated by members of the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) in the Balkan provinces, spread quickly throughout the empire and resulted in the Sultan Abdulhamid II announcing the restoration of the Ottoman constitution of 1876 on 3 July 1908. The 1908 Ottoman general election took place during November and December 1908. The Senate of the Ottoman Empire reconvened for the first time in over 30 years on 17 December 1908 with the surviving members from the first constitutional area. The Chamber of Deputies' first session was on 30 January 1909.
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The Sultan maintained his symbolic position and in March 1909 attempted to seize power once more by stirring up populist sentiment throughout the Empire. The Sultan's bid for a return to power gained traction when he promised to restore the caliphate, eliminate secular policies, and restore the sharia-based legal system. The 1908 parliament lacked coherence, most of all on the nature and unity of the organization of the Empire. While the Young Turk Revolution had promised organizational improvement, once instituted, the government at first proved itself rather disorganized and ineffectual.
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The Third Army was originally established in the Balkans and later defended the northeastern provinces of the Ottoman Empire. Its initial headquarters was at Salonica, where it formed the core of the military forces that supported the Young Turk Revolution of 1908. Many of its officers who participated in the Revolution, including Enver Pasha and Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, rose to fame and power. By 1911, the Army had been moved to Erzincan in northeastern Anatolia, and with the onset of World War I, it was moved to Erzurum.
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From 1887 to 1902 there was "Mësonjëtorja", where it was later administered by Ottoman authorities, which used the building as a prison until the Young Turk Revolution, where local Albanians took over again the administration of the building, to reopen the Albanian school and to set up the musical and patriotic band called "Banda e Lirisë" on 1 October 1908. As a school, the building continued until 1967, the year when it was given the function as a museum space with the name of National Museum of Education, as well as still called today.
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At the beginning of the Ilinden-Preobrazhenie Uprising, he didn't manage to take over Klisura on his own, but later with the help of Pando Klyashev, Pando Sidov, Vasil Chekalarov, Manol Rozov and Marko Ivanov took over the towns of Klisura and Neveska.Илинденско-Преображенското въстание 1903—1968, Дино Кьосев и Ламби Данаилов After the uprising, until the Young Turk Revolution, he was a leader in the regions of Kostur and Kaylyari. Then he worked as a teacher in his village. In 1911, Nikola Andreev was killed by one of his friends because of jealousy.
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One of his plays, Easy come, easy go was staged in Tigranakert. He participates in the 7th Conference of the Social Democrat Hunchakian Party, in Constanţa, 1913 where he present the idea of plotting to assassinate some of the leaders of the Ittihad ve Terraki, the organizers of Adana massacre. The resolutions of the convention were given to the Young Turk Government by a spy, and Hunchakian leaders including Paramaz were arrested upon their arrival to Constantinople. After spending two years in Turkish jails, Paramaz was sentenced to death along with 20 other Hunchakians.
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Taşhan in Ankara history (4 December 2009) After Ankara was included in the railroad network in 1892, Taşhan became one of the most important quarters of Ankara and after the Young Turk Revolution the Committee of Union and Progress built its Ankara branch office building to the west of Taşhan.Ministry of Culture page / Ankara - Kurtuluş Savaşı Müzesi (I. TBMM Binası), 25 July 2005 During the Turkish War of Independence this building was used as the parliament of Turkish nationalists. After the war a square was built to the east of the parliament building .
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After Enver's death, three of his four siblings, Nuri (1889–1949), Mehmed Kamil (1900–62), and Hasene Hanım, adopted the surname "Killigil" after the 1934 Surname Law required all Turkish citizens to adopt a surname. Enver's sister Hasene Hanım married Nazım Bey. Nazım Bey, an aid-de-camp of Abdul Hamid II, survived an assassination attempt during the 1908 Young Turk Revolution of which his brother-in-law Enver was a leader. With Nazım, Hasene gave birth to (1910–2000), who would become a famous Turkish film director and producer.
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When Zionism began taking root among Jewish communities in Europe, many Jews emigrated to Palestine and established settlements there. When Palestinian Arabs concerned themselves with Zionists, they generally assumed the movement would fail. After the Young Turk revolution in 1908, Arab Nationalism grew rapidly in the area and most Arab Nationalists regarded Zionism as a threat, although a minority perceived Zionism as providing a path to modernity.Mohammed Muslih, The Origins of Palestinian Nationalism, New York 1988, chapter 3, See also Yehoshua Porath, The Emergence of the Palestinian-Arab National Movement 1918–1929, introduction.
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After the Young Turk revolution he was assigned to monitor the Turks and the Bulgarians in the area of Monastir. When it was discovered that the Young Turks were planning his assassination, he was smuggled out to the United States and returned on the eve of the First Balkan War, in which he participated, leading a corps of volunteers. In October 1912, Antonios Zois liberated Mariovo from the Ottoman Empire and raised the Greek flag. After the Treaty of Bucharest, however, the area was annexed to the Kingdom of Serbia.
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The Armenian Patriarch of Constantinople Madteos III (Izmirlian) was permitted to return to Istanbul in 1908 when Sultan Abdulhamid II was deposed by the Young Turks. The new Turkish administration also restored the constitution. In the initial period of the reign of the Young Turks, the Armenians enjoyed a brief period of restoration of civil liberties between 1908 and 1915. However, in 1915 the Armenians suffered great hardship under the Young Turk administration owing to the desire of the Turkish government for its peoples to be religiously homogeneous (i.e.
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The Byzantines built a defensive tower which was successively developed during the Ottoman Empire epoch in the 15th century and by Ali Pasha in the early 19th century. The Young Turk revolutionaries met in Tepelenë in February 1909, in an attempt to persuade Albanian nationalists to join them. In 1920, an earthquake severely damaged the town which was completely rebuilt afterwards. Local tradition says that if Tepelenë exceeds 100 buildings it will be destroyed. In the same year, 400 Italian soldiers surrendered to the Albanians during the Battle of Vlora.
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At the Rila Congress in November 1905, he was elected in the representative body of IMARO. He championed the idea of Macedonian autonomy. After the Young Turk revolution of 1908, he took an active part in the preparation and holding of the elections for the Ottoman Parliament with the list of the People's Federative Party (Bulgarian Section) but did not receive the necessary number of votes for a deputy. During the First Balkan War he participated in an unsuccessful meeting attended by some local revolutionaries from the left wing of the IMARO in Veles.
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Malul published articles in the Hebrew newspaper Ha-Herut (Freedom), where he argued for the place of the Arabic language and culture within Zionism. He believed knowledge of Arabic was vital to the Zionist cause of fostering understanding with the Arabs of Palestine. He also advocated for Semitic Jewish nationalism, believing Arabic to be inseparable from Jewish culture, as they were both Oriental in origin.Abigail Jacobson. “Jews Writing in Arabic: Shimon Moyal, Nissim Malul and the Mixed Palestinian/Eretz Israeli Locale,” in Late Ottoman Palestine: The Period of Young Turk Rule, ed.
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Drita would be perhaps the most influential periodical of Albanian diaspora of the National Awakening period. The alphabet used was the Istanbul Alphabet of Sami Frashëri until 1908, and afterwards the standard Albanian alphabet which came out of the Congress of Monastir. After the Young Turk Revolution, Luarasi transferred his printing press to Salonika, where over 60 works were produced within one year: books, magazines, newspapers, and distributed to a large of Albanian population. In March 1910, after the press attracted attention of the Ottoman authorities, Luarasi moved his press back to Sofia.
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Other bands of this nature, not having a journalist in their company, such as Grameno have remained unsung heroes. During the Young Turk Revolution (1908), Adjuntant Major Ahmed Niyazi Bey met with guerilla leaders Topulli and Grameno on July 23 in Resne (modern Resen) where he expressed his gratitude and viewed the declaration of the CUP constitution as advantageous for the Albanian nation. Grameno alongside Topulli and Niyazi appeared in photographs taken by the Manakis brothers during the revolution. Cerciz Topulli And Mihal Grameno in 1908 or 1909.
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In 1904 he was arrested by Ottoman authorities because of his refusals to point to the author of "Fitret ul-Islâm", a problematic and controversial essay on the Islam religion, with Syrja Bey Vlora as author. He spent four years in Yedikule prison where he lost a leg due to gangrene. After his released he was interned in Tokat in north-eastern Anatolia where he worked as a lawyer. With the Young Turk Revolution of 1908 his persecution ended and he was sent in Samsun by the Black Sea to finish his studies.
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Hussein bin Ali's lineage and destined position as the Sharif of Mecca helped foster the ambition for an independent Arab kingdom and caliphate. These pretensions came to the Ottoman rulers' attention and caused them to "invite" Hussein to Constantinople as the guest of the sultan in order to keep him under direct supervision. Hussein brought his four sons, Ali, Abdullah, Faisal, and Zeid, with him. It was not until after the Young Turk Revolution that he was able to return to the Hijaz and was officially appointed the Sharif.
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Al-Fatat was formed in the aftermath of the Young Turk Revolution in 1908. The original founders of the movement were Arab students who felt offended by what they perceived as the Young Turks' Turkish nationalist agenda and Turkish domination over ethnic groups within the Ottoman Empire. The three Arab students were Ahmad Qadri of Damascus, Awni Abd al-Hadi of Nablus and Rustum Haidar of Baalbek. The trio decided to form an underground organization based on the Young Turks' model but with the purpose of protecting Arab rights.
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Elected to the Vermont House of Representatives as a Republican in 1960, Billings served from 1961 to 1965. In the House Billings was one of the "Young Turks," a group of relatively junior members who pursued progressive policies regardless of party affiliation. The effort to end conservative Republican dominance of Vermont had gone on since the early 1900s with limited success. The Young Turks attained more success, including the election of fellow Young Turk Philip H. Hoff, a Burlington liberal, as Vermont's first Democratic Governor since the founding of the Republican Party in the 1850s.
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With the intervention of some friends of him in the capital, he was transferred as Prefect of Korçë. After the Young Turk Revolution and the new constitution he was sent Prefect in Prizren, Vilayet of Kosovo until March 1910 when the unrest in Albanian Vilayets would increase following with the Albanian rebellions. Alizoti was recalled to Istambul and sent to Romania for a specialization course. After 6 months he returned and started as Administrator of Urfa in Asia Minor, and after that as Governor of Al-Khums in Western Libya.
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During the early 1980s factional differences emerged in the LCT, chiefly over the federation's relationship to political parties and the military. The faction associated with Phaisan, which sought independence from political and military figures, was defeated and left the organisation to form the Thai Trade Union Congress (TTUC). In 1985 leaders of the LCT were arrested on charges of rebellion for supporting an attempted coup d'etat by the Young Turk military faction. Former LCT president Tanong Po-arn, Thailand's most prominent labour leader, disappeared after the 1991 coup d'etat.
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Here the Greeks were in competition not only with the Ottomans but also with the Bulgarians, engaged in an armed propaganda struggle for the hearts and minds of the ethnically mixed local population, the so-called "Macedonian Struggle". In July 1908, the Young Turk Revolution broke out in the Ottoman Empire. Taking advantage of the Ottoman internal turmoil, Austria-Hungary annexed Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Bulgaria declared its independence from the Ottoman Empire. On Crete, the local population, led by a young politician named Eleftherios Venizelos, declared Enosis, Union with Greece, provoking another crisis.
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In July 1908, the Young Turk Revolution broke out in the Ottoman Empire. Taking advantage of the Ottoman internal turmoil, Austria-Hungary annexed Bosnia and Herzegovina and Bulgaria declared its independence from the Ottoman Empire. On Crete, the local population, led by a young politician named Eleftherios Venizelos, declared Enosis, Union with Greece, provoking another crisis. The fact that the Greek government, led by Dimitrios Rallis, proved unable to likewise take advantage of the situation and bring Crete into the fold, rankled many Greeks, especially young military officers.
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Thessaloniki was also the center of activities of the Young Turks, a political reform movement, which goal was to replace the Ottoman Empire's absolute monarchy with a constitutional government. The Young Turks started out as an underground movement, until finally in 1908, they started the Young Turk Revolution from the city of Thessaloniki, by which their revolutionaries gained control over the Ottoman Empire. Eleftherias (Liberty) Square, where the Young Turks gathered at the outbreak of the revolution, is named after the event. Turkey's first president Mustafa Kemal Ataturk was born and raised in Thessaloniki.
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Instead they adopted an Ottoman Turkish outlook and came to refer to themselves as Turks or Ottoman Turkish speaking citizens.. Due to the effects of socio-linguistic assimilation, promoters of Albanian nationalism became concerned about migration to Anatolia and degraded Albanians from the lower classes who undertook the journey.. In 1908, an alphabet congress in Bitola with Muslim, Catholic and Orthodox delegates in attendance agreed to adopt a Latin character-based Albanian alphabet and the move was considered an important step for Albanian unification. Some conservative Albanian Muslims and clerics along with the Ottoman government opposed the Latin alphabet and preferred an Arabic-based Albanian alphabet due to concerns that a Latin alphabet undermined ties with the Muslim world.... The Ottoman state organised a congress in Debar (1909) with the intention that Albanians there declare themselves as Ottomans, promise to defend its territorial sovereignty and adopt an Albanian Arabic character alphabet. Due to the alphabet matter and other Young Turk policies, relations between Albanian elites and nationalists, many Muslim and Ottoman authorities broke down... The Ottoman Young Turk government was concerned that Albanian nationalism might inspire other Muslim nationalities in the direction of nationalism and separatism and threaten the Islam-based unity of the empire..
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He was known as a firebrand in student politics and started his political career with Dr. Ram Manohar Lohia. After he had completed his graduation, he became active in socialist politics.The rise of Socialist politics under Chandra Shekhar. In the Janata-coalition government that came to power in the aftermath of that election, Chandra Shekhar willingly gave up his claim to a Cabinet ministerial role that he was offered in favour of his fellow-Young Turk Mohan Dharia. That was just one instance of Chandra Shekhar’s deep commitment and loyalty towards his friends which is a recurring theme in the book.
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Ismail Qemali (; 16 January 184424 January 1919) was an Albanian diplomat, politician, rilindas, statesman and the Founding Father of modern Albania. The principal author of the Declaration of Independence, he subsequently served as the first Prime and Foreign Minister of Albania during the period from 1912 to 1914. Born and raised in Vlorë into a wealthy Tosk family, Qemali developed an early interest in languages and mastered French, Greek, Italian and Turkish in Ioannina and later studied law in Istanbul. He travelled across Europe, particularly Belgium, France, England and Italy, and returned to Albania after the Young Turk Revolution.
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Those sentiments were shared by people such as Haydar Midhat who quit the new central committee after he learned that Qemali worked for Greek interests in Albania and was on their payroll. After the 1908 Young Turk revolution some people who opposed the CUP made allegations against Qemali of being uninterested in the plot, worked for his interests and a "crook" that took money from the prince. Qemali broke ties with the Young Turks and on 16 August 1903 he gave an interview to an Italian newspaper in his role as an "Albanian patriot" and pursued his new preoccupation with Albania's future.
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In February 1914, the Great Powers decided that Greece would keep most of them, a decision that the Ottoman government rejected. A Greco-Ottoman naval race was the result, with threats of war over the issue of the islands.Boubougiatzi, 2009: pp. 82–86 In this atmosphere, the Greek population of the Ottoman Empire became a target of the Young Turk Ottoman government, from a press campaign against them, limitations to the autonomy of their educational institutions, the imposition of military service, as well as various financial measures, culminating in a boycott of Greek-owned businesses.Boubougiatzi, 2009: pp.
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The imminent collapse of the Ottoman Empire was welcomed by the Balkan states, as it promised to restore their European territory. The Young Turk Revolution of 1908 proved a nationalistic movement thwarting the peoples' expectations of the empire's modernization and hastened the end of the Ottoman occupation of the Balkans. To this end, an alliance was struck among the Balkan states in Spring 1913. The First Balkan War, which lasted six weeks, commenced in August 1912, when Montenegro declared war on the Ottoman Empire, whose forces ultimately engaged four different wars in Thrace, Macedonia, Northern and Southern Albania and Kosovo.
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The Dashnaks also worked for the wider goal of creating a "free, independent and unified" Armenia, although they sometimes set aside this goal in favour of a more realistic approach, such as advocating autonomy. The Ottoman Empire began to collapse, and in 1908, the Young Turk Revolution overthrew the government of Sultan Hamid. In April 1909, the Adana massacre occurred in the Adana Vilayet of the Ottoman Empire resulting in the deaths of as many as 20,000–30,000 Armenians. The Armenians living in the empire hoped that the Committee of Union and Progress would change their second-class status.
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In 2005, the International Association of Genocide Scholars affirmed that scholarly evidence revealed the "Young Turk government of the Ottoman Empire began a systematic genocide of its Armenian citizens – an unarmed Christian minority population. More than a million Armenians were exterminated through direct killing, starvation, torture, and forced death marches." The IAGS also condemned Turkish attempts to deny the factual and moral reality of the Armenian Genocide. In 2007, the Elie Wiesel Foundation for Humanity produced a letter signed by 53 Nobel laureates re-affirming the Genocide Scholars' conclusion that the 1915 killings of Armenians constituted genocide.
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In 1908, Azuri proposed the elevation of the mutassarifate to the status of vilayet to the Ottoman Parliament after the 1908 Young Turk Revolution. The area was conquered by the Allied Forces in 1917 during World War I and a military Occupied Enemy Territory Administration (OETA South) set up to replace the Ottoman administration. OETA South consisted of the Ottoman sanjaks of Jerusalem, Nablus and Acre. The military administration was replaced by a British civilian administration in 1920 and the area of OETA South became the territory of the British Mandate of Palestine in 1923, with some border adjustments with Lebanon and Syria.
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The German Kaiser Wilhelm II was so alarmed by the Chinese Muslim troops that he requested the Caliph Abdul Hamid II of the Ottoman Empire to find a way to stop the Muslim troops from fighting. The Caliph agreed to the Kaiser's request and sent Enver Pasha (not to be confused with the future Young Turk leader) to China in 1901, but the rebellion was over by that time. Also on 11 June, the first Boxer, dressed in his finery, was seen in the Legation Quarter. The German Minister, Clemens von Ketteler, and German soldiers captured a Boxer boy and inexplicably executed him.
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The Vilayet of Bosnia was placed under Austro-Hungarian occupation although it formally remained part of the Ottoman Empire until it was annexed by Austria-Hungary thirty years later, on 5 October 1908. The Austro-Hungarian garrisons in the Sanjak of Novi Pazar were withdrawn in 1908, after the annexation of the Vilayet of Bosnia and the resulting Bosnian Crisis, to reach a compromise with the Ottoman Empire, which was struggling with internal strife because of the Young Turk Revolution (1908). The chaotic situation in the Ottoman Empire also allowed Bulgaria to formally declare its independence on 5 October 1908.
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This Assembly only met once but founded the Teachers Union, the first Jewish labor union in Palestine. Yellin was the president until 1906. Like his younger brother Shlomo Yellin, David was a staunch supporter of the Ottoman Empire in the years after the Young Turk Revolution. He have dozens of speeches praising the reforms of the Second Constitutional Era. In one 1909 speech he described "the unity and beauty which caused the whole people of the homeland to be brothers in one endeavor—the success of the homeland and its people and the pride of membership in one family: the Ottoman family".
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Newton was subsequently assigned to the armored cruiser USS Montana stationed at Guantánamo Bay, Cuba within Cuban Pacification, but embarked shortly thereafter for the Turkish waters, where she operated during the protection of American interests during Young Turk Revolution. The Montana returned to the United States in September 1909 and Newton witnessed Hudson–Fulton Celebration in New York City. The Montana subsequently spent several months with patrols in the Atlantic and Newton was promoted to Lieutenant (junior grade) on January 31, 1910. In April that year, he Montana sailed for Argentina in connection with the celebration of Argentina Centennial.
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Massacres of Assyrians were often undertaken through the initiatives of local officials and groups. Nevertheless, they classified the campaign against Assyrians as having "genocidal quality". Ernst II, Prince of Hohenlohe-Langenburg, the German special envoy in Constantinople, sent a report describing "systematic extermination" of the Christian population of the Diarbekir province by Reshid Bey, the governor. Martin Tamcke wrote that a German chargé d'affairs in Constantinople sent to the German Chancellery an article from a Young Turk- controlled newspaper, which mentioned the expulsion of Assyrians in the east as an example of the "cleansing of the empire of Christian elements".
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The years 1905–1907 saw much fighting between IMORO and Turkish forces as well as between IMORO and Greek and Serb detachments. Meanwhile, the split between the two factions became final when in 1907 Todor Panitza killed the right-wing activists Boris Sarafov and Ivan Garvanov. The armed Albanian bands of Çerçiz Topulli cooperated and were on good terms with armed groups of Bulgarian-Macedonian revolutionaries operating in the Lake Prespa region and Kastoria area, a bond formed due to their hostility toward Greeks. After the Young Turk Revolution of 1908 both factions laid down their arms and joined the legal struggle.
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Map of tribes of northern Albania in 1918, Gashi covering section 25 During the late Ottoman period, the tribe of Shala was exclusively Catholic and it was a famous Albanian tribe. The tribe of Shala claimed it had four bajraktars (chieftains). For the Shala the process of bloodguilt due to blood feuding was restricted to males of a household that were considered fair game. After the Young Turk Revolution (1908) and subsequent restoration of the Ottoman constitution, the Shala tribe made a besa (pledge) to support the document and to stop blood feuding with other tribes until November 6.
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CUP headquarters conferred upon Enver the title of "CUP Inspector General of Internal Organisation and Executive Forces". Postcard of Mehmed V flanked by Niyazi Bey (left) and Enver Bey (right) On July 3, 1908 Niyazi protesting the rule of Abdul Hamid II fled with his band from Resne (modern Resen) into the mountains where he initiated the Young Turk Revolution and issued a proclamation that called for the restoration of the constitution of 1876. Following that example Enver in Tikveş and other officers such as Sabri in Ohri also went into the mountains and formed guerilla bands (çetes).
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Though there is no evidence to suggest that Sharif Hussein bin Ali was inclined to Arab nationalism before 1916. The rise of Turkish nationalism under the Ottoman Empire, culminating in the 1908 Young Turk Revolution, nevertheless displeased the Hashemites and resulted in a rift between them and the Ottoman revolutionaries. During World War I, Hussein initially remained allied with the Ottomans but began secret negotiations with the British on the advice of his son, Abdullah, who had served in the Ottoman parliament up to 1914 and was convinced that it was necessary to separate from the increasingly nationalistic Ottoman administration.
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At the same time, Freedom and Accord found itself on the brink of dissolution after inter-party conflicts. Left with little political power and flexibility, the CUP began to plan a coup against Kâmil Pasha's Freedom and Accord government. In addition, an animosity had already been brewing between Kâmil Pasha and the CUP since the 1908 Young Turk Revolution that had started the Second Constitutional Era. During the more than four years since, Kâmil Pasha had made a series of efforts to keep CUP members far from government and keep the army, which had many CUP members among its ranks, out of politics.
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For example, in Poland, according to Piekalkiewicz and Penn, communist ideocracy failed in 1980; the recognition of Lech Walesa's Solidarity Trade Union led to a military coup and authoritarian military rule. According to Sabrina Ramet, regenerative changes occurred in Yugoslavia in the 1980s when the communist ideology was replaced by a nationalist drive for a Greater Serbia and by an anti-bureaucratic revolution in support of Slobodan Milosevic.Sabrina Ramet, The three Yugoslavias, Indiana UP, 2006, p. 322. The Young Turk coup of 1908,Tony Barber, 'Decline and Fall', review of Shattering Empires by Michael Reynolds, Financial Times, 4/4/2011.
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Rugovians were always ready to fight for freedom. They participated in the Assembly of the League of Prizren in 1878 (representatives: Sali Jaha, Çelë Shabani), and were crucial to the Battle of Noksic, which was the first victory of the League. They also participated in the League of Peja in 1899 (11 representatives), and the Assembly of "Verrat e Llukes" in 1903 (two representatives). Rugovians had a key role in an armed uprising in 1904, which included Peja and Gjakova. Following the rejection of the Young Turk revolution in 1908, Rugovians found themselves facing the Ottoman army which was equipped with 24 cannons.
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Central to his plans for reinvigorating the Ottoman holy war was the still undefined role of Hussein, the Sherif of Mecca. One of Hussein's sons, Faisal - the future king of Syria and Iraq - came to Constantinople to iron out the Hashemite family's differences with the Young Turk regime. He met Oppenheim in Oppenheim's room at the Pera Palace Hotel on 24 April 1915. Oppenheim did not want to discuss relocating the locus of spiritual power with the Sherifs in Mecca; 'the Ottoman Caliphate must remain the unique and central focus towards which the eyes of all Muslims are directed,' he said.
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After the Young Turk Revolution in 1908 and the seizure of power by the Committee of Union and Progress, Sabahaddin returned to the Ottoman Empire. His liberal party, standing in opposition to the Committee of Union and Progress, was banned twice, in 1909 and 1913, and he had to flee again. During the first World War I, he spent as head of the opposition in exile in western Switzerland. In 1919, Sabahaddin returned to Istanbul in the hope of realising his political vision, but was ultimately banned in 1924 by the victorious Turkish National Movement under Mustafa Kemal (later Atatürk).
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Originally, Darwaza supported the Ottoman Empire based on his feelings of identification with Islam and of belonging to the larger Ottoman Muslim ummah ("nation"). In 1906, he served in the local Ottoman administration as a clerk in the Department of Telegraphic and Postal Services (DTPS) in Nablus. His first assignment in that department was for the District of Beisan and northern Palestine (the Galilee and northern Samaria). He was also an Arabist and was enthusiastic about the Young Turk Revolution in 1908, expecting that the new Ottoman government would institute reforms and grant the Arabs autonomy within the framework of the empire.
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Ottomanism enjoyed a revival during the Young Turk Revolution of 1908, and during the Second Constitutional Era of 1908 to 1920. It lost most of its adherents during the First Balkan War of 1912–13, when the Ottoman Empire lost most of its European territories inhabited by Christian minorities and large number of Muslims fled from those areas while many Christians fled from the remaining Ottoman territories. With the loss of most of the empire's ethnic minorities, the raison d'être for the Ottomanist movement also evaporated. Disappointment in the failure of Ottomanism became integral to the surge of Turkish nationalism in the 1920s.
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1909.) Sandanski also collaborated later with the Young Turks, opposing other factions of IMARO, which fought against the Ottoman authorities in this period. The assassination attempt of Tane Nikolov against Sandanski in Thessaloniki, as seen by the American daily The Gazette (Cedar Rapids) on August 30, 1909. During the first days of Young Turk Revolution, the collaboration of the Macedonian leftists with the Ottoman activists was stated in a special Manifesto to all the nationalities of the Empire.Sandanski called his compatriots to discard the propaganda of official Bulgaria in order to live together in a peaceful way with the Turkish people.
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Back then the Albanian community of Egypt was organized in two main societies: Vëllazëria ("The brotherhood") and Bashkimi ("The union"). In 1909, Vruho published a second Albanian language periodical called Rrufeja ("The lightning") that lasted until February 1910. Some of the prominent works of the Albanian National Awakening would be published here, including Pas vdekjes ("After the death") of 1910 by Andon Zako Çajupi. After the distribution in Albania was banned by the Young Turk government in 1910, Vruho changed the name in 1910 to Sëpata ("The axe") and continued publication for a short time after.
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The defeat and dissolution of the Ottoman Empire (1908–1922) began with the Second Constitutional Era, a moment of hope and promise established with the Young Turk Revolution. It restored the Ottoman constitution of 1876 and brought in multi-party politics with a two-stage electoral system (electoral law) under the Ottoman parliament. The constitution offered hope by freeing the empire's citizens to modernize the state's institutions, rejuvenate its strength, and enable it to hold its own against outside powers. Its guarantee of liberties promised to dissolve inter- communal tensions and transform the empire into a more harmonious place.
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Information was gathered on the periodical by the Swiss political police. Under the editorship of Hima, the inaugural issue of İttihad appeared on 23 February 1903 with the first article recommending an Ottoman federal system of government with stress placed on Albania as being most suitable for that type of administration. Additional articles discussed reforms of the state, linguistic self determination within the empire and Ottoman unity. The periodical was initiated as a Young Turk publication and in short time became an organ of the Albanian national movement and was written in prose style to attract Albanians.
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The Congress of Dibra (original name promoted by the Ottoman authorities: Ottoman-Albanian Joint Constitutional Congress) was a congress held by members of Albanian committee in Debar (than part of Ottoman Empire, now part of North Macedonia) from July 23 to July 29, 1909. The congress was chaired by Vehbi Dibra, Grand Mufti of the Sanjak of Dibra and was sponsored by the government of the Young Turks. It was held on the first anniversary of the Young Turk Revolution and was a countermeasure on the Latin script based Albanian alphabet which came out of the Congress of Manastir.
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Then, he set up his own armed group, acting in the Voras Mountains, Lake Vegoritida, Edessa and Skydra. In June 1906, in an operation along with fellow Ostrovonites Stavros Chatzicharisis and Pantelis Theodorou they managed to exterminate the Bulgarian komitadji Tane Kliantsev who was terrorizing the Greek population of the region. The action of Stogiannidis continued until 1908, when the Young Turk revolution stopped the Macedonian Struggle. His actions are considered successful as he managed to drive back the Bulgarian komitadjis northern, notably to Tikveš and Almopia and as he protected the Greek element of the region.
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When the Young Turk Revolution occurred in 1908, the Armenians in Erzeroum, as well as the ARF, telegraphed Pastermadjian and asked him to become their candidate in the coming elections for Representative to the Ottoman Parliament. He became a member of the Ottoman parliament part from the Armenian Revolutionary Federation deputies. After the end of the Balkan Wars, issues affecting the Armenians dominated mainstream politics during which Armen Karo was a deputy from Erzurum. During his four years in Constantinople (Istanbul) as a deputy, he worked for the railroad bill which was known to the public as Chester's bill.
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This was also a personal victory for Venizelos, who as a result achieved fame not only in Greece but also in Europe. Following the Young Turk Revolution, which Venizelos welcomed, Bulgaria declared its independence from the Ottoman Empire on 5 October 1908, and one day later Franz Joseph, Emperor of Austria announced the annexation of Bosnia-Herzegovina. Encouraged by these events, on the same day, the Cretans in turn rose up. Thousands of citizens in Chania and the surrounding regions on that day formed a rally, in which Venizelos declared the union of Crete with Greece.
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This duty was interrupted twice; the first came in February, when she returned to Hampton Roads, Virginia, where she and the rest of the Atlantic Fleet greeted the Great White Fleet at the conclusion of its circumnavigation of the globe. The second came in April, owing to instability in the Ottoman Empire following the Young Turk Revolution that threatened American interests. Montana departed Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, on 2 April, when she was sent to the Mediterranean to protect Americans in the region. She remained there until 23 July, when she left Gibraltar, arriving in Boston on 3 August.
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His thesis was on the political activities and thought of one of the founders of the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP), Dr. Abdullah Cevdet. He has done extensive research on the history of the CUP during the period from 1889 to 1908, i.e. from its foundation to the Young Turk Revolution using organization's own papers (since it was an underground organization), archival sources including those found in the Turkish, German, Austrian, French, Swiss, Italian, Greek, and British archives. He was also the first foreign scholar to visit the national archives of Albania, during the period when hardly anyone could visit the country.
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The exact date of establishment is unclear or disputed. According to some researchers, the organization might have been established by Enver Pasha, who placed Süleyman Askeri in charge of the organization on 17 November 1913. Its establishment date is rather vague since it was really a continuation of various smaller groups established by Enver Pasa and friends in the aftermath of 1908 Young Turk Revolution"Teskilat-i Mahsusa" Philip H. Stoddard (translated by Tansel Demirel), 1993, Arma Yayinlari, Istanbul, pp. 49-54.. Enver Pasha assumed the primary role in the direction of the Special Organization and its center of administration moved to Erzurum.
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Al Rusafi left for Turkey of the post Young Turk Revolution, in 1908, and started working in Istanbul as an Arabic lecturer at the Royal College. He worked at a local newspaper, Sabil al Rashad and is known to have led an active social life. In 1912, he became a member of the Turkish Chamber of Deputies, representing Al Muthanna district of Iraq and was re-elected in 1914. After the fall of the Ottoman Empire in 1918, Al Rusafi left Istanbul for Syria as the British authorities in Iraq prevented the return of Iraqis from Turkey.
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The son of noted Congress politician and later parliamentarian, Lala Achint Ram, Kant's first brush with politics came when he plunged into the Quit India movement, while he was still a student in Lahore. He took part in the Indian Independence Movement as a youth and continued to be involved in politics, eventually being elected to Parliament of India. He was part of the "Young Turk" brigade of Indian National Congress party during the time of Indira Gandhi. He held important official positions in the parliamentary and organisational wings of the Indian National Congress, the Janata Party and the Janata Dal.
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Meissner was invited to manage the construction of the Hejaz Railway, the largest public works undertaking in the empire. In the eight years from 1900 to 1908, he was able to build the main section, from Damascus to Medina, including the Jezreel Valley railway. In 1904 he received the title of pasha from the Sultan for his work on the railway, stretching only from Damascus to Ma'an at the time. After the Young Turk Revolution of 1908, the Hejaz Railway project was abandoned, and Meissner moved on to the Baghdad Railway project, funded by the German Empire.
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Inspired by the Young Turk Revolution, Arab delegates and political figures of the Empire started speaking of the Western notion of Arab nationalism () as well. The Arabs' demands were of a reformist nature, limited in general to 'autonomy', 'greater use of Arabic in education', and 'changes in conscription in the Ottoman Empire in peacetime for Arab conscripts' that allowed local service in the Ottoman army. At this stage Arab nationalism was not yet a mass movement, even in Syria where it was strongest. Many Arabs gave their primary loyalty to their religion or sect, their tribe, or their own particular governments.
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These two houses founded the first two strains of Kurdish nationalism. The Badr Khans were secessionists while the Sayyids of Nihiri were autonomists. Operating within the autonomist framework, Shaykh Abd al Qadir in 1910 appealed to the Committee on Union and Progress (which, after the 1908 Young Turk Revolution, now held the power of the government after deposing Sultan Abd al Hamid) for an autonomous Kurdish state in the east. That same year, Said Nursi traveled through the Diyarbakir region and urged Kurds to unite and forget their differences, while still carefully claiming loyalty to the CUP.
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The persecutions, massacres, expulsions, and death marches of the Asia Minor Greeks were renewed during the early 20th century by the Young Turk administration of the Ottoman Empire and during the subsequent revolution of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. The Ottoman Greek population was severely affected; its misfortunes became known as the Greek Genocide. After the defeat of the Ottoman Empire during World War I, the Allies granted Greece, with the Treaty of Sèvres, the administration of Eastern Thrace (apart from Constantinople) and the city of Smyrna and its environs. The Pontic Greeks attempted to establish their own republic, the Republic of Pontus.
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Armenian Genocide Map-enThe event known as the Armenian Genocide is considered by some to have been a population transfer. The Armenian population of the Ottoman Empire was transferred in the years from 1915–1919. It was organised by the Young Turk Ottoman government and officially called tehcir – meaning "forced relocation". In May 1915, Mehmed Talaat Pasha requested that the cabinet and Grand Vizier Said Halim Pasha legalize a measure for the deportation of Armenians to other places due to what Talaat Pasha called "the Armenian riots and massacres, which had arisen in a number of places in the country".
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Included in the collection were the Hooker Emerald and, supposedly, the Hope Diamond. The Sultan feared a potential coup by the Young Turks, and hoped that the proceeds from the sale of the gems would allow him to escape to a comfortable life in exile should a revolution come to pass. However, the money raised by the sale of the gems--to a dealer by the name of Salomon or Selim Habib--fell to the succeeding government following the Young Turk Revolution. In 1911, Habib auctioned the collection received from Abdul Hamid II to cover debt repayments.Loring, John (1998); Tiffany's 20th century: a portrait of American style, Harry N. Abrams, Inc.
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Ahmet Muhtar Mollaoğlu (1870 – 1934) was a Turkish politician, who was the first ambassador of Turkey to the United States. He was born to Cemaleddin Effendi, an official at the court of Abdul Hamid II and was raised with French as a secondary language beside Turkish. He didn't have an education which prepared him for a diplomatic career, but he had a lot of self taught experience in the field with time. He was assigned to work in the lower ranks of the diplomatic service from 1898 to 1906 abroad and after the Young Turk Revolution he has been appointed as the Consul General in Budapest, Hungary.
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As a lawyer in Belgrade he was a member of a masonic lodge Pobratimstvo where he was acquainted with Luka Ćelović and Milorad Gođevac who already kept touch with Serbs in Macedonia, especially those acting within VMRO. In September 1903 the group formed a Serb revolutionary and guerrilla committee for Macedonia – Glavni odbor četničke akcije. Jovanović became its secretary and one of its leaders until 1905. After the Young Turk revolution in 1908 when affairs in Macedonia seemed to be going towards a political solution, Jovanović took part in the First Conference of Serbs of Old Serbia and Macedonia (12-15 August 1908) in Skopje.
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Atatürk at the opening ceremony of the Samsun-Çarşamba railroad (1928) Atatürk's basic tenet was the complete independence of the country.Mango, Atatürk, 367 He clarified his position: He led wide-ranging reforms in social, cultural, and economic aspects, establishing the new Republic's backbone of legislative, judicial, and economic structures. Though he was later idealized by some as an originator of sweeping reforms, many of his reformist ideas were already common in Ottoman intellectual circles at the turn of the 20th century and were expressed more openly after the Young Turk Revolution. Atatürk created a banner to mark the changes between the old Ottoman and the new republican rule.
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Dimo Hadzhidimov, Todor Panitsa and Yane Sandanski with the Young Turks The People's Federative Party (Bulgarian Section) () was a Bulgarian political party in the Ottoman Empire, created after the Young Turk Revolution, by members of the left wing of the Internal Macedonian Adrianople Revolutionary Organization (IMARO).We, the People: Politics of National Peculiarity in Southeastern Europe, Diana Mishkova, Издател Central European University Press, 2009, , p. 130.The Balkan Wars in the Eyes of the Warring Parties: Perceptions and Interpretations, Igor Despot, iUniverse, 2012, , pp= 26-27.Entangled Histories of the Balkans: Volume One: National Ideologies and Language Policies, Roumen Daskalov, Tchavdar Marinov, BRILL, 2013, , p.303.
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Through the intervention of the Great Powers, however, Greece lost only a little territory along the border to Turkey, while Crete was established as an autonomous state under Prince George of Greece. With state coffers empty, fiscal policy came under International Financial Control. Alarmed by the abortive Ilinden uprising of the autonomist Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (IMRO) in 1903, the Greek government, aiming to quell Komitadjis (IMRO bands) and detach the Slavophone peasants of the region from Bulgarian influence, sponsored a guerrilla campaign in Ottoman-ruled Macedonia, led by Greek officers and known as the Macedonian Struggle, which ended with the Young Turk Revolution in 1908., , .
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Premčević was born in the village of Ljupšte in the Poreče region, at the time part of the Ottoman Empire (now R. Macedonia). He joined the Serbian Chetnik Organization and organized the first Serbian četa (band) in Poreče in March 1904, which he then submitted to the command of vojvoda (duke) Micko Krstić. Premčević was the assistant of Micko Krstić, and after Micko was returned by the Serbian Committee to Serbia, Premčević became vojvoda of a band in charge of pursuing the Albanian kachaks. He was an active guerilla fighter until 1908, when the Young Turk Revolution saw all rebels putting down their weapons.
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The Armenian quarter after the massacres in Adana in 1909 A countercoup took place in early 1909, ultimately resulting in the 31 March Incident on 13 April 1909. Some reactionary Ottoman military elements, joined by Islamic theological students, aimed to return control of the country to the Sultan and the rule of Islamic law. Riots and fighting broke out between the reactionary forces and CUP forces, until the CUP was able to put down the uprising and court-martial the opposition leaders. While the movement initially targeted the Young Turk government, it spilled over into pogroms against Armenians who were perceived as having supported the restoration of the constitution.
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Ferid Pasha offered the sultan his pledge of loyalty saying "An Albanian who says besa once cannot in any way break [his] promise and cannot be unfaithful [to it]." He brought to the job solid bureaucratic experience and a network of ethnic Albanian connections from a strategic and important area of the empire. As the newly appointed Grand Vizier, Ferid Pasha wanted strong precautions taken against the Young Turk movement to thwart any possible coup d'état attempts on the sultan. In February 1904 Ferid Pasha ordered Necib Efendi, mutasarrif of Elbasan to be transferred from his post, due to charges of bad morals and impotence.
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In later negotiations with the Ottomans, an amnesty was granted to the tribesmen with promises by the government to build roads and schools in tribal areas, pay wages of teachers, limit military service to the Istanbul and Shkodër areas, right to carry weapons in the countryside but not in urban areas, the appointment of bajraktars relatives to certain administrative positions and compensate Malisors with money and food arriving back from Montenegro. The final agreement was signed in Podgorica by both the Ottomans and Malisors during August 1912 and the highlanders had managed to thwart the centralist tendencies of the Young Turk government in relation to their interests.
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Serb Chetniks thus fought the Ottomans, and Bulgarian and Albanian bands. Prominent guerrilla fighters include Jovan Babunski, Gligor Sokolović, Ilija Trifunović-Birčanin, Mihailo Ristić-Džervinac, Jovan Grković-Gapon, Vasilije Trbić, Garda Spasa, Borivoje Jovanović-Brana, Ilija Jovanović-Pčinjski, Jovan Stanojković- Dovezenski, Micko Krstić, Lazar Kujundžić, Cene Marković, Miša Aleksić- Marinko, Doksim Mihailović, Kosta Milovanović-Pećanac, Vojin Popović-Vuk, Savatije Milošević and Petko Ilić. After the proclamation of the Young Turk revolution in 1908 and the proclamation of the constitution, all of the brigands in Macedonia, including the Serbian Chetniks, put down their weapons; however, guerilla fighting soon continued, later merging into the Balkan Wars.
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Now returned to the UK, the group or Pole decided access to the oratory was cut off from January 1908 to September 1910. More experts met about the cup late in January as well and they generally felt it was not ancient yet it was still bringing people together from east and west. Further trips were complicated by the intensifying tensions to the region: the whole situation is seen as part of The Great Game from earlier that coalesced into the Young Turk Revolution in July 1908. Early Baháʼí Sidney Sprague visiting from America met with Pole in London answering questions as well as literature he could share.
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He was particularly noted for his masterful drawing, his harmonious, if not particularly vivid coloring, the ability to capture a close resemblance, appropriate lighting, and in general for his conscientious execution without embellishment. Contemporaries highly rated his portraits, consequently he created many works of this sort. Particularly striking are his many portraits; a portrait of Madame Khatova (the wife of General Alexander Ilich Khatov), a life-size portrait of Count Alexander Stroganov, a portrait of the former president of the Academy, Alexey Olenin, and the paintings "Head of a Young Turk", "Boy with Dog", and "Fiddler". In addition, Varnek painted icons representing the Annunciation and the Four Evangelists.
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The 1908 Young Turk Revolution saw the reinstatement of constitutional monarchy in the Ottoman Empire and the start of the Second Constitutional Era. When the revolt broke out, it was supported by intellectuals, the army, and almost all the ethnic minorities of the Empire, and forced Sultan Abdul Hamid II to re-adopt the long defunct Ottoman constitution of 1876 and parliament. Hopes were raised among the Balkan ethnicities of reforms and autonomy, and elections were held to form a representative, multi-ethnic, Ottoman parliament. However, following the Sultan's attempted counter-coup, the liberal element of the Young Turks was sidelined and the nationalist element became dominant.
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However, the Germans found that he only had been austed from power by the Malhamés. Rachîd was very much contrary to constitutionalism in the Ottoman Empire, because he believed that this Western form of government didn't serve for the Ottoman Empire. He felt so much anger about the emerging victory of the constitution that he called Ahmed Riza (a prominent Young Turk and later Minister of Education) a mean idiot and the members of the Arab-Ottoman Brotherhood (Al-ikha) scoundrels. The Moutran family had become acquainted with Ahmad Izzet Bey al-'Abid during the term of office of Kıbrıslı Mehmed Kamil Pasha (1833–1913), the sultan's grand vizier in Istanbul.
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But as Baalbek is in the area of your consulate, it is my duty to inform you of these matters on behalf of Essad Bey, Abdul Gani, and myself.” Ottavi received these assurances with every courtesy, but also with the greatest reserve. He didn't trust Nakhlé very much, because he had been two years ago a secretary of the Turkish embassy in Paris, knew many of the French diplomatists, but was at the same time involved with the Unionist Party (the Young Turk movement). But his connections with the Unionists he denied, talking about the collapse of the Committee's policy and the insolence of the Young Turks.
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Ma'ruf al- Rusafi (1875–1945), a leading Iraqi poet, wrote a poem entitled Tammuz al- Hurriyya ("July, the month of freedom") to celebrate the Young Turk Revolution of 1908 and the deposition of 'Abd al-Hamid, the last Ottoman sultan.Genequand, 1986, p. 614. The 1958 revolution in Iraq took place on the 14th of July. The 1968 Ba'ath revolution in Iraq took place in the month of Tammuz, and the Osirak nuclear reactor built by Saddam Hussein in 1977 and destroyed by Israel in 1981 was known domestically as Tammuz, a reference to the month of July when temperatures in Iraq reach their highest levels and it is unbearably hot.
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In 1906, he was captured by the Turks, but he successfully escaped to Bulgaria. During 1907, Nikola Andreev was a freedom fighter of the Drama revolutionary band of Mihail Daev. After the Young Turk Revolution he was no longer freedom fighter and started working as a teacher. Until the beginning of the Balkan Wars, he was a leader of a revolutionary band in the region of Smolyan, and later he became a member of a non-combatant support service of the 13th Kukush Battalion of the Macedonian-Adrianopolitan Volunteer Corps.„Македоно-одринското опълчение 1912-1913 г. Личен състав“, Главно управление на архивите, 2006, стр. 42.
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The Young Turk Revolution of 1908 restored the Parliament, which had been suspended by the Sultan in 1878. However, the process of supplanting the monarchic institutions was unsuccessful and the European periphery of the Empire continued to splinter under the pressures of local revolts. Subsequently, with the Balkan Wars (1912–1923) and the First World War (1914–1918) the Ottoman Empire lost virtually most of its possessions, except these in Asia Minor. During these wars and the following Greco-Turkish War (1919–1922) the Orthodox Christians there were a subject to a persecution and deportation, and the Assyrians and Greeks even to a Genocide.
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46 At the Congress of Kyustendil in 1906, Petar Atsev was chosen an additional member of the Central Committee of the IMARO, together with Petko Penchev, Pavel Hristov, Efrem Chuchkov, Argir Manasiev and Stamat Ikonomov.100 години от Кюстендилския конгрес на ВМОРО (1908 г.), Слави Славов In 1907, he participated in the Battle of "Nozhot" (the Knife), together with the voyvodas Tane Nikolov, Ivan Naumov, Mihail Chakov, Hristo Tsvetkov and Mircho Naydov. After the Young Turk Revolution in 1908, he was no longer an illegal freedom fighter and settled in Prilep. Two years later, he was arrested and for 15 months he was imprisoned in different prisons in Macedonia and Anatolia.
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Sanjeev Sanyal was named Young Global Leader for 2010 by the World Economic Forum in Davos, an honour given to select individuals below the age of 40 for outstanding contributions across disciplines including politics, academia, sports, business, and art. He is a Rhodes Scholar (1992–95) and was also awarded the Eisenhower Fellowship in 2007 for his work on urban systems. In 2008, CNBC profiled him as a "Young Turk" in recognition to his contributions to Asia's financial markets.Sanjeev Sanyal Vinayak Lohani - IIT Alumni Association Singapore The Singapore government honored him as a Young Leader 2014 at the World Cities Summit held in June 2014.
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In June 1911 Mehmed V on a stopover in Monastir during his Balkans tour had a scene from the revolution reenacted by Niyazi and Sabri. Both men wore their old clothes, rode horses accompanied by a gun carriage with the event recorded on camera by the Manakis brothers and the film titled Sultan Rešad's Visit to Bitola currently preserved in the Macedonian Archives. Eyüp Sabri's grave in Şişli Throughout the Young Turk era, Sabri was a seminal member of the CUP central committee from 1908 to 1918 with his position being renewed by the committee in 1917. He was a fedayi (a militant fighting for the cause).
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The modernization efforts were not enough to forestall the decline of the Ottoman Empire. Sultan Abdul Hamid II was deposed with the Young Turk Revolution in 1908 and the Ottoman Parliament, closed since 14 February 1878, was reopened 30 years later on 23 July 1908, which marked the beginning of the Second Constitutional Era. A series of wars in the early 20th century, such as the Italo-Turkish War (1911–1912) and the Balkan Wars (1912–1913), plagued the ailing empire's capital and resulted in the 1913 Ottoman coup d'état, which brought the regime of the Three Pashas. A view of Bankalar Caddesi (Banks Street) in the late 1920s.
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Tanin ("resonance" in Turkish) was a Turkish newspaper. It was founded in 1908, after the Young Turk Revolution, by Tevfik Fikret (1867–1915), the Ottoman poet who is considered the founder of the modern school of Turkish poetry. It became a strong supporter of the new progressive ruling party, the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP; ), and pluralism and diversity were reflected on the pages of Tanin. The offices of the _Tanin_ and the _Shuraï- Ummett,_ another newspaper supportive of the Committee, were destroyed during the 1909 revolution that deposed Abdul Hamid II. During this time, the _Tanin's_ editor, Djahid Bey, escaped to Odessa.
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Before the Young Turk Revolution of 1908, when Müşir İbrahim Pasha attempted to establish discipline in the army, Major Djemal Bey and other members of the Committee of Union and Progress approached his son Nureddin Bey, with warning to the Müşir İbrahim Pasha to keep off their patch.Andrew Mango, Atatürk, John Murray, 1999, , p. 73. Nureddin Bey joined the Committee of Union and Progress (membership number was 6436Kâzım Karabekir, İttihat ve Terakki Cemiyeti, Emre Yayınları, 1982, p. 180.). On 19 August 1909, he was demoted to major, because of the Law for the Purge of Military Ranks (Tasfiye-i Rüteb-i Askeriye Kanunu) and sent to reserve under the First Army.
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In 1908 he was sent by the Ottoman empire to support the Ottoman troops against the Albanian uprisings in Monastir (present-day Bitola). On June 22, 1908 captain Tajar Tetova working together with the Bashkimi club of Monastir, mutinied and fled into the mountains with seven officers and 150 Albanian soldiers to join southern Albanian Tosk revolutionaries. He formed a military league, demanding the retirement of the Young Turk government and general elections claiming that the existing cabinet was elected under terrorist agitation of the Young Turkish Committee. Tetova and his soldiers took all the weapons and ammunition company as well as two heavy machine guns from the Turkish in Monastir.
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Indeed, he personally informs several characters ranging from the assimilated outsider-hero (Bagradian) to self- parody (the schoolteacher Oskanian). Bagradian considers himself a loyal citizen of the Ottoman Empire, even a patriot, eschewing the more radical Armenian parties, such as the socialist Hunchaks. He had served as an artillery officer in the 1912 Balkan War, had been involved in the progressive wing of Turkish politics and had been a vocal Armenian supporter of the CUP and the Young Turk Revolution of 1908. Being a reserve officer, Bagradian becomes suspicious when he is not called up; learning that Turkish authorities have seized the internal passports of Armenian citizens further fuels his suspicions.
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He was born as Chaderjian () in Sebastia and studied in the colleges of Constantinople, then finished at the University of Paris. He was the chief director of the Armenian schools of Sebastia province, then directed the Aramian school and St Savior hospital in Constantinople. Being arrested by the Turkish authorities, he was released after mediation by the French embassy and in 1905 he moved to Cairo, where he worked as a doctor and teacher and participated in the foundation of the AGBU charity organization. In 1908 after the Young Turk revolution he returned to Constantinople and was elected as a member of the Ottoman parliament and Armenian National Central Committee.
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Except for the social democratic press, these Chetnik actions were supported in Serbia and interpreted as being in the national interest. These Chetnik activities largely ceased following the 1908 Young Turk Revolution in the Ottoman Empire. The Chetniks were active in the Balkan Wars of 1912–1913; during the First Balkan War against the Ottomans they were used as vanguards to soften up the enemy ahead of advancing armies, for attacks on communications behind enemy lines, for spreading panic and confusion, as field gendarmerie and to establish basic administration in occupied areas. They were also put to good use against the Bulgarians in the Second Balkan War.
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Kostadin Alakushev was born in the village of Tarlis, in the Ottoman Empire, that is now in Greece known as Vathytopos, Kato Nevrokopi municipality, Drama regional unit. He graduated from the Bulgarian Men's High School of Thessaloniki and afterwards worked as a teacher in different villages in the region of Nevrokop and Ser. He became a member of the IMARO and participated in the Ilinden-Preobrazhenie Uprising in the revolutionary band of Stoyan Malchankov. In 1907 he became a member of the regional committee of the IMARO in Nevrokop. In 1909 he was a member of Yane Sandanski’s party, whose aim was to protect the Young Turk Revolution.
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Jewish workers of the Socialist Workers' Federation march, 1908 - 1909 The Jewish community was pioneer in the establishment of the first newspapers in the city. Some of them included: La Epoca (1875), El Avenir, La Nation, La Liberdad, La Tribuna Libera, La Solidaridad Obradera, and after 1912, Avanti, La Nueva Epoca, El Liberal, El Consejero, El Combate, El Martillo, Pro Israel, La Esperanza, Accion, El Tiempo, El Macabeo, El Popular, El Professional, Messagero and many more. The eruption of modernity was also expressed by the growing influence of new political ideas from Western Europe. The Young Turk revolution of 1908 with its bases in Salonika proclaimed a constitutional monarchy.
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"Young Turks" is a song by Rod Stewart that first appeared in 1981 on his album Tonight I'm Yours. The track presented Stewart backed by a new synth-pop and new wave sound. The term young Turk, which originates from the early 20th- century secular nationalist reform party of the same name, is slang for a rebellious youth who acts contrary to what is deemed normal by society. The phrase "Young Turks" is never heard in the actual song, the chorus instead centering on the phrase "young hearts be free tonight", leading to the song frequently being misidentified as "Young Hearts" or "Young Hearts Be Free".
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On arrival, Hannay has a run-in with Rasta Bey, an important Young Turk, and intercepts a telegram showing his trail has been detected. They travel by train, fending off an attempt to stop them by the angry Rasta Bey, and reach Constantinople with half a day to spare. They seek out the meeting place, and are attacked by Bey and an angry mob, but rescued by a band of mysterious, wild dancing men, whom they then antagonise. Next day they return to the rendezvous, an illicit dance-room, where they find the main entertainment is none other than the wild men of the previous day.
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In 1904-1905 he became more active as leader of the Macedonian-Adrianople Socialist Group. After the Young Turk Revolution in 1908, he moved back to the Ottoman Empire and initially gravitated around the People's Federative Party (Bulgarian Section). The newspaper "Rabotnicheska Iskra" (Worker's Spark), edited by him, described the two rivaling Bulgarian parties in the Ottoman Empire at the time: the PFP (Bulgarian Section) and the Union of the Bulgarian Constitutional Clubs. According to the newspaper, both of the parties, the former a defender of the poorer Bourgeois, the latter - of the richer, were nationalist and were led by desires of unification with Bulgaria.
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In November 1897, a rebellion led by Riza Bey and Haxhi Zeka occurred in Kosovo aiming to reduce taxes and for the allowance of Albanian schools. The uprising lasted until January 1898 when Riza was invited to Istanbul to discuss terms. In 1912, due to the deteriorating situation between Albanians and Ottoman authorities, Riza Bey alongside other Albanian leaders were present at a meeting in Junik on 20 May where a besa (pledge) was given to wage war on the Young Turk government. Riza Bey was a guerrilla leader during the Albanian Revolt of 1912, and was one of the main figures of the League of Junik.
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During the Castellammarese War, between 1930 and 1931, Maranzano and Bonanno fought against a rival group based in Brooklyn, led by Joe Masseria and Giuseppe Morello. However, a third, secret, faction soon emerged, composed of younger mafiosi on both sides. These younger mafiosi were disgusted with the old-world predilections of Masseria, Maranzano and other old-line mafiosi, whom they called "Mustache Petes." This group of "Young Turk" mafiosi was led by Masseria's second-in-command, Lucky Luciano, and included Frank Costello, Vito Genovese, Joe Adonis, Carlo Gambino and Albert Anastasia on the Masseria side and Joe Profaci, Tommy Gagliano, Tommy Lucchese, Joseph Magliocco and Stefano Magaddino on the Maranzano side.
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Beidas' weekly periodical, al-Nafā'is al-'asriyyah (, The Modern Treasures), was founded in 1908 in Haifa, around the time of the Young Turk Revolution of July 1908. He initially described its as "a magazine for jests and fun-making pieces" (majallat latā'if wa fukāhãt). It started by running short stories but also serializations of the Russian novels he was then translating. In one of his anonymous pieces for it, Beidas called upon the fathers of his society to prepare their children towards the 'age of freedom' (al-hurriyya), one where the free man was somebody who could make his own law (shar'ia) and guide himself (qiyadat nafsibi).
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After the liberation, Bulgaria's main external goal was the unification of all Bulgarian-inhabited areas under foreign rule into a single Bulgarian state: the main targets of Bulgarian irredentism were Macedonia and southern Thrace, which continued to be part of the Ottoman realm. In order to join an anti-Ottoman alliance and claim those territories by war, however, Bulgaria had to proclaim its independence first. This would constitute a violation of the Treaty of Berlin's terms, an act unlikely to be approved by the Great Powers. The chaos that ensued in the Ottoman Empire following the Young Turk Revolution of 1908 provided suitable conditions for the Bulgarian proclamation of independence.
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Niyazi refused the offer due to the government campaign launched against suppressing the CUP and decided to return home. Among the CUP of his time, Niyazi became disillusioned with exiled opposition figure Murad Bey after he reconciled with the sultan and took a government position following an amnesty for Young Turk members. Niyazi despised the despotism of the sultan and nepotism at the royal court, where ranks and other positions were given at times to people with close social connections. Niyazi Bey in military gear (post 1908) Between 1899-1903 Niyazi was stationed in Ohri as an officer in charge of the ammunition depot in a company of reservists.
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Niyazi Bey (first row, centre) with other CUP members, 1908 At the same time and following Niyazi's example, Enver Bey in Tikveş, Eyüp Sabri in Ohri and Bekir Fikri in Grebene were three of several officers who went into the mountains and formed guerilla bands (çetes). From the outset in July Sabri worked closely with Niyazi. No order had come from the Young Turk (CUP) committee in Salonica and instead the uprising developed spontaneously as news spread from one Ottoman army unit to another and among the various local CUP committees. For the revolt to get local support Niyazi and Enver played on fears of possible foreign intervention.
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Niyazi Beg (Niyazi Bey) street in modern Resen As a tribute to his role in the Young Turk Revolution that began the Second Constitutional Era of the Ottoman Empire, Niyazi is mentioned along with Enver in the March of the Deputies ( or Meclis-i Mebusan Marşı), the anthem of the Chamber of Deputies, the lower house of the Ottoman parliament. It was performed in 1909 upon the opening of the parliament. The fourth line of the anthem reads "Long live Niyazi, long live Enver" (). In the 1910s Niyazi was mentioned other songs that reflected the Young Turks move toward a Turcocentric ideology. para. 27.
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In the beginning of the 20th century, a new wave of Turkish nationalism started seething in Istanbul. It came to be known as Jön Türkler, from French "Les Jeunes Turcs" (The Young Turks) where for the first time Turks spoke of specific Turkish nationalism against the generalized Islamic Ottoman Empire. The movement resulted in an unlikely union of reform-minded pluralists, Turkish nationalists, Western-oriented secularists, and indeed anyone who accorded the Sultan political blame for the harried state of the Empire. The movement grew and resulted in the Young Turk Revolution, which began on 3 July 1908 and quickly spread throughout the Empire.
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Ahmed İzzet Pasha Pro-Ottoman Muslim landowners and priests supported Essad Pasha Toptani, who remained loyal to the Ottoman Empire during the First World War and maintained close contacts with the government in Istanbul. Young Turks from Istanbul were still hoping to restore Ottoman suzerainty over Albania and sent agents to Albania. A plot by the Young Turk government and led by Bekir Fikri to restore Ottoman control over Albania through the installment of an Ottoman-Albanian officer Ahmed Izzet Pasha as monarch was uncovered by the Serbs and reported to the ICC. Ismail Qemali supported the plot for military assistance against Serbia and Greece.
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White Sülde Tngri temple in the town of Uxin Banner in Inner Mongolia, China. A revival of Tengrism has played a role in search for native spiritual roots and Pan-Turkism ideology since the 1990s, especially, in Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, Mongolia, some autonomous republics of the Russian Federation (Tatarstan, Bashkortostan, Buryatia, Yakutia, and others), among the Crimean Karaites and Crimean Tatars. After 1908 Young Turk Revolution, and especially the proclamation of the Republic in 1923, a nationalist idleology of Turanism and Kemalism contributed to the revival of Tengrism. Islamic censorship was abolished, which allowed an objective study of the pre- Islamic religion of the Turks.
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The Macedonian Struggle or the Greek struggle for Macedonia (, Makedonikos Agonas), or according to the Bulgarian and ethnic Macedonian point of view Greek armed propaganda in Macedonia (, Macedonian: Грчката вооружена пропаганда во Македонија) was a series of social, political, cultural and military conflicts that were mainly fought between Greek and Bulgarian subjects who lived in Ottoman Macedonia between 1893 and 1908. The conflict was part of a wider rebel war in which revolutionary organizations of Greeks, Bulgarians and Serbs all fought over Macedonia. Gradually the Greek and Bulgarian bands gained the upper hand, but the conflict was ended by the Young Turk Revolution in 1908.
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Hunchakian leaders hung during the Armenian Genocide After the restoration of the Ottoman Constitution (1908), along with the party, he declared his opposition to the Young Turk-led Committee of Union and Progress, and urged other Armenian political parties to join the Hunchakians in opposition to the Ittihad movement.Preparation for a Revolution : The Young Turks, 1902-1908: Near Eastern Studies Department Princeton University, Oxford University Press, 2001, p. 207 While in Cairo, Sapah-Gulian was condemned to death (in absentia) along with other Hunchakian party members by the Ottoman government in 1915. He later traveled to the United States to recruit volunteers for the volunteer units and to obtain assistance for the Armenians in the war.
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At first Qemali made overtures to Austria-Hungary as the great power to assist Albanians in developing a national consciousness, founding of schools and cultivating their language and attaining autonomy. Later, he became close with Italo-Albanians (Arbëreshë), shifted his leanings toward Italy and supported Italian policy for Albania to counter Austro-Hungarian territorial ambitions in the Balkans. The Ottoman government initiated a crackdown of members and sympathisers of the Young Turk movement (CUP) with Qemali's son Mahmud Bey, a Council of State official being dismissed. In Paris, Qemali participated in the Congress of Ottoman Opposition (1902) organised by Prince Sabahaddin and backed his faction calling for reforms, minority rights, revolution and European intervention in the empire.
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Since 1901 he was secretary of the Patriarchatic Veles-Debar bishop Polikarp. In 1903, he and Aleksa Jovanović-Kodža established the Bitola Board of the Serbian Chetnik Organization, in which he would have the task of forming, supplying, managing and coordination of Serb bands (četa) in the Bitola Vilayet. After the Young Turk Revolution (1908), he became the president of the Serb National Board of the Manastir Vilayet, a post he held until 1910 when he was appointed head of the Serbian National Office in Istanbul. After the Balkan Wars, he became the head of the Ohrid Oblast (region), and after the First World War, the head of the Oblast of Bitola (1918).
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More than three decades after his death, Pešić's eight-page strip was first published, in 1969, by the Belgrade's Museum of Applied Arts. Caricatures by Pešić were published numerous newspapers and popular magazines like Vrača pogačaču, Zvono, Bosnia and Balkans. A bust of Jovan Jovanović Zmaj by Jovan Pešić Pešić fought as a volunteer in the Serbian Chetnik Organization from its earliest beginning in 1903 until the Young Turk Revolution when the leaders of the Ottoman Millet in 1908 made demands on Turkish leadership to improve the status of her Christian population there. After, he went to Rome to study, and in 1914 he returned home to join the Serbian army in defense of Serbia.
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The Turkification of predominantly Kurdish areas in country's East and South-East were also bound in the early ideas and policies of modern Turkish nationalism, going back to as early as 1918 to the manifesto of Turkish nationalist Ziya Gökalp "Turkification, Islamization and Modernization". The evolving Young Turk conscience adopted a specific interpretation of progressism, a trend of thought which emphasizes the human ability to make, improve and reshape human society, relying of science, technology and experimentation. This notion of social evolution was used to support and justify policies of population control. The Kurdish rebellions provided a comfortable pretext for Turkish Kemalists to implement such ideas, and in a Settlement Law was issued in 1934.
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In 1902, during a congress of the Young Turks held in Paris, the heads of the liberal wing, Sabahaddin and Ahmed Riza Bey, partially persuaded the nationalists to include in their objectives ensuring some rights for all the minorities of the empire. One of the numerous factions within the Young Turk movement was a secret revolutionary organization called the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP). It drew its membership from disaffected army officers based in Salonika and was behind a wave of mutinies against the central government. In 1908, elements of the Third Army and the Second Army Corps declared their opposition to the Sultan and threatened to march on the capital to depose him.
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After the Young Turk Revolution (1908) and subsequent restoration of the Ottoman constitution, the Kastrati tribe made a besa (pledge) to support the document and to stop blood feuding with other tribes until November 6. During the Albanian revolt of 1911 on 23 June Albanian tribesmen and other revolutionaries gathered in Montenegro and drafted the Greçë Memorandum demanding Albanian sociopolitical and linguistic rights with five of the signatories being from Kastrati. In later negotiations with the Ottomans, an amnesty was granted to the tribesmen with promises by the government to build one to two primary schools in the nahiye of Kastrati and pay the wages of teachers allocated to them. Kastrati was a battleground area during the Balkan Wars.
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Novaković got no tangible results in his mission to Constantinople in order to persuade the Young Turk government to oppose the annexation of Bosnia. After being abandoned by both Russia and France in the annexation crisis, Serbia was obliged to formally accept the fait accompli imposed by Vienna in March 1909. His last, highly successful diplomatic mission as the first delegate was as the head of the Serbian delegation at the Conference of Ambassadors in London summoned after the Balkan Wars (1912–1913). During difficult deliberations in London, the efforts and expertise offered by Novaković proved vital in providing significant territorial gains for Serbia in Old Serbia and Macedonia at the expense of Ottoman Turkey.
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In the approach to World War I, Beirut became a center of various reforming movements, and would send delegates to the Arab Syrian conference and Franco-Syrian conference held in Paris. There was a complex array of solutions, from pan-Arab nationalism, to separatism for Beirut, and several status quo movements that sought stability and reform within the context of Ottoman government. The Young Turk revolution brought these movements to the front, hoping that the reform of Ottoman Empire would lead to broader reforms. The outbreak of hostilities changed this, as Lebanon was to feel the weight of the conflict in the Middle East more heavily than most other areas occupied by the Syrians.
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Le Petit Journal on the Bosnian Crisis: Bulgaria declares its independence and its prince Ferdinand is named Tsar, Austria- Hungary, in the person of Franz Joseph, annexes Bosnia and Herzegovina, while the Ottoman Sultan Abdul Hamid II looks on helplessly Even though Bosnia and Herzegovina was still part of the Ottoman Empire, at least formally, the Austrian-Hungarian authorities had factual control over the country. Austria- Hungary waited for a chance to incorporate Bosnia and Herzegovina formally as well. Any action concerning Bosnia and Herzegovina depended on international opinion, which Austrian-Hungarian authorities were aware of. They used the Young Turk Revolution in the Ottoman Empire to finally annex Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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As a result, the focus of the sultan's rage was toward Toptani whom Abdul Hamid II felt had betrayed him. The sultan referred to him as a "wicked man", given that the extended Toptani family had benefited from royal patronage in gaining privileges and key positions in the Ottoman government. The uprising done in the name of Islam had managed to distablise the Young Turk regime in a short period of time and it came as a shock to the CUP. The legacy of the counterrevolution following the establishment of the secular Turkish Republic continued as a memory and trauma among Kemalists, due to most of them having been CUP members in the Ottoman era.
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Armenian Christians had been an oppressed minority in the Ottoman Empire, often turning to Protestant missionaries as well as Eastern Orthodox Russia for protection. Russian troops had been stationed in several Eastern Ottoman Provinces after the treaty ending the Russo-Turkish war, pending the Ottoman Empire's adoption of reforms, even as modified by the Congress of Berlin in 1878. Armenian nationalists rioted in Constantinople and in the provinces shortly after White's arrival in Merzifon, and were brutally suppressed in the Hamidian Massacres of 1894-1896. Ottoman military officers, including Mustafa Kemal Atatürk seized power from Sultan Abdülhamid II and attempted to establish a constitutional monarchy in the Young Turk Revolution of 1908.
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Bachand was first elected as a member of the Progressive Conservative Party in 1997, one of five PC MPs elected that year in Quebec. Bachand was one of a handful of new "Young Turk" PC MPs (along with Scott Brison, John Herron and Peter MacKay) who were considered the future youthful leadership material that would restore the ailing Tories to their glory days. In 1998, Jean Charest stepped down as federal Progressive Conservative leader to make the move to Quebec provincial politics, becoming leader of the federalist Quebec Liberal Party (unaffiliated with the Liberal Party of Canada). Bachand was one of many who unsuccessfully tried to convince Charest to remain in federal politics for at least one more election.
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In the early 1900s Deutsche Bank, through the Anatolian Railway Company had mineral and oil exploration rights in a 20 km strip either side of the proposed route from Konia to the Persian Gulf. William D’Arcy, who had the Persian oil concession since 1901, also sought a concession in Mesopotamia and by 1907, were in the running due to the German side having been lax in procedure. The same year, Royal Dutch Shell (RDS) opened a Constantinople office, run by Gulbenkian. In 1908, following the Young Turk revolution, everybody had to start over. In 1908, D'Arcy incorporated as D'Arcy Exploration Co. and transferred all his oil claims in Mesopotamia and Persia to Anglo-Persian Oil Company (APOC).
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The Assyrian genocide took place in the same context as the Armenian and Greek genocides.Schaller, Dominik J. and Zimmerer, Jürgen (2008) "Late Ottoman Genocides: The Dissolution of the Ottoman Empire and Young Turkish population and extermination policies." Journal of Genocide Research, 10:1, pp. 7–14. Since the Assyrian genocide took place within the context of the much more widespread Armenian genocide, scholarship treating it as a separate event is scarce, with the exceptions of the works of Joseph Yacoub,The Assyrian Question, Ed. Alpha Graphic, Chicago, 1986. Gabriele Yonan,Ein Vergessener Holocaust, Reihe Bedröhte Völker, Pogrom, Göttingen-Vienne, 1989. David Gaunt and Hannibal Travis, who have classified the genocide as a systematic campaign by the Young Turk government.
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Thus the convention adjourned with two main objectives: > I - As stated in its original program, the party was to move from licit to > illicit activities, thus becoming once again a covert organization. II - To > plan and assassinate the leaders of the Ittihad (Young Turk) party, the same > leaders that carried out the Adana massacres of 1909, and thus the same > leaders who at that moment were planning the annihilation of the Armenian > people. However, these secret objectives were passed on to the Ottomans by an agent; consequently as soon as the delegates arrived in Constantinople, they were arrested. By the end of the year a total of one hundred and forty Hunchak leaders were arrested.
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According to Schinas, in 1910 he was deported from Thessaloniki for being "a good Greek patriot" by the Young Turks, who had seized control of the Ottoman Empire from Sultan Abdul Hamid II in the Young Turk Revolution two years prior. The Greek consul general suggested another explanation for Schinas's departure to the US: that he was evading the police following the closure of the Centre for Workingmen school in Volos. The Atlantis letter, on the other hand, wrote that Schinas left because of a family quarrel with his brother Hercules. In the years prior to the assassination, Schinas reportedly lived in New York City and worked at the Fifth Avenue and Plaza Hotels.
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Palmer, Vaughn, "Robert Bonner was the bright young Mr. Fixit for W.A.C. Bennett", Vancouver Sun, August 17, 2005Mitchell, David J., "The power of politics A Bennett takeover to change the Socreds", Globe and Mail, October 15, 1983 He remained leader after the party transformed into the British Columbia New Democratic Party in 1961. He defeated a leadership challenge by "Young Turk" Thomas Berger in 1967, but sensing a mood for change he stepped down in 1969.Johnson, William, "Two heroic men in a conflict", Globe and Mail, July 6, 1983 Strachan remained in the legislature, however, and was appointed Highways Minister when the NDP formed government for the first time as a result of the 1972 general election.
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Once underground, the Young Turk movement declared its parties. Among them "Committee of Union and Progress" (CUP), and "Freedom and Accord Party" also known as the Liberal Union or Liberal Entente (LU). There were smaller parties such as Ottoman Socialist Party and ethnic parties which included People's Federative Party (Bulgarian Section), Bulgarian Constitutional Clubs, Jewish Social Democratic Labour Party in Palestine (Poale Zion), Al-Fatat (also known as the Young Arab Society; Jam’iyat al-'Arabiya al-Fatat), Ottoman Party for Administrative Decentralization, and Armenians were organized under the Armenakan, Hunchakian and Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF/Dashnak). At the onset, there was a desire to remain unified, and the competing groups wished to maintain a common country.
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Etela'at Publishing The Ottomans were now pressed by a vicious assault of sabre-armed Jazāyerchi from ahead as well as two bodies of cavalry slicing into their formations from either flank. As the Janissaries began to collapse and were chased from their positions the jazayerchi started to fire into their backs. The situation was so dire that Topal Pasha recognized his sad fate and mounted a horse to join his men in what would be his last battle. The old fox had been outwitted by the young Turk who he had all too recently bested at Samara, but Topal Osman chose to die with his men rather than fall back and escape with his life.
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The first revolt in the Ottoman Empire fought under a nationalist ideology was the Serbian Revolution. Later the Principality of Montenegro was established through the Montenegrin secularization and the Battle of Grahovac. The Principality of Bulgaria was established through the process of the Bulgarian National Revival, and the subsequent National awakening of Bulgaria, establishment of the Bulgarian Exarchate, April Uprising of 1876 and the Russo-Turkish War (1877–1878). The radical elements of the Young Turk movement in the early 20th century had grown disillusioned with what they perceived to be the failures of 19th-century Ottoman reformers, who had not managed to stop the advance of European imperialism or the spread of nationalist movements in the Balkans.
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Colonel Doughty-Wylie was the British consul in Mersina, Ottoman Empire, during the Young Turk Revolution of 1909. Richard Bell-Davies (later a VC recipient, then a lieutenant on the battleship ) met him at the time and gives an account in his autobiography Sailor in the Air (1967). Massacres of Armenians in Mersina started along with the revolution, and Bell-Davies says that it was largely due to the efforts of Doughty-Wylie that these were halted. Doughty-Wylie then went to Adana, forty miles away, where he persuaded the local Vali (Governor) to give him a small escort of Ottoman troops and a bugler; with these he managed to restore order. Mrs.
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New York: I.B. Tauris & Co Ltd. 1999. p. 51. Like some educated Albanians with nationalist sentiments of the time, Curri supported the unity of Albanians from different religions under the banner of Skanderbeg and was in favour of government reforms that benefited Albanians. During the Young Turk Revolution, Galib Bey managed to get Albanian leaders Curri, Nexhip Draga and Ferhat Draga to attend a meeting at Firzovik (modern Ferizaj) and use their influence to sway the crowd through fears of "foreign intervention" to support constitutional restoration. During the Ottoman countercoup of 1909, among the 15,000 volunteers assisting the larger Ottoman army Curri along with Çerçiz Topulli mobilized 8,000 Albanians that put down the revolt in Istanbul.
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Nicolae Constantin Batzaria (, last name also Besaria, Basarya, Bațaria or Bazaria; also known under the pen names Moș Nae, Moș Ene and Ali Baba; November 20, 1874 - January 28, 1952), was a Macedonian-born Aromanian cultural activist, Ottoman statesman and Romanian writer. A schoolteacher and inspector of Aromanian education within Ottoman lands, he established his reputation as a journalist before 1908. During his thirties, he joined the clandestine revolutionary movement known as the Young Turks, serving as its liaison with Aromanian factions. The victorious Young Turk Revolution brought Batzaria to the forefront of Ottoman politics, ensuring him a seat in the Ottoman Senate, and he briefly served as Minister of Public Works under the Three Pashas.
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578–580 In Din lumea Islamului, Batzaria looks to the individuals who pushed for this policy. He traces psychological sketches of İsmail Enver (who, although supportive of a "bankrupt" Pan-Turkic agenda, displayed "an insane courage and an ambition that kept growing and solidifying with every step"), Ahmed Djemal (an uncultured chauvinist), Mehmed Talat ("the most sympathetic and influential" of the Young Turk leaders, "never bitten by the snake of vanity"). Batzaria also noted that Turkification alienated the Aromanians, who were thus divided and forced to cooperate with larger ethnic groups within their millet just before the First Balkan War, and that cooperation between them and the Bulgarians was already unfeasible before the Second War.Karpat, p.
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In the 16th century, there emerged travelogues of both Ottoman travelers to China and Chinese travelers to the Ottoman world. According to the official history of the Ming dynasty, some self-proclaimed Ottoman envoys visited Beijing to pay tribute to the Ming emperor in 1524. Kaiser Wilhelm II was so alarmed by the Chinese Muslim troops in the Boxer Rebellion that he requested the Caliph Abdul Hamid II of the Ottoman Empire to find a way to stop the Muslim troops from fighting. The Caliph agreed to the Kaiser's request and sent Enver Pasha (not the future Young Turk leader) to China in 1901, but the rebellion had ended by that time.
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601 Other members of the Bedir Khan family were sent into exile for this accusation. Following the Young Turk Revolution, he was not pardoned and permitted to return from exile as other members of the Bedir Khans but remained in detention until he was released in 1910. In 1911, several members of the Bedir Khan family toured the Bohtan area, also Abdürrezzak, who at the times intended to get elected as deputy for the Ottoman Parliament. In 1917, after the Russians captured the eastern provinces of Anatolia, he was given the post of a Governor in Bitlis, following which he attempted to gain the Russians assistance for the Kurdish aims of an independent Kurdistan.
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Later in 1907 he visited Egypt, where his experiences left a strong impression on him. Like Tunisia, Egypt was a protectorate at the time (of Britain), but the differences with Tunisia were marked: the effects of modern education were everywhere to be seen in public life, while industry, agriculture and infrastructure were in the hands of Egyptians, as were most official posts. The Young Turk Revolution of 1908 in the Ottoman Empire left Sfar and his colleagues in this group increasingly isolated from the more traditional religious authorities in Tunisia who had previously welcomed his reform ideas; the orientation of the Young Tunisians was towards the Young Turks, while the ulama supported Abdul Hamid II.
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Between 1960 and 1976, when he left the Bell labs, he held visiting or adjunct professorships at Stanford University, Stevens Institute of Technology, the City College of New York, the University of California at Irvine and Princeton University. As a Young Turk, Hamming had resented older scientists who had used up space and resources that would have been put to much better use by the young Turks. Looking at a commemorative poster of the Bell Labs' valued achievements, he noted that he had worked on or been associated with nearly all of those listed in the first half of his career at Bell Labs, but none in the second. He therefore resolved to retire in 1976, after thirty years.
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Yusuf Akçura in his early days He was born in Simbirsk, Russian Empire to a Tatar family and lived there until he and his mother emigrated to the Ottoman Empire when he was seven. He was educated in Constantinople and entered the Harbiye Mektebi (Military College) in 1895, before taking up a post in the Erkan-i Harbiye (General Staff Course), a prestigious training programme for the Ottoman military. But in 1896 he was accused of belonging to the Young Turk movement and was exiled to Trablusgarb in Fezzan, Ottoman Libya. He escaped exile in 1899 and made his way to Paris where he began to emerge as a staunch advocate of Turkish nationalism and Pan-Turkism.
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On one of several trips he made at the time, he met Prince Faisal in early 1915, trying to win him for the German side, unaware that Faisal's father, Hussein was negotiating with the British almost simultaneously. Whilst their attempt to incite an Arab rebellion was eventually successful, Oppenheim failed. In late 1915, British High Commissioner in Cairo Henry McMahon claimed in a report that Oppenheim had been making speeches in mosques approving of the massacre of Armenians initiated by the Young Turk government earlier that year. Oppenheim was credited with being the one who came up with the dual approach to fighting the British and French: through regular troops and by encouraging uprisings by the masses.
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During the Young Turk Revolution, Galib Bey managed to get Albanian leaders Ferhat Draga, Nexhip Draga and Bajram Curri to attend a meeting at Firzovik (modern Ferizaj) and use their influence to sway the crowd through fears of "foreign intervention" to support constitutional restoration. He participated in the Congress of Trieste from 27 February to 6 March 1913, where Albanian and Aromanian delegates from all Albanian territories approved a program regarding the Albanian future Sovereign, borders, and economical- political independence of the Albanian state. During World War I, he cooperated with Austro-Hungarian forces, which controlled most of Kosovo. In 1915, he raised around 1,000 volunteers to assist the Austrians on the Eastern Front.
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Armenian Christians had been an oppressed (and restive) minority in the Ottoman Empire, often turning to Eastern Orthodox Russia as well as Western Protestant missionaries for protection. Russian troops had been stationed in several Eastern Ottoman Provinces after the treaty ending the Russo-Turkish war, pending the Ottoman Empire's adoption of reforms, even as modified by the Congress of Berlin in 1878. Moreover, an Armenian nationalist movement which led riots in Constantinople and several Eastern provinces had been brutally suppressed in the Hamidian Massacres of 1894–1896. Ottoman military officers including Mustafa Kemal Atatürk had seized power from Sultan Abdülhamid II and attempted to establish a constitutional monarchy in the Young Turk Revolution of 1908.
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MacKay was first elected to the House of Commons of Canada in the June 2, 1997 federal election for Pictou—Antigonish—Guysborough, a riding in northeastern Nova Scotia. He was one of a handful of newly elected "Young Turk" PC MPs (including John Herron, André Bachand and Scott Brison), who were under 35 years old when elected and were considered the future leadership material that might restore the ailing Tories to their glory days. In his first term of office, MacKay served as Justice Critic and House Leader for the Progressive Conservative parliamentary caucus. MacKay was the PC member of the Board of Internal Economy and the Standing Committee on Justice and Human Rights.
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On the other hand, he was amnestied by the Bulgarian Parliament after the support he gave to the Bulgarian Army during the Balkan wars. The manifesto proclaimed by Yane Sandanski at the beginning of the Young Turk Revolution There was, a long history of friction between the Bulgarian Exarchate and the Organization, since those more closely connected with the Exarchate were moderates rather than revolutionaries. Thus the two bodies had never been able to see eye to eye on a number of important issues touching the population in Thrace and Macedonia. In his regular reports to the Exarch, the Bulgarian bishop in Melnik usually referred to Yane as the wild beast and deliberately spelt his name without capital letters.
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The Kjustendil congress of the right faction of the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (IMRO) in 1908, sentenced Sandanski to death, and led to a final disintegration of the organization. After the Young Turk Revolution in 1908 and during the Second Constitutional Era Sandanski (in association with Hristo Chernopeev, Chudomir Kantardziev, Aleksandar Buynov and others) contacted the Young Turks and started legal operation. After the disintegration of IMARO, they tried to set up the Macedonian-Adrianople Revolutionary Organization (MORO). Later, the congress for MORO's official inauguration failed and Sandanski and Chernopeev started to work towards a creation of one of the left political parties in the Ottoman Empire – People's Federative Party (Bulgarian Section), whose headquarters was in Solun.
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Boothe was elected to his first term in the Virginia House of Delegates (a part-time position) in 1948, and was re- elected until 1955, when he ran for State Senate, also from Alexandria, Virginia. From 1956 to 1963 Boothe served in the State Senate, in newly created (because of census changes) District 36.The General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Virginia 1940 - 1960 Register Boothe was classified as a "militant moderate" or "Young Turk", one of a group challenging the Byrd Organization of conservative, mainly rural Democrats led by U.S. Senator Harry F. Byrd. In 1948, Boothe derailed an attempt by Byrd forces to keep Harry S Truman off the Presidential ballot in Virginia.
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In 1908, at the end of the Ottoman Empire (1299–1922) the Young Turk Revolution ascended the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) to power, which the 1913 Ottoman coup d'état reinforced with the Raid on the Sublime Porte. In admiration and emulation that the modernization of Japan during the Meiji Restoration (1868) was realised without the Japanese people losing their national identity, the CUP intended to modernize Turkey into the "Japan of the Near East". To that end, the CUP considered allying Turkey with Japan in a geopolitical effort to unite the peoples of the Eastern world to fight a racial war of extermination against the White colonial empires of the West.Worringer, Renee.
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In 1876, the Young Ottomans had their defining moment when Sultan Abdul Hamid II reluctantly promulgated the Ottoman constitution of 1876 (), the first attempt at a constitution in the Ottoman Empire, ushering in the First Constitutional Era. Although this period was short-lived, with Abdul Hamid II ultimately suspending the constitution and parliament in 1878 in favor of a return to absolute monarchy with himself in power,Finkel 2006, p. 489-490. the influence of the Young Ottomans continued until the collapse of the empire. Several decades later, another group of reform-minded Ottomans, the Young Turks, repeated the Young Ottomans' efforts, leading to the Young Turk Revolution in 1908 and the beginning of the Second Constitutional Era.
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As a student in the Ottoman capital he joined the Revolutionary League ("Cemiyet-i İnkılabiye") against the autocracy of Sultan Abdul Hamid II. After the Young Turk Revolution he worked for supporting the Albanian language at the Mülkiye, and posted articles in the liberal press against the Committee of Union and Progress using the signature "Asim Cenan". Contrary to what Essad Pasha had in mind for him, instead of becoming Kaymakam he preferred a career in education. In 1910 he was appointed secretary of the administration, in the Ministry of Public Education in Istanbul. A year later he was appointed director of the Public Education for the Sanjak of Elbasan, Manastir Vilayet.
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In May 1909, a number of officers in the Greek army emulating the Young Turk Committee of Union and Progress, sought to reform their country's national government and reorganize the army, thus creating the Military League. The League, in August 1909, camped in the Athenian suburb of Goudi with their supporters forcing the government of Dimitrios Rallis to resign and a new one was formed with Kiriakoulis Mavromichalis. An inaugurating period of direct military pressure upon the Chamber followed, but initial public support to the League quickly evaporated when it became apparent that the officers did not know how to implement their demands. The political dead-end remained until the League invited Venizelos from Crete to undertake the leadership.
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The "suspects" were all Young Turks Reformist members including vice-chairman Chan King-ming and Gary Fan. The Young Turk members were all ousted in the following leadership election in December, with Mainstreamer Albert Ho defeating Chan King-ming as the new party chairman. The democrats suffered a humiliating defeat in the District Council elections in November 2007. The Democratic Party took the heaviest loss of 36 seats as compared with 2003. 23 of the party's incumbent Councillors were ousted, with just over half of its candidates elected. The Democratic Party was by far outstripped by the Beijing loyalist DAB which won total of 115 seats, recapturing the loss in 2003 and also much expanding.
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During the days he stayed in Monastir, he joined the Committee of Union and Progress and he married Fadime Hanım, who was an aristocrat of Filibe (present-day Plovdiv). They had two daughters, Fatma and Dilek. During the Young Turk Revolution (1908), First Lieutenant Atıf Kamçıl stated that he asked the CUP Monastir branch for a gun and had talks with Süleyman Askerî, the branch's guide about the assassination of Shemsi Pasha. Askerî was closest friend of Kuşçubaşzade Eşref (Sencer). According to Philip Hendrick Stoddard, he was a brother-in-law of Mehmed Nuri (Conker),The Ottoman Government and the Arabs, 1911 to 1918: A Preliminary Study of the Teskilât-ı Mahsusa, Princeton University, 1963, p. 175.
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Indeed, some "Young Turk" officers reached Libya and helped organize a guerrilla war with local mujahideens. Many local Libyans joined forces with the Turks because of their common faith against the "Christian invaders" and started a bloody guerrilla warfare: Italian authorities adopted many repressive measures against the rebels, such as public hanging as a retaliation for ambushes. On October 23, 1911, nearly 500 Italian soldiers were slaughtered by Turkish troops at Sciara Sciatt, on the outskirts of Tripoli. As a consequence, on the next day—during the 1911 Tripoli massacre—Italian troops systematically murdered thousands of civilians by moving through local homes and gardens one by one, including setting fire to a mosque with one hundred refugees inside.
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The French Revolution and its ideals of "Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity" inspired many secular and progressive movements in Ottoman Turkey, including the Young Turk movement that would go on to create the Republic of Turkey.Niyazi Berkes, Feroz Ahmad, The Development of Secularism in Turkey, Routledge, 1998. (Page lxxxiv) Napoleon's breaking of the age-old Franco-Ottoman alliance by conquering Ottoman- controlled Egypt also had an effect. Muhammad Ali the Great, who became the Ottoman vali (governor) of Egypt in 1805 and ruled as a de facto independent ruler until his death in 1848 had been strongly impressed with the Napoleon's Armée d'Orient, and imported French veterans of the Napoleonic wars to train his army.
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Herron was first elected to the House of Commons in the 1997 federal election as a candidate of the Progressive Conservative Party of Canada (PC Party). He was reelected in the 2000 election. Herron was one of a handful of new Progressive Conservative "young Turk" parliamentarians - along with Scott Brison, André Bachand, and Peter MacKay - considered the youthful leadership material that would restore the ailing Tories to their glory days. After Progressive Conservative leader Jean Charest resigned in April 1998 to lead Quebec Federalists as leader of the Quebec Liberal Party, Herron and fellow MP Jim Jones met with Stephen Harper to explore Harper's interest in the leadership of the Progressive Conservative Party.
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In Egypt, 'Azm met Rashid Rida; together, the two founded the Ottoman Consultation Society (Jam'iyyat al-Shura al-'Uthmaniyya), a diverse, Ottoman focused society that pushed back against Turkish nationalism. 'Azm served as editor of the Arabic-language portion of the OCS's publications and its treasurer. Following the 1908 Young Turk Revolution the society was disbanded; 'Azm visited Istanbul and joined the Ottoman Party for Administrative Decentralization. As part of the Ottoman Party for Administrative Decentralization, Rafiq al-ʿAzm along with his cousin Haqqi al-Azm opposed proposals to exclude non-Arabs and non-Muslims from the party, pushing for the affirmative inclusion of Jews, Druzes, and Christians in order to best reflect the makeup of Syria.
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The Ottoman Empire in the early seventeenth century.Sürgün or verb form sürmek (to displace) was a practice within the Ottoman Empire that entailed the movement of a large group of people from one region to another, often a form of forced migration imposed by state policy or international authority. The practice was also a form of banishment or exile often applied to the elites of Ottoman society, the Pashas. It was most famously used as a method of ethnic cleansing in the Armenian Genocide perpetrated by the Young Turk government in 1915, in order to deal with a perceived threat from Armenian nationals receiving military support from the, Ottoman hostile, Russian Empire.
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Rigas Feraios's envisioned pan-Balkan federation flag The first inception occurred in Belgrade in 1865 when a number of Balkan intellectuals founded the Democratic Oriental Federation, proposing a federation from the Alps to Cyprus based on political freedom and social equality. They confirmed their adherence to the ideals of French Revolution in the line of Saint- Simon's federalism and in relation to the socialist ideas of Karl Marx or Mikhail Bakunin. Later, in France, a League for the Balkan Confederation, was constituted in 1894, in which Greek, Bulgarian, Serbian, and Romanian socialists participated, supporting Macedonian autonomy inside the general federation of Southeast Europe, as an attempt to deal with the complexity of the Macedonian Question. The next attempt came immediately after the Young Turk Revolution in 1908.
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Maintenance work was completed by 12 October, at which point the fleet returned to Nagara inside the Dardanelles. Since the fleet could not be used to challenge the significantly more powerful Italian (Royal Navy), Turgut Reis and Barbaros Hayreddin were primarily kept at Nagara to support the coastal fortifications defending the Dardanelles in the event that the Italian fleet attempted to force the straits. On 19 April 1912, elements of the Italian fleet bombarded the Dardanelles fortresses, but the Ottoman fleet did not mount a counterattack. The negative course of the war led many naval officers to join a coup against the Young Turk government; the officers commanding the fleet at Nagara threatened to bring the ships to Constantinople if their demands were not met.
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The International Gendarmerie was only one of numerous armed groups in the principality during Wilhelm's reign. Others included irregular bands of southerners led by local leaders; native outlaws; Bulgarian outlaw Komitadjis; Greek rebels from the Northern Epirus; peasant rebels in central Albania; Essad Pasha's gendarmerie; volunteers from Kosovo led by Isa Boletini; and Mirdita Catholic volunteers from the northern mountains under the command of Prênk Bibë Doda. A plot by the Young Turk government and led by Bekir Fikri to restore Ottoman control over Albania through the installment of an Ottoman-Albanian officer Ahmed Izzet Pasha as monarch was uncovered by the Serbs and reported to the ICC. Ismail Qemali supported the plot for military assistance against Serbia and Greece.
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Unable to convince CUP members in Mitrovica to take action, Draga traveled to Salonika and pleaded his case to the local CUP committee who approved and got the Ottoman government to act against Boletini. Like some educated Albanians with nationalist sentiments of the time, Draga supported the unity of Albanians from different religions under the banner of Skanderbeg and was in favour of government reforms that benefited Albanians. In 1912, due to the deteriorating situation between Albanians and Ottoman authorities, Draga alongside other Albanian leaders were present at a meeting in Junik on 20 May where a besa (pledge) was given to wage war on the Young Turk government. In 1912 he became a prominent member of the Albanian Revolt of 1912.
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During the last decade he is one of the prominent figures of progressive views and politics in Greece as well as a founding member of the ecological organization Arcturos. In 2012 he was chosen as 'the best mayor of the world' for the month of October, by the City Mayors Foundation, based in the UK. In his program was the restoration of Agias Sofias Square and Eleftherias Square, as well as the construction of a Holocaust Museum in the city. Boutaris also declared his wish to build an Islamic mosque, monuments to Thessaloniki's Jews and to the Young Turk Revolution. According to Boutaris, the construction of these monuments will attract Jewish and Turkish tourists to Thessaloniki, who will want to visit their fathers' hometown.
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Armenians of Constantinople celebrating the establishment of the CUP government On 24 July 1908, Armenians' hopes for equality in the Ottoman Empire brightened when a coup d'état staged by officers in the Ottoman Third Army based in Salonika removed Abdul Hamid II from power and restored the country to a constitutional monarchy. The officers were part of the Young Turk movement that wanted to reform administration of the perceived decadent state of the Ottoman Empire and modernize it to European standards. The movement was an anti-Hamidian coalition made up of two distinct groups, the liberal constitutionalists and the nationalists. The former were more democratic and accepting of Armenians, whereas the latter were less tolerant of Armenians and their frequent requests for European assistance.
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Two million people visited the event."The Cape Times" 9 April 1999 In 2005, his firm Babrius was appointed by the Secretariat of the African, Caribbean and Pacific Group of Countries [ACP] aligned to the EU to write a report, "Study on the Future of the African, Caribbean and Pacific Group of Countries" which was published in French and English by the ACP in Brussels on 13 February 2006 Babb was chairman of the Owl Club, from 2006 to 2007, a gentlemen's club, in Cape Town. In 2010 he authored the monograph "Abubakr Effendi - A young Turk in Afrikaans" relating to the work of the Islamic scholar sent in the 19th Century by the caliph to instruct the Muslims of the Cape.
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The Serb Democratic League in the Ottoman Empire (Serbian: Српска демократска лига у Отоманској царевини) was an Ottoman Serb political organisation established on August 13, 1908, at the First Serb Conference (August 10–13), immediately after the Young Turk Revolution. Some 26 most distinguished Serbs in the Ottoman Empire attended and Bogdan Radenković was selected to head the "Temporary Central Board of the Organization of Ottoman Serbs" in July 1908. Bishop Vicentije Krdzić of the Serbian Orthodox Eparchy of Skopje headed the clergy and Bogdan Radenković the lay membership of the "Assembly of Ottoman Serbs in Skopje", held on Sretenje in 1909. These organizations included the Serb elite of Old Raška, Kosovo and Metohija, and Vardar Macedonia and Aegean Macedonia.
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The Young Turk movement had gained support in mass protests throughout the Ottoman Empire during 1908, with their intention to restore the suspended Ottoman constitution. The Austrian-Hungarian authorities were afraid that the revolution could spread to Bosnia and Herzegovina, as it had support from the Bosnian Muslims and the Serbs, who supported the autonomy of Bosnia and Herzegovina within the Ottoman Empire. On 7 September 1908, the SNO and the MNO demanded that Bosnia and Herzegovina accept the constitution as part of the Ottoman Empire. On 5 October the Emperor Franz Joseph announced the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and ordered the Minister of Finance to compose a constitution for Bosnia and Herzegovina. The annexation was announced in Sarajevo two days later, on 7 October.
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Quwatli was initially brought up in a pro- Ottoman environment, owing to his family's connections in Istanbul. The restrictions of the Abdul Hamid II era, however, started to be felt around the Ottoman Empire, and discontent was brewing even among the empire's elite. Following the Young Turk Revolution against Abdul Hamid II in 1908, parliamentary elections were called in all provinces, and liberal Arab intellectuals like Shukri al-Asali, Shafiq Muayyad al-Azm, and Rushdi al- Shama'a secured seats as deputies (members of the legislature) representing Damascus. The liberal current that established itself through these figures, and the political dailies they established including al-Qabas ("The Firebrand") and al-Ikha' al-Arabi ("Arab Brotherhood"), greatly influenced Quwatli and other Arab youths.
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In other images produced of the time the sultan is presented in the centre flanked by Niyazi and Enver to either side. As the actions of both men carried the appearance of initiating the revolution, Niyazi, an Albanian, and Enver, a Turk, later received popular acclaim as "heroes of freedom" (hürriyet kahramanları) and symbolised Albanian-Turkish cooperation. As a tribute to his role in the Young Turk Revolution that began the Second Constitutional Era of the Ottoman Empire, Niyazi is mentioned along with Enver in the March of the Deputies ( or Meclis-i Mebusan Marşı), the anthem of the Chamber of Deputies, the lower house of the Ottoman parliament. It was performed in 1909 upon the opening of the new parliament.
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In 1908, in the aftermath of the Young Turk Revolution, he was appointed Emir of Mecca by Sultan Abdul Hamid II. In 1916, with the promise of British support for Arab independence, he proclaimed the Arab Revolt against the Ottoman Empire, accusing the Committee of Union and Progress of violating tenets of Islam and limiting the power of the sultan- caliph. Shortly after the outbreak of the revolt, Hussein declared himself 'King of the Arab Countries'. However, his pan-Arab aspirations were not accepted by the Allies, who recognised him only as King of the Hejaz. After World War I Hussein refused to ratify the Treaty of Versailles, in protest at the Balfour Declaration and the establishment of British and French mandates in Syria, Iraq, and Palestine.
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By the 1890s, a low-intensity armed conflict developed between the three major Armenian parties—the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (Dashnak), Hnchak and Armenakan— and the Ottoman government. Calls from the great powers for reforms in the Armenian provinces and Armenian aspirations of independence resulted in the Hamidian massacres between 1894 and 1896, during which up to 300,000 Armenian civilians were slaughtered by the order of Sultan Abdul Hamid II, after whom the massacres were named. After the 1908 Young Turk Revolution, some Armenians felt that the situation would improve; however, a year later the Adana massacre took place and Turkish-Armenian relations deteriorated further. After the Balkan Wars of 1912–1913, the Ottoman government was pushed to accept the reforms in the Armenian provinces in early 1914.
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The first game of football to be played in Kamëz took place on 26 July 1908, as a celebration of the Young Turk Revolution which was triggered 16 days earlier by Ahmed Niyazi Bey, who was Albanian. The game was organised by Refik Toptani of the noble Toptani family and it featured two groups of youths from Kamëz and Tiranë, named Tërkuzaj and Agimi respectively. The game took place on a field near Toptani's home, which is the current location of the Sevasti & Parashqevi Qirjazi University, near the Agricultural University of Tirana in Kodër Kamez. Around 1,200 people gathered from across Tiranë area in order to celebrate as well as watch the game, which started at 17:00 and ended in a 3–3 draw.
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Mustafa Kemal (Atatürk) at the trenches of Gallipoli Campaign in 1915. The Young Turk government had signed a secret treaty with Germany and established the Ottoman-German Alliance in August 1914, aimed against the common Russian enemy but aligning the Empire with the German side. The Ottoman Empire entered World War I after the Goeben and Breslau incident, in which it gave safe harbour to two German ships that were fleeing British ships. These ships then—after having officially been transferred to the Ottoman Navy, but effectively still under German control—attacked the Russian port of Sevastopol, thus dragging the Empire into the war on the side of the Central Powers, in which it took part in the Middle Eastern theatre.
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In Resne, as some other officers were attending Friday prayers, Niyazi along with mayor Cemal Efendi, police commissioner Tahir Efendi, tax commissioner Tahsin Effendi and two hundred men raided the military depot. From the Resne depot they seized fifteen boxes of ammunition, seventy rifles that were given to volunteers and 600 Ottoman liras from the garrison safe that was divided among people within the band. All escaped from Resne into the nearby mountains from where Niyazi initiated the Young Turk Revolution and issued a proclamation that called for the restoration of the constitution of 1876 without specifically mentioning the CUP. On the night prior to his departure Niyazi entrusted the care of his family to his brother in law Ismail Hakki Bey, an Albanian national awakening figure.
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Mary Louisa Matthews (August 28, 1864 – December 31, 1950) was an American educator and missionary. She taught and was in charge of a Protestant girls school in Monastir (now known as Bitola), a city in the Macedonian region of Ottoman Turkey, from 1888-1920. She was there through the waning years of the Ottoman Empire, the Young Turk Revolution, Balkan Wars I and II and World War I. She left detailed records of her observations of the turbulent affairs of the region during the thirty-two years she spent there. In 1937, her bravery during World War I was recognized when she was among the first group of women to receive the Alumnae Medal of Honor from Mount Holyoke College.
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According to Sherif Pasha and his supporters, he was concerned with the role of the military in politics. However, his detractors claim that he had been angered by the fact that he had not been appointed the Porte's Representative London. He exposed and opposed the CUP's Turkist programme and its desire to mobilise all available means to assimilate or Turkify the empire's non Turkish nations. Günter Behrendt states that he was a follower of Sultan Abdülhamid II. After the Young Turk Revolution in 1908, the CUP actually wanted to sentence to death for his opposition to their views, but Şerif Pasha was aware that the situation was difficult for him and he fled into exile abroad before he could be apprehended.
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In 1910 Qemali in statements to the Austro-Hungarian ambassador criticized the Young Turk government for promoting Turks above other nationalities in the empire and their divide and rule policies regarding Albanians. During the Albanian Revolt of 1911 he traveled with Xhemal Bey of Tirana and joined leaders of the revolt at a meeting in Gerče, a village in Montenegro on 23 June. Together they drew up the "Greçë Memorandum" that called for Albanian autonomy, schooling and language rights, recognition of Albanians, electoral freedoms and liberty, military service in Albania and other measures which addressed their requests both to Ottoman Empire and Europe (in particular to the Great Britain). In December 1911, Qemali and Hasan Prishtina convened secret meetings of Albanian political notables in Istanbul that decided to organise a future Albanian uprising.
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From 1896 to 1902 he was kaymakam (sub-governor) at Kratovo, Yeni Pazar (Novi Pazar) and Köprülü (Veles). Draga was one of the leaders of the Committee of Union and Progress in Üsküp. He had been approached by one of the Young Turk organisations The Ottoman Freedom Society to establish in Üsküp a local branch. Draga at his house along with Adjutant-Major Cafer Tayyar (Eğilmez), Colonel Galib (Pasinler) Bey, Süreyya Bey, a clerk of the Üsküp court, Islam Bey, a tax office director and Mazhar Bey the general secretary to the governor's office founded a local CUP branch. The Üsküp CUP branch pushed for restoration of the Ottoman constitution and it became an important centre due to the involvement of many Albanian notables with its membership by April 1908 exceeding 100 people.
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Mehmed V Reşâd (, or ) (2 November 1844 – 3 July 1918) reigned as the 35th and penultimate Ottoman Sultan (). He was the son of Sultan Abdulmejid I.Abdulmecid, Coskun Cakir, Encyclopedia of the Ottoman Empire, ed. Gábor Ágoston, Bruce Alan Masters, (Infobase Publishing, 2009), 9.. He succeeded his brother Abdul Hamid II after the Young Turk revolution. He was succeeded by his half-brother Mehmed VI. His nine-year reign was marked by the cession of the Empire's North African territories and the Dodecanese Islands, including Rhodes, in the Italo-Turkish War, the traumatic loss of almost all of the Empire's European territories west of Constantinople (now Istanbul) in the First Balkan War, and the entry of the Ottoman Empire into World War I in 1914, which would ultimately lead to the Empire's end.
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Demonstration against the Sultan in Constantinople, 1908 The Young Turk Revolution ushered a period of instability in the region. Seizing the opportunity, Bulgaria unilaterally declared its full independence, Austria-Hungary annexed Bosnia and Herzegovina, angering the Serbs and Russians, while Crete also declared its union (enosis) with Greece, although the latter was not formalized. Initially, the liberal promises of the Young Turks caused much enthusiasm both inside the Empire and in the Balkan states, but they gradually adopted a policy of forced "Ottomanisation", which, coupled with the parallel rise of Albanian nationalism, threatened the interests of the other Balkan states. Italy too, in search of a colonial empire, took advantage of the turmoil in the Ottoman Empire, attacking Libya and seizing the Dodecanese islands during the Italo- Turkish War.
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In 1908, the Albanian club dealing with cultural and political issues was founded in Salonika and Frashëri was voted by 400 Albanian delegates as its president. Frashëri favoured the Salonika club being the headquarters of the Bashkimi (Union) Society however other Albanian clubs concerned about Young Turk influence in the city rejected that view and instead opted for the Monastir club. Ottoman authorities forbid writing in Albanian that resulted in publications being published abroad and like other writers of the time Frashëri used a pseudonym Mali Kokojka to bypass those restrictions for his works. By late 1911, Frashëri had joined the Freedom and Accord Party which was founded by him and ten others who were opponents of the Young Turks and advocated for Ottomanism, government decentralisation and the rights of ethnic minorities.
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After the Young Turk Revolution, in July 1908, he returned in Sofia, but the next year, when the IMARO was restored by Todor Aleksandrov, Hristo Chernopeev and other eminent members of the organization, he took an active involvement in the revolutionary movement. In May 1911, he again became a leader of a revolutionary band in the region of Veles, and in 1912 he operated with the band of Tane Nikolov in the regions of Thessaloniki and Enidzhe Vardar. He participated in the Balkan Wars and the First World War, in the guerrilla bands, organized and led by the IMARO. In 1918, he retired from the revolutionary activity and settled in Sofia, where he died in 1928.„Алманах на българските национални движения след 1878 г.“, Академично издателство „Марин Дринов“, София, 2005.
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Pejani was born in the city of İpek (now Peć) in the Kosovo Vilayet of the Ottoman Empire on 10 October 1885 with the name Bedri Thaçi, son of Abdi Thaçi (Pejani). To refer to his family origin he used the last name Pejani (from Ipek) as was custom for that period. Pejani was active in the Nationalist Movement of Albanians in the Skopje region against the Young Turk administration in 1908. He was condemned to death by the Ottoman military court, and according to Sejfi Vllamasi's memories he passed a psychological shock which would affect him later. He was a delegate at the Congress of Monastir of 1908, and President of the Second Congress of Manastir. At the age of 27 Pejani became a signatory of the Albanian Declaration of Independence.
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Niyazi Bey (right) and Enver Bey (left) on an Ottoman postcard celebrating the 1908 Young Turk Revolution In the aftermath of the revolution, CUP unity gave way to personal rivalries which by March 1909, rumor had it that Niyazi had fallen out with the main views of the Young Turks and began to have a liberal outlook regarding the situation in Macedonia. Niyazi was a delegate representing Resne at the Congress of Dibra (July 1909) organised by the CUP regarding Albanian ethno-linguistic rights. He refused to sign any resolutions due to disagreements with other delegates over its contents. Niyazi was a CUP member till his death and never managed to generate a considerable following among prominent and other rank CUP members apart from his involvement during the revolution.
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"Reform on agenda as alliance readies for talks with Beijing" The central government subsequently accepted the Democratic Party's revised proposal in the run-up to the LegCo vote, which allowed the five new functional constituency members of LegCo to be elected by popular vote. However, the Democratic Party failed to get any promises on the 2017 Chief Executive and 2020 Legco elections. The Democratic Party's move significantly divided the opinion within the pan-democracy camp but the bill was ultimately passed in June 2010 with the support of the Democratic Party. After the agreement with Beijing, 30 Young Turk Reformists (comprising 4% of the membership) left the party before the December Party leadership election, accusing their leaders of betraying the people and slowing the pace towards universal suffrage.
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The Young Turk Revolution (July 1908) of the Ottoman Empire took place when the Young Turks movement restored the Ottoman constitution of 1876 and ushered in multi-party politics in a two stage electoral system (electoral law) under the Ottoman parliament. More than three decades earlier, in 1876, constitutional monarchy had been established under Sultan Abdul Hamid II during a period of time known as the First Constitutional Era, which lasted for only two years before Abdul Hamid suspended it and restored autocratic powers to himself. On 24 July 1908, Abdul Hamid capitulated and announced the restoration of Constitution, which established the Second Constitutional Era. After an attempted monarchist counterrevolution in favor of Abdul Hamid the following year, he was deposed and his brother Mehmed V ascended the throne.
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In addition to establishing permanent telephone links within Austria–Hungary (in both Vienna and Budapest), Adevărul maintained a regular correspondence with various Balkan capitals, and pioneered shorthand in transcribing interviews. Among its indigenous journalists to be sent on special assignment abroad were Emil Fagure and Barbu Brănișteanu, who reported on the 1908 Young Turk Revolution from inside the Ottoman Empire, as well as from the Principality of Bulgaria and the Kingdom of Serbia. The newspaper was nevertheless subject to a practical joke played by its correspondent, future writer Victor Eftimiu: instead of continuing his Adevărul-sponsored trip to France, Eftimiu stopped in Vienna, and compiled his "Letters from Paris" column from the press articles he read at Café Arkaden.Hartmut Gagelmann, Nicolae Bretan, His Life, His Music, Pendragon Press, Hillsdale, 2000, p.
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Museum of the Macedonian Struggle, Hall A The presentation of the historical background in the first two rooms helps visitors understand the unconventional nature of the Macedonian Struggle. Its various aspects, constituent elements and principal actors are presented in the thematic units of the museum’s permanent exhibition, and particularly in those rooms devoted to the Makedonomachoi and their actions, to the senior and junior clergy, to the key role of the Greek Consulate-General in Thessaloniki and to the emblematic figure of Pavlos Melas. This is followed by brief units on the Young Turk movement, which marked the formal end of the armed phase of the Struggle with Bulgarian bands, and the Balkan Wars, which marked the end of the Ottoman presence in Macedonia in 1913. A brief documentary informs visitors on later historical developments.
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Adile Sultan had a summerhouse in Validebağ and a palace in Kandilli, the Adile Sultan Palace, both in the Asian part of Istanbul. She left her palace in Kandilli following the death of her husband and moved to the Coastal Palace in Fındıklı. She donated the Adile Sultan Palace to the state on the condition that it be converted into the first secondary high school for girls in the Ottoman Empire. Her wish was fulfilled only in 1916 (due to wars), when the Young Turk activist, statesman, and educator Ahmed Rıza opened the Adile Sultan İnas Mekteb-i Sultanisi ("Adile Sultan Imperial Girls School"), today known as Kandilli Anatolian High School for Girls, although it became not the first, but the second secondary school for girls in the empire.
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Prenk Bib Doda after his return from exile with an Ottoman Young Turk official (1909) In order to gain support of the Mirdita Catholic volunteers from the northern mountains during the Muslim Uprising in Albania in 1914 Prince of Wied appointed Doda to be the foreign minister of the Principality of Albania. The government was paying a force of 5,000 to 7,000 under Doda's command. Doda's volunteers and the International Dutch Gendarmerie were also joined by Isa Boletini and his men, mostly from Kosovo, as well as 2,000 tribesmen of Mat under the command of Ahmet Zogu. Dutch gendarmes together with Doda's northern Mirdita Catholics attempted to capture Shijak, but when they engaged the rebels on May 23, they were surrounded and captured, as well as another expedition from Durrës which attempted to release the captured gendarmes.
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The same year, during the Second Constitutional Era of the Ottoman Empire, he was elected deputy for Skopje, Monastir Province. Along with Ismail Qemali, Hasan Prishtina and Shahin Kolonja he was a member of the group of deputies promoting Albanian issues such as the use of a Latin character based Albanian alphabet in the Ottoman parliament and opposing the Young Turks. Toward the end of 1908 Draga and other notables in Kosovo viewed Isa Boletini as a nuisance, threat and loyalist of sultan Abdulhamid II and lobbied the new Young Turk government for his arrest and destruction of his kulla (tower house). Class differences of Draga, a landowner wanting law and order and Boletini, a chieftain preferring maintenance of old privileges and autonomy along with the disagreement in Ferizoviç about the restoration of the constitution resulted in the rift.
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When French Generals threatened Pierre Pflimlin's government with a coup in May 1958, leading to the recall of Charles de Gaulle to power in the turmoil of the Algerian War (1954–62), the Radicals and the SFIO supported his return and the establishment of the semi-presidential regime of the Fifth Republic. On the left, however, various personalities opposed de Gaulle's come-back, seen as an authoritarian threat. Those included François Mitterrand, who was minister of Guy Mollet's Socialist government, Pierre Mendès France (a Young Turk and former Prime Minister), Alain Savary (also a member of the SFIO party), the Communist Party, etc. Mendès-France and Savary, opposed to their respective parties' support to de Gaulle, would form together, in 1960, the Parti socialiste autonome (PSA, Socialist Autonomous Party), ancestor of the Parti socialiste unifié (PSU, Unified Socialist Party).
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Parties with national affiliations, mostly Greek and Bulgarian, were formed in their midst, largely expressing and accentuating pre-existing social cleavages. From the 1870s onwards Bulgarian and Greek propaganda appealed to them via the creation and operation of national education networks and by supporting the structures of the Bulgarian Exarchate or the Patriarchate of Constantinople respectively. Amidst worsening economic and political conditions for Slav peasants, the clandestine Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization, founded in 1893, gained a wide following with a program of agrarian reform imposed by terror, culminating in the staging of the Ilinden uprising of 1903, which was swiftly suppressed by the Ottomans. An armed clash ensued within Slav communities resistant to national proselytization, with IMRO komitadjis fighting against Ottoman authorities and bands of Greek and Serbian nationalists until the pacification imposed after the Young Turk Revolution in 1908.
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Cover of the Ottoman constitution of 1876 The Ottoman constitution of 1876 (; ; ; ) was the first constitution of the Ottoman Empire.For a modern English translation of the constitution and related laws see, Tilmann J. Röder, The Separation of Powers: Historical and Comparative Perspectives, in: Grote/Röder, Constitutionalism in Islamic Countries (Oxford University Press 2011). Written by members of the Young Ottomans, particularly Midhat Pasha, during the reign of Sultan Abdul Hamid II (1876–1909), the constitution was only in effect for two years, from 1876 to 1878 in a period known as the First Constitutional Era. Later it was put back into effect and amended to transfer more power from the sultan and the appointed Senate to the generally elected Chamber of Deputies after the 1908 Young Turk Revolution, initiating a period known as the Second Constitutional Era.
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War Minister Ismail Enver of the Ottoman Empire Austrian troops marching up Mount Zion in Jerusalem, 1916 After the Young Turk Revolution and the establishment of the Second Constitutional Era () on 3 July 1908, a major military reform started. Army headquarters were modernised. The Ottoman Empire was engaged in the Turco-Italian War and Balkan Wars, which forced more restructuring of the army, only a few years before the First World War. From the outset, the Ottoman Army faced a host of problems in assembling itself. First of all, the size of the Ottoman Army was severely limited by division within the empire: non-Muslims were exempt from the military draft, and reliable ethnic Turks made up only 12 million of the empire's already relatively small population of 22 million, with the other 10 million being minorities of varying loyalty and military use.
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Yamada was a witness to the Young Turk Revolution in 1908 as well as the Occupation of the Ottoman Bank (picture of the Ottoman Bank shown above) in 1896 by Armenian militants, triggering a massacre of Armenians in Istanbul. From 1895 to 1899, Yamada published numerous articles on Turkey in the Taiyō magazine. He also translated Turkish plays that occurred during the month of Ramadan as Dağlı Kız (The Daughter of the Mountain), a story about the beautiful daughter of a mountain bandit who saves people from kidnapping, and Kıskançlık (Jealousy), a romantic comedy. During this period, Yamada also published articles such as The Real Circumstances of Turkey and Egypt in the Japanese trade magazine Nihon Shōgyō Zasshi, Women of Turkey in 1895, News of Turkey in 1896, and Conditions of Life in Turkey in 1899.
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Ismail Enver Pasha (; ; 22 November 1881 – 4 August 1922) was an Ottoman military officer and a leader of the 1908 Young Turk Revolution. He became the main leader of the Ottoman Empire in both the Balkan Wars (1912–13) and in World War I (1914–18). In the course of his career he was known by increasingly elevated titles as he rose through military ranks, including Enver Efendi (), Enver Bey (), and finally Enver Pasha, "pasha" being the honorary title Ottoman military officers gained on promotion to the rank of Mirliva (major general). After the Ottoman coup d’état of January 1913, Enver Pasha became (4 January 1914) the Minister of War of the Ottoman Empire, forming one-third of the triumvirate known as the "Three Pashas" (along with Talaat Pasha and Djemal Pasha) who held de facto rule over the Empire from 1913 until the end of World War I in 1918.
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As the CUP shifted away from the ideas of members who belonged to the old core of the organisation to those of the newer membership, this change assisted individuals like Enver in gaining a larger profile in the Young Turk movement. In Ohri (modern Ohrid) an armed band called the Special Muslim Organisation (SMO) composed mostly of notables was created in 1907 to protect local Muslims and fight Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (IMRO) bands. Enver along with Sabri recruited the SMO and turned it into the Ohri branch of the CUP with its band becoming the local CUP band. CUP Internal headquarters proposed that Enver go form a CUP band in the countryside. Approving the decision by the committee to assassinate his brother in law Lieutenant Colonel Ömer Nâzım, Enver under instructions from CUP headquarters travelled from Selanik (modern Thessaloniki) to Tikveş on 26 June 1908 to establish a band.
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Adjuntant Major Sabri possessed strong authority among fellow Muslims in the area where he resided and could communicate with them as he spoke both Albanian (his mother tongue) and Turkish. Meyteb), a school built by Eyüp Sabri and now used as the St. Kliment Ohrid gymnasium In Ohri an armed band called the Special Muslim Organisation (SMO) composed of 40 members, mostly notables was created in 1907 to protect local Muslims and fight Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (IMRO) bands. Sabri along with Enver bey recruited the organisation and turned it into the Ohri branch of the CUP with its band becoming the local CUP band. On July 3, 1908 Ahmet Niyazi bey protesting the rule of Abdul Hamid II fled with his band from Resne (modern Resen) into the mountains where he initiated the Young Turk Revolution and issued a proclamation that called for the restoration of the constitution of 1876.
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President Woodrow Wilson took great offense to this and a letter was sent to the Ottoman government informing them that Ahmet would no longer be of use to them in Washington, D.C. The United States did not label him persona non grata only because of the outbreak of World War I at the end of July. Ahmet defended his words in a letter to Secretary of State Robert Lansing, but the Ottoman government recalled him and he left in October. His duties were taken over by the chargé d'affaires Abdülhak Hüseyin Bey, who remained in office until the two countries severed relations on 20 April 1917 as the United States entered the war that the Ottomans had joined in November 1914.Feroz Ahmad, "Young Turk Relations with the United States, 1908–1918", in Nur Bilge Criss, Selçuk Esenbel, Tony Greenwood and Louis Mazzari, eds.
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A native of Ankara, Emin Çölaşan was born into a Cretan Turkish family whose surname, which literally means "desert strider", is a reference to his grandfather who was exiled by Sultan Abdülhamid II deep into the Fizan desert interior of Libya for 7 years because of taking part in the Young Turk movement. His maternal grandfather, Refik Şevket İnce, born in Polichnitos near Mytilene (modern-day Greek island of Lesbos), served under the country's leader, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk and, subsequently, in ministerial posts during the 1920s and into the 1950s, and his father served in the State Meteorological Service where he was a general director for 14 years, one of the longest. Çölaşan and his wife Tansel (born 1943), who held the position of chief advocate for the Turkish Council of State (Danıştay), is now president of Atatürk Thought Association. He has no children.
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Hussein, the Sherif of Mecca was central to Oppenheim's plans Chapters of the book discuss efforts by Max von Oppenheim - the Kaiser's personal envoy - to take charge of the Turko-German holy war, the Baghdad Railway, the Young Turks, the Young Turk Revolution, the declaration of the 'global jihad', the Pursuit of Goeben and Breslau, the activity of Leo Frobenius and Alois Musil, the Raid on the Suez Canal, and the Gallipoli Campaign. German emperor Wilhelm II - restless, unbalanced, and lacking the ability to note contradictions - befriended not only Abdul Hamid II on his first visit to Constantinople, in 1889, but also the Viennese journalist Theodore Herzl, usually considered the father of Zionism. the Kaiser promptly lobbied Sultan Abdul Hamid on Herzl's behalf. Oppenheim arrived in Constantinople April 1915 - proposing a tour of Asiatic Turkey, setting up jihad propaganda bureaux in Constantinople, Konya, Aleppo, Damascus, Beirut and Jerusalem.
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Canterbury was the RNZN's fourth Type 12 frigate. She was laid down on 12 June 1969 by Yarrow Shipbuilders and launched 11 months later on 6 May 1970. She was the last Leander-class frigate and the last steam-driven warship to serve in New Zealand. The order for the ship went ahead after some controversy and doubt generated by the then Minister of Finance, Robert Muldoon.The rise and fall of a young Turk - R.D Muldoon) She was built at the end of the production line for Leanders to fit the most economical frigate building programme for the British Government ,requiring 4 more Leanders for the Royal Navy,a pair for Chile (who ordered Exocet missiles) and one for RNZN.NZPD 1968, Vol 355, Q to Hon David Thompson by Mr Whitehead, p 371 Canterbury was built in modular form in 25 sections M Wright.
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However, the Greek speakers were the predominant population in the southern zone of the region which comprised two-thirds of modern Greek Macedonia. Bulgarian actions to exploit the Bulgarian population of Macedonia with the foundation of the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization and the influence of the Bulgarian Exarchate on the region, led to the Ilinden Uprising which was shut down by Ottoman forces; these events provoked Greece to help the Macedonians to resist both Ottoman and Bulgarian forces, by sending military officers who formed bands made up of Macedonians and other Greek volunteers, something that resulted in the Macedonian Struggle from 1904–1908, which ended with the Young Turk Revolution. According to the 1904 census, conducted by Hüseyin Hilmi Pasha for the Ottoman authorities, the Greeks were the predominant population in the vilayets of Thessaloniki and Monastir, outnumbered in the vilayet of Kosovo by the Bulgarians who formed the majority.
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The Democratic Party was suffering from the intra-party factional struggles between the mainstreamers and Young Turk reformists, while it was also facing the external challenge from the newly established Civic Party from the same pan-democracy camp.In March, 2006, the Mainstreamer faction alleged that some senior members were involved in spying activities of China. The "suspects" were all Young Turks Reformist members including Vice-Chairman and Chairman of the New Territories East branch Chan King-ming and District Councillor Gary Fan Kwok-wai in New Territories East. On 27 November, the incumbent Vice-Chairman and Legislative Council member Albert Ho announced he would run for the Chairman post with a cabinet list, including Legislative Council member Sin Chung-kai and Central Committee member Tik Chi-yuen running for the two Vice-Chairman posts, Peggy Ha Ving-vung for the Secretary post and Cheung Yin-tung for the Treasurer post.
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Curri was the nephew and close collaborator of Bajram Curri, a well-known fighter and activist during the early 20th century. He was born in Yakova, Vilayet of Kosovo, Ottoman Empire. He had military background and would embrace the Albanian National Awakening movement. In 2–3 April 1910, he participated in the Second Congress of Manastir, which revised the situation of the Albanian language schools and publications under the newly imposed censure of the Young Turk government. Curri was active during the Albanian uprisings of 1910, 1911, and 1912 and delegate in the Assembly of Junik of May 1912 where the official demands list of the Albanian rebels towards the Ottomans was drafted. He led the Albanian army against the Ottomans on 7 August 1912 at Qafë Prush, which led to the Albanians entering Skopje, the center of the Vilayet, on 12 August 1912.
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Additionally, by assigning new meanings to liberal terminology, with terms such as vatan ("motherland") and hürriyet ("liberty"), leading Young Ottomans such as Namık Kemal lent the powerful expression of ideologies to later nationalist and liberal groups within the Ottoman Empire.Zürcher 2004, p. 69. As the first group to address the issue of Western modernity, future revolutionary movements such as the Young Turks drew both methods and ideology from the Young Ottomans, though they tended to focus on patriotic Ottomanism rather than their emphasis on a return to the fundamentals of Islam. Additionally, their efforts that contributed to the promulgation of the first Ottoman constitution set an important precedent for the Second Constitutional Era of the Ottoman Empire (1908-1918), which began with the Young Turks finally deposing Abdul Hamid II, the same monarch that the Young Ottomans had clashed with, from the throne in the Young Turk Revolution.
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The factional struggles intensified the "Young Turk" leader Andrew To proposed to put the minimum wage legislation on the 2000 Legislative Council election platform which caused a fierce debate within in the party and resulted in great disunity that led to the exodus of the "Young Turks" from the party and created a bad image in front of the public. Martin Lee's decision to support former Bar Association chairman and barrister Audrey Eu over his Democratic Party member in the 2000 Hong Kong Island by- election also received criticism within the party. In 2002, Martin Lee decided to step down as party chairman and was succeeded by Yeung Sum. In 2002 and 2003, Martin Lee and the Democratic Party opposed the proposed national security legislation on the basis of the Hong Kong Basic Law Article 23 which they feared would undermine the Hong Kong people's civil liberties.
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For Nove Dimitrijevic won the prestigious Matica Srpska prize for literature in 1912. She also wrote lyric poetry as well as novels, but is possibly most famous for her Pisma iz Nisa o Haremima, a semi-fictionalised, semi- historical, anthropological narrative containing portraits of life in the Turkish harems 50 years before her birth when the south-Serbian city of Niš was still a part of the Ottoman Empire, and Pisma iz Soluna/Letters from Salonica, a genuine travelogue from the Ottoman Empire during the Young Turk Revolution in 1908, of which Salonica was the centre. The Letters were published first in Srpski književni glasnik (Serbian Literary Review) in 1908-09, and then as a separate book in 1918 in Sarajevo. By the beginning of the 20th Century she and her husband were living in Belgrade and she was a member of the Serbian Writers’ Society.
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They had declined the expedient of conversion to Islam, abandoned their lands, and sought refuge in territory now controlled by their Christian Orthodox "protector", which used Pontic Greeks, Georgians, and southern Russians, and even non-Orthodox Armenians, Germans, and Estonians to "Christianize" this recently conquered southern Caucasus region, which it then administered as the newly created Kars Oblast (Kars Province). On the eve of World War I, the Young Turk administration exerted a policy of assimilation and ethnic cleansing of the Orthodox Christians in the Empire, which affected Pontian Greeks, as well as Armenians, Assyrians and Maronites. In 1916 Trabzon itself fell to the forces of the Russian Empire, fomenting the idea of an independent Pontic state. As the Bolsheviks came to power with the October Revolution (7 November 1917), Russian forces withdrew from the region to take part in the Russian Civil War (1917–1923).
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In 1786, Shoshi had not yet been fully established as tribal territory as the village of Shosh, Brashta and also Prekali, appear as distinct settlements that are grouped together, but not part of the same territory. The three villages at that time had 189 households with 1013 inhabitants. Shoshi remained one of the exclusively Catholic tribes throughout the Ottoman period After the Young Turk Revolution (1908) and subsequent restoration of the Ottoman constitution, the Shoshi tribe made a besa (pledge) to support the document and to stop blood feuding with other tribes until November 6. During the Albanian revolt of 1911 in negotiations with the Ottomans an amnesty was reached for the rebels with a pledge by the government that education in Albanian would be allowed and one to two primary schools in the nahiye of Shoshi and pay the wages of teachers allocated to them.
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Hafız Mehmet served as a deputy in Trabzon, where an estimated 50,000 Armenians were killed during the Armenian Genocide. Since Trabzon was a coastal city of the Black Sea, the method employed to kill was mainly mass drowning. Hafız Mehmet witnessed such drownings of Armenians off the coast of Ordu, near Trabzon, and provided testimony of his eyewitness accounts during a 21 December 1918 parliamentary session of the Chamber of Deputies: The city of Ordu during the Ottoman era Hafız Mehmet stated that he and other deputies knew beforehand that the Young Turk government had an underlying aim to exterminate the Armenian population. He also said that those tasked to carry out the responsibility were members of the Special Organization, a special task force under the auspices of the imperial Ottoman government, but that these individuals received orders directly from Cemal Azmi, the governor of the Trabzon province.
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The Armenians supported the Young Turk Revolution, whose concepts were present in varying proportions among Armenians at the turn of the 20th centuryDer Minassian, Anahide, "Nationalisme et socialisme dans le Mouvement Revolutionnaire Armenien", in "LA QUESTION ARMENIENNE", Paris, 1983, pp. 73-111. After the revolution, the Ottoman Empire in the Second Constitutional Era was struggling to keep its territories and promoting Ottomanism among its citizens. ARF, previously outlawed, became the main representative of the Armenian community in the Ottoman Empire, replacing the pre-1908 Armenian elite, which had been composed of merchants, artisans, and clerics who had seen their future in obtaining more privileges within the boundaries of the state's version of Ottomanism. During the same time the Armenian Revolutionary Federation was moving out of this context and developing, what was just a normal extension of its national freedom concept, the concept of the "Independent Armenian State".
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He was secretary of voyvode Kostando Zhivkov and after his death in December 1904 was appointed a voivode of the region of Kostenariya. He participated in the fights against the Greek andartes - in fighting in defense of the villages Osnicheni (present-day Kastanofito), Ezerets (present-day Petropoulakion), Starichani and others. Besides his participation in battles, on behalf of the Bulgarian Macedonian revolutionaries Shkurtov was in correspondence with Greek chiefs in which he reproached them for their union with the Ottoman authorities and their actions against IMARO. In January 1905 in a letter to residents of several Greek villages, signed on behalf of deaths already Kostando Zivkov, Shkurtov laid dawn the objective of IMARO as follows: At the end of March 1907 Shkurtov gone to treatment in Bulgaria, but after Young Turk Revolution in 1908 returned to Macedonia where he remained to First Balkan War in 1912-1913.
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Aram is loosely based on Armenian nationalist militant activity committed by youth from the Armenian diaspora in mostly Western Europe and North America in the 1970s to the 1990s. The AGJSA is based on Armenian radical militant groups, the most notable being the Justice Commandos of the Armenian Genocide, that attacked representatives of the Republic of Turkey with the primary goal of official Turkish recognition of the Armenian Genocide. The Black Wolves, the Turkish neo-fascist organization of which General Djelik and Talaat Sonlez are members, is a reference to the Grey Wolves, a Turkish ultranationalist organization with ties to the Turkish mafia, counter-insurgency movements within Turkey, and extrajudicial repression of the ASALA and the PKK. Talaat, the name of the lead Turkish character, is most likely a reference to Talaat Pasha, a leader in the Young Turk government and Minister of the Interior of the Ottoman Empire, often considered to be the key architect of the Armenian Genocide.
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In a 1991 Houston Chronicle article, Richard Murray, a political scientist from the University of Houston, said "Ben was not only a young Turk, but he was an angry Turk. But Ben has had a 20-year career and, like many people, he is a different person now than when he was first elected." In 1992 he ran for United States Congress in the newly created 29th District, a 63 percent Hispanic-majority district located in eastern Houston. He was initially the favorite, but only won 34 percent of the vote in the five-way Democratic primary—the real contest in this heavily Democratic district.Results from 1992 Democratic primary in TX-29 He was forced into a runoff with State Senator Gene Green (with whom he had served in the Texas House), which he lost by only 180 votes out of 130,000 cast. He challenged Green in the 1994 primary, losing by a somewhat wider margin.
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The prominent Young Turk activist, statesman, educational reformer Ahmed Rıza and her sister Selma Rıza intended the school to be opened as early as the first decade of the 20th century as the first public girls' high school in the Ottoman Empire, as the girls branch of the Galatasaray High School, but the Balkan Wars, the Italo-Turkish War, and World War I prevented this project from happening. The Ottoman princess Adile Sultan had donated her summer residence, the Adile Sultan Palace, to the state shortly before her death in 1899 under the condition that it be turned into a secondary school for girls. The residence had been constructed upon orders of her brother, Sultan Abdülaziz (reigned 1861–76) on an unregistered date. Ahmed Rıza finally succeeded in opening the school in 1916 under the name Adile Sultan İnas Mekteb-i Sultanisi ("Adile Sultan Imperial Girls School") in Kandilli, on the Asian bank of the Bosphorus in the Adile Sultan Palace building.
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A polyglot, Benaroya learned to speak six languages fluently. He studied at the University of Belgrade Faculty of Law, but did not graduate, becoming rather a teacher in Plovdiv. Here Benaroya became a member of the Bulgarian Social Democratic Workers' Party (Narrow Socialists) (although other sources suggest that he joined the Bulgarian Social Democratic Workers Party (Broad Socialists),Joshua Starr, The Socialist Federation of Saloniki, Jewish Social Studies, 1945 - JSTOR he himself insisted that this was incorrectAbraham Benaroya, A Note on the Socialist Federation of Saloniki, Jewish Social Studies, 1949, pp. 70-71 - JSTOR) and published in Bulgarian his work The Jewish Question and Social Democracy (1908).Joshua Starr, The Socialist Federation of Saloniki, Jewish Social Studies, 1945 - JSTORZhak Eskenazi, Alfred Krispin, Emmy Barouh, Jews in the Bulgarian hinterland: an annotated bibliography, Judaica bulgarica, International Centre for Minority Studies and Intercultural Relations, 2002, p. 264. After the Young Turk revolution of 1908 he moved as a socialist organizer to Thessaloniki.
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The Forty Days of Musa Dagh () is a 1933 novel by Austrian-Bohemian writer Franz Werfel based on claimed events that took place in 1915, during the second year of World War I and at the beginning of the Armenian Genocide. The novel focuses on the self-defense by a small community of Armenians living near Musa Dagh, a mountain in Vilayet of Aleppo in the Ottoman Empire—now in Hatay Province, part of southern Turkey, on the Mediterranean coast—as well the events in Constantinople (Istanbul) and provincial capitals, where the Young Turk government orchestrated the deportations, concentration camps and massacres of the empire's Armenian citizens. This policy, as well as who bore responsibility for it, has been controversial and contested since 1915. Because of this or perhaps in spite of it, the facts and scope of the Armenian Genocide were little known until Werfel's novel, which entailed voluminous research and is generally accepted as based on historical events.
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Because the town of Hillah is located on the Hillah branch of the Euphrates and depends on its waters for agriculture, a rubble embankment dam was constructed in the Hindiya branch to raise the water level of the Euphrates and increase the discharge into the Hillah branch. However, silting up of the Hillah branch continued and the dam was gradually being swept away by the continually increasing Euphrates discharge into the Hindiya branch. In 1908, the Ottoman government invited contractors to build a new dam based on revolutionary plans by a French engineer, but no company accepted the assignment. After the Young Turk Revolution and the restructuring of the Ottoman government in 1908, British civil engineer William Willcocks, who had won recognition for his work on the Aswan Low Dam in Egypt, was tasked with the mapping of lower Iraq and the preparation of large-scale irrigation projects on both the Euphrates and the Tigris.
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The Young Turks was originally developed as a radio talk show that was similar in format to a Los Angeles-based public access television program that Cenk Uygur had hosted, titled The Young Turk. With the help of friend Ben Mankiewicz (with whom he had previously worked), his childhood friend Dave Koller, and Jill Pike, Uygur began The Young Turks as a radio program in February 2002 on Sirius Satellite Radio. In 2006, the program received attention for its 99-hour "Live on Air Filibuster," conducted during Congressional hearings for the nomination of Samuel Alito to the Supreme Court. Hosts including Thom Hartmann and John Amato filled in during the event, to allow the show's regular hosts and contributors to rest or take breaks. Prior to signing a distribution deal to carry the program on Air America in 2006, the show was broadcast on Sirius Satellite Radio, on Sirius Left 143 and later 146, airing weekdays from 6:00 to 9:00 pm.
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Due to the alphabet matter and other Young Turk policies, relations among Albanian elites, nationalists, and Ottoman authorities broke down... Though at first Albanian nationalist clubs were not curtailed, the demands for political, cultural, and linguistic rights eventually made the Ottomans adopt measures to repress Albanian nationalism, which resulted in two Albanian revolts (1910 and 1912) towards the end of Ottoman rule.... The Congress of Manastir represents one of the most important events for Albanians, and the most important after the establishment the League of Prizren, not only because of the decisions made, but also because those decisions were to be legally implemented by the Ottoman authorities. In 2008, festivities were organized in Bitola, Tirana and Pristina to celebrate the centenary of the congress. In all schools in Albania, Kosovo and Albanian- majority areas in North Macedonia, the first school hour was dedicated to honouring the Congress and teaching students about it.
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They won a gold and silver medal for their work and were named the official photographers of the Romanian King. The brothers traveled in the region to take photographs, mostly in Aromanian-populated villages. Parallel to their photography work, the brothers started to film documentaries. During the Young Turk Revolution of 1908 and 1909, they took around 450 photographs and a short film that recorded every significant event of that period. In 1909, they filmed and made a series of photographs of the arrival of the royal Romanian delegation to Manastir. They also filmed the visit of the Turkish Sultan Mehmed V to Manastir in 1911—Milton traveled to the port of Selanik (now Thessaloniki) where he recorded the arrival of the Sultan by boat, then the Sultan's train journey on the Selanik–Manastir route, the Sultan's reception on the railway station in Manastir, as well as events held in honor of the visit of the Sultan.
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However, Tokhareh asks Firoud not to be angry and he does not know the name of the person but knows his father Gudarz and he is his son. As Bahram nears the heights, he asks the men of why they are watching to which Firoud tells him to not think of him any less, watch his tongue and answer his questions and Bahram listens. However, after getting to know that it is the Bahram his mother had talked about, he says that there is none among all the host of Iran that his eyes would rather look upon, Bahram recognizes Firoud's authority, pays homage, takes his offer of feast for the army and recognizes Firoud as from the race of Kaianides. Although Bharam had let Tus know of the situation and Firoud's offer to lead and march against Turan, Tus still seems to be angry, refuses to take Bahram's words, tells him that he would perish this young Turk and assembles the army.
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His play and its discussion of besa signified to more astute audiences the political implications of the concept and possible subversive connotations in future usage while it assisted Albanians in rallying militarily and politically around a national program. By 1901 his play was translated into Albanian by close friend Abdul Ypi and published in Sofia by Kristo Luarasi while it was part of the curriculum of the Albanian school in Korçë until its closure in 1902. The themes of the play highlighting a besa for the self-sacrifice of the homeland carried a subversive message for Albanians to aim at unifying the nation and defending the homeland, something Ottoman authorities also saw as fostering nationalist sentiments. The Ottoman government placed the Albanian language version of the play on a list of books it deemed that "incite national sentiments of the Albanians" and during the Young Turk Revolution of 1908 there were reports of Albanian guerillas acting out scenes around campfires.
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The Second Constitutional Era (; ) of the Ottoman Empire established shortly after the 1908 Young Turk Revolution which forced Sultan Abdul Hamid II to restore the constitutional monarchy by the revival of the Ottoman Parliament, the General Assembly of the Ottoman Empire and the restoration of the constitution of 1876. The parliament and the constitution of the First Constitutional Era (1876–1878) had been suspended by Abdul Hamid in 1878 after only two years of functioning. Whereas the First Constitutional Era had not allowed for political parties, the Young Turks amended the constitution to strengthen the popularly elected Chamber of Deputies at the expense of the unelected Senate and the Sultan's personal powers, and formed and joined many political parties and groups for the first time in the Empire's history. A series of elections during this period resulted in the gradual ascendance of the Committee of Union and Progress's (CUP) domination in politics.
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Important military factions in the early-1980s included the Young Turks; the fifth class of the Chulachomklao Royal Military Academy led by Suchinda Kraprayoon; the "Democratic Soldiers", mostly staff officers in counter-insurgency planning; and the military leadership, such as Generals Arthit Kamlang-ek and Pichit Kullavanij, both with close ties to the palace, and Chavalit Yongchaiyudh, a loyalist to Prime Minister General Prem Tinsulanonda.Thailand: Military Intervention and the Politics of Authoritarian Domination The Young Turks were increasingly frustrated by the military leadership, which they claim had "allowed themselves to be subservient to the rotten political system just to live happily with benefits handed to them by (corrupt) politicians."Chai-Anan Samudavanija, "The Thai Young Turks", p. 31, from an address to Manoon's Young Turk followers, 27 June 1980 On 1 April 1981, the Young Turks took over Bangkok in a bloodless coup, without informing King Bhumibol Adulyadej in advance, as had sometimes happened.
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Turkish teachers were hired to replace Arabic teachers at schools. The Ottoman postal service was administrated in Turkish. Those who supported Turkification were accused of harming Islam. Rashid Rida was an advocate who supported Arabic against Turkish. Even before the Young Turk Revolution of 1908, the Syrian Reformer Tahrir al-Jazairi had convinced Midhat Pasha to adopt Arabic as the official language of instruction at state schools. The language of instruction was only changed to Turkish in 1885 under Sultan Abdulhamid. Though writers like Ernest Dawn have noted that the foundations of Second Constitutional Era "Arabism" predate 1908, the prevailing view still holds that Arab nationalism emerged as a response to the Ottoman Empire's Turkification policies. One historian of Arab nationalism wrote that: "the Unionists introduced a grave provocation by opposing the Arab language and adopting a policy of Turkification", but not all scholars agree about the contribution of Turkification policies to Arab nationalism.
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On 28 November 1913, 210px Albania as proposed by Ismail Qemali The initial sparks of the first Balkan war in 1912 were ignited by the Albanian uprising between 1908 and 1910, which had the aim of opposing the Young Turk policies of consolidation of the Ottoman Empire.Glenny, Misha. The Balkans (Nationalism, War and the Great Powers, 1804–1999) Following the eventual weakening of the Ottoman Empire in the Balkans, Serbia, Greece, and Bulgaria declared war, seizing the remaining Ottoman territory in Europe. The territory of Albania was occupied by Serbia in the north and Greece in the south, leaving only a patch of land around the southern coastal city of Vlora. The unsuccessful uprising of 1910, 1911 and the successful and final Albanian revolt in the Ottoman Empire in 1912, as well as the Serbian and Greek occupation and attempts to incorporate the land into their respective countries, led to a proclamation of independence by Ismail Qemali in Vlorë on 28 November 1912.
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Prenk Bib Doda (1890s) Doda's return to Mirdita consisted of a visit to Shkodër meeting Young Turk members and wiring the Grand vizier that he would work toward gaining support of the tribes for the new government and to create a CUP branch in Mirdita. He also expressed uncertainties with his relationship with the tribe and the local vali while he advised the government to govern the region fairly. Back in the region, Doda accompanied by two CUP members met with members of Mirdita's five bajraktars (2,500 men) on 30 September at the church of St. Paul where the abbot gave a speech on the cessation of blood feuds until Ash Wednesday (28 March 1909) and he backed those pronouncements. Edith Durham, an English traveler present at the meeting noticed that Doda, dressed in an Ottoman fez and uniform felt unease and awkward around his surroundings after thirty years of exile such as recoiling in surprise at the sound of gun fire by fellow tribesmen hailing his arrival.
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This brought him into the orbit of the Young Turk Radicals led by Gaston Bergery and Édouard Daladier, a pressure group that sought a greater social and economic direction from the Radical-Socialist Party. From 1929 until the Second World War Pierre Dominique was editor-in-chief for the PRRRS's semi- official organ, La République. By 1932 he sat on the party's national committee. Once the Great Depression arrived, Pierre Dominique called for a far-reaching economic renovation by mobilising the resources of the French empire, strengthening the power of the executive over parliamentary institutions, and greater coordination at European level. Although initially supporting the Popular Front he was fiercely opposed to the participation of the Communist Party, and after the general strikes of 1936 he was one of the main voices advocating that the PRRRS pursue an alliance with the liberal centre-right. In 1935, he was described as a comrade-in-arms by the French League against Racism and Antisemitism,Bernard Lecache, "Le droit de vivre devient hebdomadaire", Revue le droit de vivre.
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During this time, the Musavat party supported some pan-Islamist and pan- Turkist ideas.Pan-Turkism: From Irredentism to Cooperation by Jacob M. Landau P.55Ethnic Nationalism and the Fall of Empires by Aviel Roshwald, page 100Disaster and Development: The politics of Humanitarian Aid by Neil Middleton and Phil O'keefe P. 132The Armenian-Azerbaijan Conflict: Causes and Implications by Michael P. Croissant P. 14 Pan-Turkic element in Musavat's ideology was a reflection of the novel ideas of the Young Turk revolution in Ottoman Empire. The founders of this ideology were Azerbaijani intellectuals of the Russian Empire, Ali-bey Huseynzadeh and Ahmed-bey Agayev (known in Turkey as Ahmet Ağaoğlu), whose literary works used the linguistic unity of Turkic-speaking peoples as a factor for the national awakening of various nationalities inhabiting the Russian Empire. The Menshevik and Social Revolutionary parties of Baku, both largely dependent upon the support of selected Georgian, Armenian and Jewish cadres, as well as upon the ethnic Russian workers, had long vilified the Muslims as "inert" and "unconscious".
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The Young Turk Revolution, which began in the Balkan provinces, spread quickly throughout the empire and resulted in the Sultan Abdulhamid II (who had suspended the parliament in 1878, thus ending the first constitutional period of the Ottoman Empire) announcing the restoration of the 1876 constitution and reconvening the parliament on 3 July 1908. The reason behind the revolt, still localized at that stage, had been the Sultan’s heavily oppressive policies (istibdâd as marked by contemporaries, although many expressed longings for his old- fashioned despotism a few years into the new regime), which were based on a vast array of spies (hafiye), as well as constant interventions by the European powers to the point of endangering the Empire's sovereignty. The legal framework was that of Kanûn-ı Esâsî of the First Constitutional Era that had prevailed in 1876. Since the sultan declared that he had never officially dissolved first Ottoman Parliament, the former parliamentarians (those still able to serve) who had gathered 33 years before suddenly found themselves representing the people again at the restoration of constitutionalism.
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In the wake of the Great Depression, a group of deputies led by Henri de Man in Belgium (the leader of the Belgian Labour Party's right-wing, and founder of the ideology of planisme, i.e. planism, meaning economic planning) and in France by Marcel Déat and Pierre Renaudel (leader of the SFIO's right wing), René Belin of the General Confederation of Labour, the Young Turk current of the Radical-Socialist Party (Pierre Mendès- France) argued that the unprecedented scale of the global economic crisis, and the sudden success of national-populist parties across Europe, meant that time had run out for socialists to slowly pursue either of the traditional stances of the parliamentary left: gradual, progressive reformism or Marxist-inspired popular revolution. Instead, influenced by Henri de Man's planism, they promoted a "constructive revolution" headed by the state, where a democratic mandate would be sought to develop technocracy and a planned economy. This approach saw great success in the Belgian Labour Party in 1933-1934, where it was adopted as official policy with the support of the party's right (De Man) and left (Paul-Henri Spaak) wings, though by 1935 enthusiasm had waned.
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The Nahda (, meaning "the Awakening" or "the Renaissance"), also referred to as the Arab Renaissance or Enlightenment, was a cultural movement that flourished in Arabic-speaking regions of the Ottoman Empire, notably in Egypt, Lebanon and Syria, during the second half of the 19th century and the early 20th century. In traditional scholarship, the Nahda is seen as connected to the cultural shock brought on by Napoleon's invasion of Egypt in 1798, and the reformist drive of subsequent rulers such as Muhammad Ali of Egypt. However, more recent scholarship has shown the Nahda's cultural reform program to have been as "autogenetic" as it was Western-inspired, having been linked to the Tanzimat—the period of reform within the Ottoman Empire which brought a constitutional order to Ottoman politics and engendered a new political class—as well as the later Young Turk Revolution, allowing proliferation of the press and other publicationsAdnan A. Musallam, Arab Press, Society and Politics at the End of The Ottoman Era and internal changes in political economy and communal reformations in Egypt and Syria and Lebanon.Stephen Sheehi, Foundations of Modern Arab Identity.
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Christians and Jews in the Ottoman Arab World, Bruce Masters, Cambridge A sentiment of Arab tribal solidarity (asabiyya), underlined by claims of Arab tribal descent and the continuance of classical Arabic exemplified in the Qur'an, preserved, from the rise of Islam, a vague sense of Arab identity among Arabs. However, this phenomenon had no political manifestations (the 18th-century Wahhabi movement in Arabia was a religious-tribal movement, and the term "Arab" was used mainly to describe the inhabitants of Arabia and nomads) until the late 19th century, when the revival of Arabic literature was followed in the Syrian provinces of the Ottoman Empire by a discussion of Arab cultural identity and demands for greater autonomy for Syria. This movement, however, was confined almost exclusively to certain Christian Arabs, and had little support. After the Young Turk Revolution of 1908 in Turkey, these demands were taken up by some Syrian Muslim Arabs and various public or secret societies (the Beirut Reform Society led by Salim Ali Salam, 1912; the Ottoman Administrative Decentralization Party, 1912; al-Qahtaniyya, 1909; al-Fatat, 1911; and al-Ahd, 1912) were formed to advance demands ranging from autonomy to independence for the Ottoman Arab provinces.
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After graduating in law from the University of Pisa, Sforza entered the diplomatic service in 1896. He served as consular attaché in Cairo (1896) and Paris (1897), then as consular secretary in Constantinople (1901) and Beijing. He was then appointed chargé d'affaires in Bucharest in 1905, but a diplomatic incident caused him to resign in December of the same year. Nevertheless, he was sent as private secretary of Marquis Emilio Visconti-Venosta, the Italian delegate to the Algeciras Conference. Visconti-Venosta's recommendation earned him the post of first secretary of legation in Madrid (1906-1907), before being sent as chargé d'affaires in Constantinople (1908-1909) where he witnessed the Young Turk Revolution. Counsellor of Embassy at London in 1909, he then made his first experience of government as cabinet secretary of the Italian foreign minister for some months in the Fortis cabinet. From 1911 to 1915, he was sent back to Beijing where he witnessed the collapse of the Chinese Empire and renegotiated the statute of the Italian concession of Tientsin with the new Chinese authorities. Sforza was in favour of an Italian intervention in the First World War on the side of the Allies.
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After the Treaty of Berlin in 1878, Austria-Hungary stationed military garrisons in the Ottoman Vilayet of Bosnia and Ottoman Sanjak of Novi Pazar, which formally (de jure) continued to be Ottoman territories. Taking advantage of the chaos that occurred during the Young Turk Revolution in 1908, Bulgaria declared its formal independence on 5 October 1908. The following day, Austria-Hungary unilaterally annexed Bosnia on 6 October 1908, but pulled its military forces out of Novi Pazar in order to reach a compromise with the Ottoman government and avoid a war (the Ottoman Empire lost the Sanjak of Novi Pazar with the Balkan Wars of 1912–1913.) In 1881, France occupied the Ottoman Beylik of Tunisia, with the excuse that Tunisian troops had crossed the border into their colony of Algeria, which also formerly belonged to the Ottoman Empire until 1830. A year later, in 1882, the British Empire occupied the Ottoman Khedivate of Egypt, with the pretext of giving military assistance to the Ottomans for putting down the Urabi Revolt (Britain later declared Egypt a British protectorate on 5 November 1914, in response to the Ottoman government's decision to join World War I on the side of the Central Powers.
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Georgi Nikolov Delchev (Bulgarian/Macedonian: Георги/Ѓорѓи Николов Делчев, 4 February 1872 – 4 May 1903), known as Gotse Delchev or Goce Delčev (Гоце Делчев, originally spelled in older Bulgarian orthography Гоце Дѣлчевъ),Гоце Дѣлчевъ. Биография. П.К. Яворовъ, 1904. was an important Macedonian Bulgarian revolutionary (komitadji),Per Julian Allan Brooks' thesis the term ‘Macedo- Bulgarian’ refers to the Exarchist population in Macedonia which is alternatively called ‘Bulgarian’ and ‘Macedonian’ in the documents. For more see: Managing Macedonia: British Statecraft, Intervention and 'Proto- peacekeeping' in Ottoman Macedonia, 1902-1905. Department of History, Simon Fraser University, 2013, p. 18. The designation ‘Macedo-Bulgarian’ is used also by M. Şükrü Hanioğlu and Ryan Gingeras. See: M. Şükrü Hanioğlu, Preparation for a Revolution: The Young Turks, 1902-1908 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), 244; Ryan Gingeras, “A Break in the Storm: Reconsidering Sectarian, Violence in Ottoman Macedonia During the Young Turk Revolution” The MIT Electronic Journal of Middle East Studies 3 (Spring 2003): 1. Gingeras notes he uses the hyphenated term to refer to those who “professed an allegiance to the Bulgarian Exarch.” Mehmet Hacısalihoğlu has used in his study "Yane Sandanski as a political leader in Macedonia in the era of the Young Turks" the terms Bulgarians-Macedonians and Bulgarian Macedonians; (Cahiers balkaniques [En ligne], 40, 2012, Jeunes-Turcs en Macédoine et en Ionie).
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