"A levy is a very European thing, a welfarist redistribution system," Freedman was quick to acknowledge, and, as such, perhaps unlikely to gain traction in the US. And even if a journalism tax were imposed, decisions to tax platforms in order to fund media under a Trump presidency opens the doors to a host of new concerns.
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Welfarist theories of value say things that are good are such because of their positive effects on human well-being.
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Point three of eight is: Robert Garner describes the welfarist position as the most widely held in modern society.Garner, Robert. Animal Ethics. Polity Press, 2005, pp. 15-16.
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New welfarists are those that argue the best path to animal rights or abolition is through welfare reform and believe that welfare reform will make humans more receptive to inherently valuing animals. Francione argues that new welfarism does not work, and actually prolongs animal exploitation. Francione describes the welfarist or new welfarist movement as simply advocating for "longer chains for the slaves". Francione describes the differing philosophies of Peter Singer and Tom Regan toward animal use. He criticises heavily the utilitarian position of Singer, who believes that animal use is acceptable so long as their interests are given equal consideration to humans, and praises Regan’s deontological position of giving all animals rights.
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Animal welfare often refers to a utilitarian attitude towards the well-being of nonhuman animals. It believes the animals can be exploited if the animal suffering and the costs of use is less than the benefits to humans. This attitude is also known simply as welfarism. An example of welfarist thought is Hugh Fearnley-Whittingstall's meat manifesto.
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At the age of 14, Lauren read a brochure on animal sufferings resulting in her becoming a vegetarian. She opted for the vegan lifestyle at the age of 27, claiming that she felt more energetic with the change in diet. Soon after she became a vegan, Lauren increasingly became involved in the political and ethical aspects of the community too, turning herself to a welfarist.
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Following the 2001 crisis, he decided to enter politics and joined the Justicialist Party. He aided the presidential campaign of Carlos Menem in 2003 as a candidate for the position of Minister of Social Development. De Narváez ran from the political left, commenting that in office he would be a staunch welfarist. In July 2004 he then self-financed major commemorations around Argentina to celebrate the 30th anniversary of Peron's death.
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Such a system proved historically inept at handling the working poor, leaving them to fend for themselves. As much of the general populace struggled, so did the legitimacy of the monarch in their eyes. Rather, a welfarist system was established in the German Empire to meet the needs of the populace, whilst to maintain the favorability of the monarchy in the eyes of the populace, as well as its absolute power.
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The book proposes some apparently reasonable conditions for a "voting" rule, in particular, a 'constitution', to make consistent, feasible social choices in a welfarist context. But then any constitution that allows dictatorship requires it, and any constitution that requires nondictatorship contradicts one of the other conditions. Hence, the paradox of social choice. The set of conditions across different possible votes refined welfare economics and differentiated Arrow's constitution from the pre-Arrow social welfare function.
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For this reason, utilitarianism is often associated with the term welfarist consequentialism. In utilitarianism it is the "end result" which is fundamental (as opposed to Kantian ethics discussed above). Thus using the same scenario as above, it would be irrelevant whether the person giving money to charity was doing so out of personal or religious conviction, the mere fact that the charitable donation is being made is sufficient for it to be classified as morally good.
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Francione argues that the animal rights movement only emerged in the late 1970s and 1980s. Until that time, concern for animals was limited to ensuring that animals were well cared for during their exploitation.Francione, Rain Without Thunder, pg 1 The animal rights position calls for the total abolition of animal use and exploitation, as "animals, like humans, have inherent value that must be respected".Francione, Rain Without Thunder, pg 2 Francione also describes a third category, which is that of the ‘new welfarist’.
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In so doing, Singer is effectively sanctioning the harmful treatment of nonhuman animals on the basis of a species-characteristic which does not justify violent treatment. He also provides a critique of the abolitionist views of Gary L. Francione and Joan Dunayer, who argue that animal rights supporters should not pursue a welfarist approach. A defense of suffering-reduction laws and a discussion of the logical problems of anti-welfarism are featured in Sztybel's article "Animal Rights Law: Fundamentalism versus Pragmatism".
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Chief Abraham Aderibigbe Adesanya (24 July 1922 in Ijebu Igbo - 27 April 2008) was a Nigerian politician, lawyer, activist, welfarist, and liberal progressive. He was the son of a famous and powerful traditional healer, the late Oloye Ezekiel Adesanya (alias Baba Obu’keagbo), who lived between the 19th and 20th centuries. He was married to Rosannah Arinola Adesanya, née Onafalujo, who died 2 years after the death of her husband. They were blessed with four children: Adebayo Adesanya, Oluwasegunfunmi Adesanya, Modupeola Adesanya Adelaja and Olufemi Adesanya.
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Following the 2013 elections, despite a significant drop in vote share, the left-wing Pakistan Peoples Party remained the largest party in the assembly and held a comfortable majority with 91 seats. They were followed by the secularist, Muhajir-centric, Muttahida Qaumi Movement, which repeated its 2008 exploits, by securing 51 seats. New additions into the assembly included Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf, a welfarist, anti-establishment party led by former cricketer Imran Khan, who emerged as the second largest party in Karachi and gained 4 seats. Meanwhile, Pakistan Muslim League (F), PPP's perennial rival in Interior Sindh, held 11 seats.
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This was part of its shift away from its former claim of being the "social, popular and national right" to its claim of being "neither right nor left – French!" Increasingly, the party's program became an amalgam of free market and welfarist policies, which some political commentators have claimed are left-wing economic policies. Under her leadership, Marine Le Pen has been more clear in her support for protectionism, while she has criticised globalism and capitalism for certain industries. She has been characterised as a proponent of letting the government take care of health, education, transportation, banking and energy.
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Cornell University's project on Restructuring Local Government states that decentralization refers to the "global trend" of devolving responsibilities to regional or local governments.Decentralization , article at the "Restructuring local government project " of Dr. Mildred Warner, Cornell University, accessed February 4, 2013. Robert J. Bennett's Decentralization, Intergovernmental Relations and Markets: Towards a Post-Welfare Agenda describes how after World War II governments pursued a centralized "welfarist" policy of entitlements which now has become a "post-welfare" policy of intergovernmental and market- based decentralization. In 1983, "Decentralization" was identified as one of the "Ten Key Values" of the Green Movement in the United States.
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The Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) is a centrist, welfarist, and nationalist political party a mainstream political programme of supporting the "Third Way" and "welfarism". In the midst of election campaign, the PTI's chairman, Imran Khan, called for an inter-party elections for the leadership of the PTI. Many renowned individuals were defeated in the intra-party elections, such as Arif Alvi who was replaced by Pervez Khattak as secretary- general and Ejaz Chaudhary who defeated Ahsan Rasheed. Imran informed the media that no-one from his party will be eligible to hold the post of the party chairman for more than two terms.
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In 1974, Paul Taber, bought the Dairy Belle restaurant located in the Monta Loma neighborhood of Mountain View, California, and opened the first Hobee's Restaurant. A sometime-vegetarian and animal welfarist, Taber gradually moved the menu away from traditional diner fare Dairy Belle had offered to more alternative options, including tofu, eggs from local farms, freshly baked blueberry coffeecake, and a cinnamon-orange house tea which has become its trademark beverage. By 2009, Hobee's had grown to twelve locations and grossed over $12 million annually. As of 2020, Hobee's has five operative sites throughout the San Francisco Bay Area, in the Peninsula and South Bay.
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The aim of this change was to allow local authorities to develop mixed estates of houses of more varied types and sizes, thereby attracting all income groups.Denis Nowell Pritt, The Labour Government 1945-51 (1963) In addition, housing improvement grants for private landlords and owner occupiers were introduced under the Act. According to Norman Ginsburg, this piece of legislation was the first example of a "welfarist" policy in respect of owner occupiers, as local authorities were to direct these grants towards bringing properties up to a sixteen-point standard.N Ginsburg, "Housing" in Robert M. Page and Richard Silburn (eds), British Social Welfare in the Twentieth Century, Macmillan, London, 1999 .
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" . The taxonomy is phrased in terms of 'negativisms,' which appear to be the same as 'negativist' and 'negative' utilitarianisms: "we believe that disutility has greater weight than utility. The overall aim with this part of our essay is to give an account of this weight, which means that we shall try to formulate a welfarist act-consequentialism that takes seriously the weight of disutility. In other words, we are looking for an acceptable negativist utilitarianism." . In total, they distinguish among 16 kinds of negative utilitarianism. They first distinguish between strong negativism and weak negativism. Strong negativism "give all weight to disutility" and weak negativism "give some weight to positive utility, but more weight to disutility.
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The social market is a largely free market economy based on a free price system and private property, but is supportive of government activity to promote competitive markets with a comprehensive social welfare system and effective public services to address social inequalities that result from free market outcomes. The market is seen not so much an end in itself but as a means of generating wealth in order to achieve broader social goals and to maintain societal cohesion. This particular model of capitalism, which is sometimes called Rhine–Alpine capitalism or social capitalism, is contrasted to Anglo-American capitalism or enterprise capitalism. Whereas the former stresses partnership and cooperation, the latter is based on the unrestricted workings of market economics and as a consequence there is a willingness on the part of Christian democratic parties to practice Keynesian and welfarist policies.
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