78 Sentences With "Trotskyites" | Random Sentence Generator

The far left is no stranger to divisions—between Trotskyites and Stalinists, Bolsheviks and Mensheviks, reformists and revolutionaries.

Suddenly even Jewish Democrats were abetting anti-Semitism and moderate Democrats in Republican districts were Trotskyites and Stalinists.

His parents were Jewish immigrants from Russia, and he grew up in the tough Roxbury section in a vortex of political debate among Socialists, anarchists, Communists, Trotskyites and other revolutionaries.

The Trotskyites sat in one alcove and the Leninists sat in another, and since the Trostkyites were smarter and won the debates, the leaders of the Leninist faction eventually forbade their cadres from ever talking to them.

The hoary Trotskyites that usually dominate these things were all present, as were the career activists trudging through the latest in an endless series of fruitless marches, but far more were on the first or second protest of their lives: people who saw a world going badly wrong, and were determined to do something to fix it.

February 6, 1937. as well as "semi-Trotskyites, quarter-Trotskyites, one- eighth-Trotskyites, people who helped us, not knowing of the terrorist organization but sympathizing with us, people who from liberalism, from a Fronde against the Party, gave us this help."Conquest 1990, p. 164. By the third organization, he meant the last remaining former opposition group called Rightists led by Bukharin, whom he implicated by saying: > I feel guilty of one thing more: even after admitting my guilt and exposing > the organisation, I stubbornly refused to give evidence about Bukharin.

These are Tory Trotskyites who are quite happy that things should get worse, because they barmily think they will then get better.

The Case of the Anti-Soviet "Bloc of Rightists and Trotskyites" (or "Bloc of Rights and Trotskyites") (), also known as the Trial of the Twenty-One, was the last of the three public Moscow Trials charging prominent Bolsheviks with espionage and treason. The Trial of the Twenty-One took place in Moscow in March 1938, towards the end of the Soviet Great Purge.

The various types of Trotskyites (Oehler, Field, Marlen, et al.) > ... The RML published a mimeographed organ called Revolutionary Action. It apparently ran from Vol. I #1 1938 to Vol. II #1 February 1939.

The May Days had secondary actions in many towns, mainly in the provinces of Barcelona and Tarragona. The fight was strong here too, but it ended with the defeat of Anarchists and Trotskyites.

By now, not being an unquestioning backer of the Stalinist leadership, she had become part of the "right-wing" opposition to the party leadership that was beginning to coalesce around Heinrich Brandler and August Thalheimer. Those who questioned the Stalinist position were by now finding themselves demonised as Trotskyites, and in 1929 the Communist Party in Germany broke apart: Erna Halbe was one of those "Trotskyites" expelled from the party at the start of 1929. This also meant that she lost her job. She earned her living between 1930 and 1932 by selling vacuum cleaners.

Workers Party of Marxist Unification (POUM) was founded on 29 September 1935 in Barcelona as a result of mergers of the Bloque Obrero y Campesino and Izquierda Comunista. They would find support from many inside the anarchist union, CNT. By the mid-1936 and through to 1938, Spanish communist found itself in internal conflict between Stalinist and Trotskyites, with PCE lining up behind Stalin and POUM supporting Trotsky. The Russian backed Stalinist PCE started purging left-wing Trotskyites in the during the Civil War, culminating in the May Days of 1937 purges in Barcelona and the overthrow of Prime Minister Largo Caballero.

3, whole no. 127 (August 21, 1937), p. 3. Editor Gus Tyler of The Socialist Call echoed Altman's sentiments, emphasizing that "the Trotskyites have, during the last week, [...] abandoned the usual means of inner party controversy—debate and appeals through party channels—and, like the Old Guard, have carried their argument into the public, into the capitalist press".[Gus Tyler], "The Trotskyites," 'The Socialist Call, vol. 3, whole no. 127 (August 21, 1937), p. 4. The issuance of a statement by the Trotskyist faction to The New York Times and the relaunch of their own newspaper, The Socialist Appeal, was seen as particularly galling by The Socialist Calls editor.

Their major crime was being Trotskyites. It was only during the 1950s and 1960s that some of those women involved with POUM and Trotskyite purged began to re-evaluate their role in them; their change of hearts only occurred after Stalinist Communism lost its prestige among leftist circles.

After being infiltrated by Trotskyites and F.B.I. agents, Cell 16 disassociated from its splinter group Female Liberation, which was providing a front for Trotskyist recruiting of aspiring feminists.Humanities & Social Sciences Online. Ruth Rosen, The World Split Open: How the Modern Women's Movement Changed America. New York and London: Penguin, 2000.

Ideological disorder, organizational weakness, separateness from the working mass have become usual things among the left forces. The Revolutionary Komsomol also exposed to uneasy trials. Firstly uniting in its lines activists of different ideologies (communists, Trotskyites, Maoists, anarchists, ultra- lefts, etc.). RCYL(b) in 1997–1998 began to feel great ultra-left influence.

"Biografía de Miguel Enríquez". CEME. Page 10 and Note 10 When this fraction was finally ousted from the Socialist Party (Senator Ampuero) in February 1964, it continued as an independent fraction until they merged in the organization VRM. There the young socialists met with Trotskyites, most of them twice their age.Eugenia Palieraki (2008).

Feuchtwanger's praise of Stalin triggered outrage from Arnold Zweig and Franz Werfel. The book has been criticized by Trotskyites as a work of naive apologism.H. Wagner, Lion Feuchtwanger, p.57f. See also Jonathan Skolnik, "Class War, Anti-Fascism, and Anti-Semitism: Grigori Roshal's 1939 Film Sem'ia Oppengeim in Context," Feuchtwanger and Film, Ian Wallace, ed.

The Bloc of Oppositions also known as Trotsky's bloc and called by the soviet press The bloc of rights and trotskyites was a political alliance created by oppositionists in the USSR and Leon Trotsky, by the end of 1932. Trotsky defined it as a conspiratorial bloc in order to fight Stalinist repression in the Soviet Union.

The Mặt trận Quốc gia Thống nhất (National Unified Front) was a Vietnamese political alliance in the short-lived Empire of Vietnam. It was formed August 14–17, 1945 in Southern Vietnam uniting all non-Viet Minh factions, including Trotskyites and the southern religious sects of Cao Đài and Hòa Hảo.Jessica M. Chapman Cauldron of Resistance: Ngô Đình Diệm, the United States, and 1950s Southern Vietnam 2013 p28 "On August 17, a group of non–Viet Minh parties and organizations in the south, including the Trotskyites, the politico-religious organizations, Catholics, .." Following the delayed arrival in Saigon on August 22, 1945 of the former president of the Journalists' Syndicate, and now Imperial Commissioner of Nam Bo Nguyen Van Sam, the alliance made an official declaration of national independence and territorial reunification.Chieu, pp. 312-313.

According to Trotskyist doctrine,James Burnham, The Managerial Revolution, Indiana University Press, Bloomingham 1966, p.v. the Soviet Union became a "degenerated workers state" and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) as "bureaucratic centralist". Trotskyites considered the Soviet degenerated workers state still as "revolutionary workers' state" or "proletarian dictatorship". As such, the Soviet state was "historically progressive" in relation to "reactionary capitalism".

Het Vrije Woord (Free Speech) was a Dutch-language newspaper published clandestinely in Belgium during the German occupation in World War II. The Vrije Woord was the result of co-operation largely between various different groups, including Catholics, Jews and Trotskyites and, although its circulation was never as extensive as other Flemish underground newspapers, it was distinguished by its high-brow content.

This created controversy with the New Zealand Catholic Church hierarchy.Bernard Moran, "The Philippines' Connection," The Tablet, 8 February 1989, 4-8; Moran, "Trotskyites on the loose in St Ben's," The Tablet, 17. Following Kennedy's death, the Tablet struggled to maintain the level of support it had during his editorship. By 1988,The Tablet's circulation had dropped from 20,000 to around 8,000.

Many young radicals broke away from Marxism–Leninism towards Maoism at this point, while there were several Anarchists, Trotskyites, Situationists etc. at the protests as well. Each of these events have shaped the content as well as the form of the writing of these French philosophers. Time and again, the movements have questioned the French state, the university, imperialism and capitalism as well.

45 Following the 'freezing' of the Murba Party, PKI continued ferocious attacks on the party. PKI declared that the Murba Party was a party of 'Trotskyites' and 'imperialist agents'. Demands were raised that the Murba Party ministers be expelled from the government, pro-Murba newspapers be closed and that Murba Party members be expelled from the journalists' union and other semi-official structures.

Rivera was subsequently expelled from the Mexican Communist Party. In early December 1928, Mella was expelled from the Mexican Communist Party for his association with Trotskyites, but he was readmitted two weeks later. Mella was killed by gunshot in Mexico City on January 10, 1929, an incident believed to be a political assassination. Modotti was by Mella's side as he was shot.

Their major crime was being Trotskyites. PCE aligned Unión de Mujeres Antifascistas Españolas (UMAE) attracted large numbers of Spanish exiles in France in the immediate post-war period. It faced more challenges recruiting members in the interior. The group published a magazine in France called Noticias del interior, which discussed the activities of UMAE women working in the interior and manifestos written by these militants.

7 No. 2 In the following Case of the Anti-Soviet "Bloc of Rights and Trotskyites" Ikramov confessed being a British spy, and was quoted saying: "We had to rely on a strong European Power to help us. We thought England most reliable because she is so strong." He was sentenced to death and shot on 13 March (other sources indicate 15 March) 1938.

In August 1926, Shmidt became commander and commissar of the 7th Samara Cavalry Division. Shmidt was relieved of command of the division after shooting an officer who insulted his wife in the stomach, and in May 1927 became head of the North Caucasian Mountain Nationalities Cavalry School. He visited Moscow at the time of the expulsion of the Trotskyites and met Stalin walking out of the Kremlin.

Charles Malamuth (November 9, 1899 – July 14, 1965) was an American journalist, writer, and translator known as an "expert in Slavic languages," "Russian expert," and anticommunist. His best known over the years as translator is Stalin: An Appraisal of the Man and His Influence by Leon Trotsky (1941) for which Soviet communists attacked him as a Trotskyite in the 1940s and Trotskyites attacked him as an anticommunist in the 2010s.

Many leaders of the Mouvement du 22 Mars, the March 1968 decentralized student protest in Nanterre, came from small anarchist groups. The anarchists rejected the Anarchist Federation, which they described as dogmatic, and instead mixed with other revolutionaries, such as Trotskyites and other militants. Anarchism was in a lull at the time of the radical May 1968 events. It was minimally present in, and gained no momentum from, the events.

In the later stages of the purge, Sheng turned against the "Trotskyites", mostly a group of Han Chinese sent to him by Moscow. In the group were Soviet General Consul Garegin Apresov, General Ma Hushan, Ma Shaowu, Mahmud Sijan, the official leader of the Xinjiang province Huang Han- chang, and Hoja-Niyaz. Xinjiang came under virtual Soviet control. It is estimated that between 50,000 and 100,000 people perished during the purge.

José Cazorla Maure (1903 – 8 April 1940) was a Spanish communist leader during the Spanish Civil War (1936–39). He was one of the leaders of the Unified Socialist Youth. For several months in 1936–37 he was a member of the Madrid Defense Council in charge of public order. He was ruthless in weeding out sabotage or subversion, and earned the hostility of the anarchists and Trotskyites.

"Anti-Trotsky cliques fold up" New Militant Vol. 2 #22 June 6, 1936 p.2 Among the associates of the league was a group of Columbia university students which included future philosopher Morton White, who was drawn to the group because it was harsher on the Soviet Union than the Trotskyites. They had come to the conclusion that capitalism had already been restored in Stalinist Russia, and was no longer a degenerated workers state.

Prokopy Zubarev was one of the defendants in the Case of the Anti-Soviet "Bloc of Rights and Trotskyites" of 2-13 March 1938. From 1915 to 1917, he served in the Imperial Russian Army in World War I. He served in the Soviet of the Ufa Governorate in 1922. In 1929, he served in the Northern Krai Soviet. He was accused of disrupting the food supply and having been a member of the czarist secret police.

After being wounded on his first day at the front in Spain, he was returned to a hospital in Madrid. While in Madrid, he was recruited by the NKVD to spy on those whom the Stalinists called Trotskyites, a group which included George Orwell. Crook later expressed regret for his part in the deaths of innocent members of the Workers' Party of Marxist Unification (POUM).In a Valley Called Jarama The NKVD then sent him to China.

It proved to be very successful in assassinating commanders of the Security Battalions and other armed governmental forces. However, it also became involved in political assassinations of political opponents of the then-Stalinist KKE on both ends of the political spectrum, such as Trotskyites and Archeio-Marxists. As a result, the activities of the OPLA are a subject of heated debate even today. In April 1944 it was renamed as National Civil Guard, though members of OPLA continued operations.

Davis is a professor in medical sociology and director of COMPASS (Centre of Methods and Policy Application in the Social Sciences) at the University of Auckland. Clark, after the 1981 elections was to note: "It was a difficult campaign", Clark wrote in an essay for the book Head and Shoulders in 1984. "As a single woman I was really hammered. I was accused of being a lesbian, of living in a commune, having friends who were Trotskyites and gays...".

The three novels were published in 1954. In the first five editions they were published as a single volume, but from the sixth edition they were released as three separate volumes, as originally planned by Amado. Bitter Times is set in the time of the beginning of the Novo Estado regime where politicians are shown as pawns of the elite, particularly the bankers. The novel also portrays the weaknesses of other political groupings, such as the Trotskyites and union leaders.

In April 1940 the remaining Fieldites published a special bulletin addressed to the convention of the Socialist Workers Party (United States), urging it to adopt its perspective on the USSR, which the Fieldites regarded as totalitarian rather than state capitalist. They believed "Russian question" was the most important issue facing the working class movement."The LRWP enlightens the Trotskyites" in Bulletin of the Leninist League (US) Vol. III #4 April–May 1940 They seem to have finally disbanded sometime later in 1940.

Ramanathan and Ramasamy went on a tour of the Soviet Union and Europe in 1931–1932. During their stay in Soviet Union, according to Anaimuthu, a follower of Ramasamy, they were scheduled to meet with Soviet dictator Joseph Stalin on 28 May 1932. However, "Ramanathan's contact with Trotskyites had infuriated the apparatchiks and they were therefore asked to leave immediately". In London, Ramanathan translated Lenin's On Religion into Tamil, which was later published in Kudi Arasu, a Tamil weekly magazine.

The remaining four are leftist ecologists known as Watermelons (Green outside, red inside)." He points to a similar alliance of the French Revolutionary Communist League (LCR) and Workers' Struggle (LO) with radical Islamists. "Are these not the new slaves?" he quotes Olivier Besançonneau (who he describes as "leader of the French Trotskyites"), "Is it not natural that they should unite with the working class to destroy the capitalist system?" "The European Marxist–Islamist coalition", argues Taheri, "does not offer a coherent political platform.

During the later parts of the war and at its conclusion, some women from POUM were coerced into making false confessions in Moscow courtrooms, and then sent to Soviet prisons. Their major crime was being Trotskyites. It was only during the 1950s and 1960s that some of those women involved with POUM and Trotskyite purged began to re-evaluate their role in them; their change of hearts only occurred after Stalinist Communism lost its prestige among leftist circles. Many of those affiliated with POUM went into exile.

In Bac Bo, Nguyen Xuan Chu obtained Kim's approval to form the Committee for National Salvation, and he was appointed by Kim as chairman of the Political Directorate of Bac Bo. In Nam Bo, on August 17, it was announced that all non-Viet Minh factions, including Trotskyites and the southern religious sects of Cao Đài and Hòa Hảo, had joined forces to create the Mặt trận Quốc gia Thống nhất (National Unified Front).Jessica M. Chapman Cauldron of Resistance: Ngô Đình Diệm, the United States, and 1950s Southern Vietnam 2013 p28 "On August 17, a group of non–Viet Minh parties and organizations in the south, including the Trotskyites, the politico-religious organizations, Catholics, .." Trần Quang Vinh, the Cao Đài leader, and Huỳnh Phú Sổ, the founder of the Hòa Hảo, also issued a communique proclaiming an alliance. On August 19 in Saigon, the Vanguard Youth organised their second official oath-taking ceremony, vowing to defend Vietnamese independence at all costs. The next day, Ho Van Nga assumed the interim office of Imperial Commissioner and appointed Kha Vang Can, the Vanguard Youth leader, commander of Saigon and Cholon.

The ranks of the Republican assassination squads included Erich Mielke, the future head of the East German Ministry of State Security. Walter Janka, a veteran of the Republican forces who remembers him described Mielke's career as follows, > While I was fighting at the front, shooting at the Fascists, Mielke served > in the rear, shooting Trotskyites and Anarchists.John Koehler, "The Stasi", > page 48. In the modern era, death squads, including the Batallón Vasco Español, Triple A, Grupos Antiterroristas de Liberación (GAL) were illegally set up by officials within the Spanish government to fight ETA.

See Meier's book about their time in Berlin The Ogginses moved from Berlin to Paris in the Spring of 1930. In Neuilly-sur-Seine, they watched White Russians, Trotskyites including Trotsky's Paris-based son, Lev Sedov, and the family of Michael Feodorovich Romanov. After exposure of l'affaire Switz (1933–1934, involving Robert Gordon Switz, Lydia Stahl, and Arvid Jacobson ), the Ogginses left Paris (September 1934) and returned to the States with their young son Robin (b. 1931). After a brief stint in New York, they left for San Francisco.

Pavel Petrovich Bulanov (1895 – March 15, 1938) was a NKVD officer and one of the defendants in the Case of the Anti-Soviet "Bloc of Rights and Trotskyites". Bulanov was born in 1895 in the Penza Governorate in a family of Russian ethnicity.КТО РУКОВОДИЛ НКВД He was secretary to Genrikh Yagoda, who became head of the NKVD in July 1934. In September 1936, Yagoda, who has being removed from his post at the NKVD, ordered Bulanov to spray poison on the walls of the office of his successor, Nikolai Yezhov.

When he told Mielke to get lost, the SIM demoted Janka to the ranks and then expelled him from the International Brigade. Years later, Janka recalled, "While I was fighting at the front, shooting at the Fascists, Mielke served in the rear, shooting Trotskyites and Anarchists." Upon the defeat of the Spanish Republic, Mielke fled across the Pyrenees Mountains to France, where he was interned at Camp de Rivesaltes, Pyrénées-Orientales. Mielke, however, managed to send a message to exiled KPD members and, in May 1939, escaped to Belgium.

The resolution widened the range of political prisoners for the detention in Vladimir, including spies, saboteurs, terrorists, Trotskyites, Mensheviks, Socialist-Revolutionaries, anarchists, ethnic nationalists, white émigrés, participants in other anti-Soviet organizations, and those with ties to any anti-Soviet or enemy activities. In service documents, the name of the prison was listed as "Vladimir special prison MGB of the USSR." After the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the prison was reverted to a regular detention facility. In 1996, a museum about Vladimir Prison was opened on the prison grounds.

The Communist party alleged that the anarchist "putsch" was motivated by their resentment of the centralized military command sought by the Communists and their allies in Lluís Companys's Catalan government and their desire to seize political power. The anarchists and Trotskyists saw the events as an attempt by the Communist Party (in close contact with the Stalinist NKVD) to rule over all revolutionary activity and blamed the Communists for authoritarianism. They contrasted the Communists' police state to the egalitarian conditions that obtained prior to the May 1937 events. Ibárruri, Díaz and the rest of the PCE set out to destroy the Trotskyites.

43 (1999). In the view of some contemporary commentators, these revelations stand as at least a partial vindication of McCarthyism.David Aaronovitch McCarthy: There Were Reds Under the Bed BBC Radio 4 airdate 9 August 2010 Some feel that a genuinely dangerous subversive element was in the United States, and that this danger justified extreme measures. John Earl Haynes, while acknowledging that inexcusable excesses occurred during McCarthyism, argues that some contemporary historians of McCarthyism underplay the undemocratic nature of the CPUSA, the latter concern being shared by some Trotskyites who felt that they, and anti-Stalin socialists in general, were persecuted by the CPUSA.

His third novel, In Deep (1957), is a thriller featuring espionage, socialist hipsters and decades-old Communist vendettas played out in Cuba. The Great Prince Died (later republished as Trotsky Dead) (1959) was a roman a clef about the events surrounding the assassination of Trotsky (called Victor Rostov in the novel). The book was well received by critics and reviewers, though many expressed doubts about the mixture of fact and fiction in the book. Trotskyites were highly critical of the book, particularly of Wolfe's theme that Trotsky's guilt about the Kronstadt rebellion was transformed into a masochistic death wish.

"Hallgren, "Why I Resigned from the Trotsky Defense Committee," pg. 11. It was only among the Nazis, fascists, and reactionaries, as well as a handful of socialist adherents of the Second International and the Trotskyists who contended that the USSR was not progressing towards socialism, Hallgren wrote to Morrow. "The outcry against the Moscow trials first came from the Trotskyites," Hallgren charged. Given the weight of the public evidence, Hallgren concluded: > "...I shall remain convinced that the present liberal movement to win > justice for him is nothing more than a Trotskyite maneuver against the > Soviet Union and against socialism.

They thought that the aggressive young Trotskyites were naive and ignorant, while Trotsky decided that the Pazes were not the sort of dedicated revolutionary he was seeking. Contre le Courant ceased publication before the end of 1929. Magdeleine and Maurice Paz became involved in the case of the Scottsboro Boys, nine black teenagers accused of rape in Alabama in 1931 who were unable to obtain a fair trial. She was concerned that the Communists had taken over the campaign in France and refused to involve the socialists or the trade union group the Confédération Générale du Travail, (CGT).

The contemporary concept of a "Conservative Revolution" was retrospectively reconstructed after WWII by Neue Richt philosopher Armin Mohler in his 1949 doctoral thesis Die Konservative Revolution in Deutschland 1918–1932, under the supervision of Karl Jaspers. Since Mohler called them the "Trotskyites of the German Revolution", his appropriation of the concept has been recurrently accused of being a biased attempt to reconstruct an acceptable far-right movement in post-fascist Europe, by downplaying the influence of these thinkers on the rise of Nazism.Eberhard Kolb, Dirk Schumann: Die Weimarer Republik (= Oldenbourg Grundriss der Geschichte, Bd. 16). 8. Auflage. Oldenbourg, München 2013, p. 225.

MVD Special camps of the Gulag (, osobye lagerya, osoblags) was a system of special labor camps established addressing the February 21, 1948 decree 416—159сс of the USSR Council of Ministers of February 28 decree 00219 of the Soviet Ministry of Internal Affairs Приказ МВД СССР № 00219 «Об организации особых лагерей МВД» exclusively for a "special contingent" of political prisoners, convicted according to the more severe sub-articles of Article 58 (Enemies of people): treason, espionage, terrorism, etc., for various real political opponents, such as Trotskyites, "nationalists" (Ukrainian nationalism), white émigré, as well as for fabricated ones.

The Communist ministers Vicente Uribe and Jesús Hernández Tomás protested at Antón's demotion to brigade commissar on the static Teruel front but Prieto stood his ground and Anton had to leave his post, although he refused to report to the brigade headquarters. Antón became an aide to General Vicente Rojo Lluch. In October 1938, Antón was assigned responsibility, with Palmiro Togliatti and Gyula Alpári, for conducting an international campaign to discredit the anti-Stalinist Workers' Party of Marxist Unification (POUM) as counter-revolutionary Trotskyites. In February 1939 Antón was in Toulouse, as were Antonio Mije, Luis Cabo Giorla, Santiago Carrillo and Enrique Líster.

From left to right: Kryuchkov, Maxim Gorky and Genrikh Yagoda Pyotr Petrovich Kryuchkov (; 12 November 1889, Perm - 15 March 1938) was a soviet lawyer and the secretary of Maxim Gorky. He was one of the defendants of the Case of the Anti-Soviet "Bloc of Rights and Trotskyites" of 2-13 March 1938, alongside Genrikh Yagoda. He and Yagoda were sentenced to death and executed by the NKVD. On 12 March 1938 Kryuchkov's father, also named Pyotr Petrovich, was executed by the NKVD in Novosibirsk. Kryuchkov's wife, Elizabeta Zakharevna Kryuchkova, was arrested by the NKVD on 29 April 1937 and executed on 17 September 1938.

French philosopher Pascal Bruckner understands Islamo-leftism as "the fusion between the atheist Far Left and religious radicalism". According to Bruckner, Islamo-leftism was "chiefly" conceived by British Trotskyites of the Socialist Workers Party. Because these dedicated leftists perceive Islam's potential for fomenting societal unrest, they promote tactical, temporary alliances with reactionary Muslim parties. According to Bruckner, leftist adherents of Third-Worldism hope to use Islamism as a "battering-ram" to bring about the downfall of free-market capitalism and see the sacrifice of individual rights, in particular of women's rights, as an acceptable trade-off in service of the greater goal of destroying capitalism.

The leader was becoming increasingly paranoid. German political refugees who had come to Moscow in search of safety were increasingly in danger of being identified and denounced as Trotskyites or agents of the German government or both. Although it took a few months for the realities of the Stalinist purges to become apparent, Martha Ruben-Wolf was forced to become aware of the extent to which friends were disappearing, notably after her husband was arrested by the security services on 28 November 1937 or 15 January 1938. (Sources differ.) Accused of being a Gestapo spy, on 4 October 1938 he was sentenced to death and shot.

Golubić's time in Yugoslavia was marked by frequent clashes with the KPJ. According to the senior Yugoslav communist Milovan Djilas, Golubić was hostile to the KPJ's Central Committee, claiming that it was "composed of Trotskyites". Djilas, together with Aleksandar Ranković, another senior KPJ member, suspected Golubić himself of being a Trotskyite and feared that he was spreading misinformation regarding the Central Committee's activities to Moscow. According to Djilas, he and Ranković were prepared to assassinate Golubić, but were told to desist by Josip Broz Tito, the General Secretary of the Central Committee, who identified Golubić as an agent on "special assignment" and ordered that he be left alone.

In June 1937 Pravda published a slanderous article on Pletnyov "Professor-rapist, sadist" after which he was imprisoned in Lubyanka and sentenced to two years in prison on probation by a case fabricated by NKVD. In December 1937, Dmitri Pletnyov was again arrested and in 1938 was a defendant on the process of the Anti- Soviet "Bloc of Rightists and Trotskyites", a show trial arranged by the NKVD. He had been severely tortured – which led to paralysis of half of his body – and deprived of sleep.Дмитриев Ю."Дмитрий Плетнёв: "Я готов кричать на весь мир о своей невиновности..." Трагическая страница из жизни видного деятеля отечественной медицины" – Trud, June 1988, vol. 5.

Miller stated later, "My job as a Stalinist was to keep track of the sailing of all Trotskyite seamen so a Stalinist agent would be at the port and have surveillance on whatever Trotskyites entered the Soviet Union." Miller's primary KGB contacts, as noted in Venona traffic, were Joseph Katz and a woman he knew as Sylvia Getzoff, also known as Rebecca Getzoff. In the first half of 1944, Miller met in New York with Jack Soble who provided the KGB with microfilm of the page proofs of Leon Trotsky's biography of Joseph Stalin. Miller carried the microfilm to Mexico for the SWP to present to Natalia Sedova, Trotsky's widow.

She created the organization Spanish Refugee Aid, which served as a larger umbrella organization to coordinate efforts with anti-Stalinist groups to assist former POUM members. During the later parts of the war and at its conclusion, some women from POUM were coerced into making false confessions in Moscow courtrooms, and then sent to Soviet prisons. Their major crime was being Trotskyites. It was only during the 1950s and 1960s that some of those women involved with POUM and Trotskyite purges began to re-evaluate their role in them; their change of heart occurred only after Stalinist Communism lost its prestige among leftist circles.

Rosa Estruch Espinós, Asunción Pérez Pérez, Amalia Estela Alama, Adelaida de la Cruz Ramón Tormo, Ángela Sempere and Remedios Montero were some of the communist women imprisoned during the Franco regime as a result of her involvement with the party during the Civil War. Women were involved with the party, helping to organize covert armed resistance by serving in leadership roles and assisting in linking up political leaders in exile with those active on the ground in Spain. During the later parts of the war and at its conclusion, some women from POUM were coerced into making false confessions in Moscow courtrooms, and then sent to Soviet prisons. Their major crime was being Trotskyites.

In response to the Western Powers pursuing a policy of appeasement of Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy (the Anglo-German Naval Treaty; allowing the reoccupation of the Rhineland; non-intervention against the Falangist Coup in Spain; Italy's attack on Abyssinia), he flirted with Soviet communism to find the staunchest enemy of Germany's National Socialism. [cite: Karl Schlogel, Moscow 1937, Cambridge, UK: Polity Press, 2017, chapter 5] From November 1936 to February 1937 he travelled to the Soviet Union. In his book Moskau 1937, he praised life under Joseph Stalin. Feuchtwanger also defended the Great Purge and the show trials which were then taking place against both real and imagined Trotskyites and enemies of the state.

Olive—whom Isherwood depicted as Marvey Scriven in The Memorial and as Madame Cheuret in Lions and Shadows—eventually separated from her husband Andre Mangeot and lived in Gunter Grove where she invited Jean Ross and her daughter Sarah to live with her. For many years, Ross and her daughter Sarah lived as Olive's boarders in modest circumstances in Gunter Grove. Much like Ross, Mangeot once had been an apolitical bohemian in her youth and transformed with age into a devout Stalinist who sold The Daily Worker and was an active member of various left- wing circles. According to Isherwood, Mangeot, Ross, and their social circle staunchly refused to consort with Trotskyites or other communist schismatics who had strayed from the Stalinist party line.

NKVD chiefs responsible for conducting mass repressions (left to right): Yakov Agranov; Genrikh Yagoda; unknown; Stanislav Redens. All three were themselves eventually arrested and executed. The third and final trial, in March 1938, known as The Trial of the Twenty-One, is the most famous of the Soviet show trials, because of persons involved and the scope of charges which tied together all loose threads from earlier trials. Meant to be the culmination of previous trials, it included 21 defendants alleged to belong to the so-called "Bloc of Rightists and Trotskyites", led by Nikolai Bukharin, the former chairman of the Communist International, former premier Alexei Rykov, Christian Rakovsky, Nikolai Krestinsky and Genrikh Yagoda, recently disgraced head of the NKVD.

A more likely motive was Stalin's instinct for self- preservation; the Spanish Civil War had aroused a spirit of heroism in support of freedom more in line with Trotskyism, and such ideas might be exported to the Soviet Union. Further proof of this is that Modin stated that Stalin decided to attack the extreme Left, particularly Trotskyites and militants of the POUM before liquidating Franco. Those who had served in Spain were tainted in Stalin's view and were singled out for harshness in the purges and were virtually all eliminated. The defector Orlov, who worked for the NKVD in Spain, confirms that he was told by a Soviet general, whom Orlov did not want to name, that when the general returned to Moscow to seek further instructions, he was told that the Politburo had adopted a new line towards Spain.

As a member of the Military Revolutionary Committee he helped organize the October Revolution, but in February 1918, he was of the leading members of the Left Communist faction, who opposed Lenin's decision to sign the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, to end the war with Germany. During the Russian Civil War Bubnov joined the Red Army and fought on the Ukrainian Front. In 1921-22, he was posted in the North Caucasus. After the war he joined the Moscow Party Committee and became a member of the Left Opposition. Maria Ulyanova at the meeting of the workers and peasants news correspondents 1926 He was not always orthodox: The Party noted that he was with the "left-wing" in 1918, the "Democratic Centralists" in 1920–1, and the Trotskyites in 1923, when he signed their Declaration of 46.

The Moscow Trials were a series of show trials held in the Soviet Union at the instigation of Joseph Stalin between 1936 and 1938 against Trotskyists and members of Right Opposition of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. There were three Moscow Trials, including: # the Case of the Trotskyite-Zinovievite Terrorist Center (Zinoviev-Kamenev Trial, or the "Trial of the Sixteen;" 1936); # the Case of the Anti-Soviet Trotskyist Center (Pyatakov-Radek Trial; 1937); and # the Case of the Anti-Soviet "Bloc of Rights and Trotskyites" (Bukharin-Rykov Trial, or "Trial of the Twenty-One;" 1938). The defendants of these were Old Bolshevik party leaders and top officials of the Soviet secret police. Most defendants were charged under Article 58 of the RSFSR Penal Code with conspiring with the Western powers to assassinate Stalin and other Soviet leaders, dismember the Soviet Union, and restore capitalism.

Russian settlement in Mexico was minimal but well documented in the 19th and the early 20th centuries. A few breakaway sectarians from the Russian Orthodox Church, partial tribes of Spiritual Christian Pryguny arrived in [Los Angeles beginning in 1904 to escape persecution from Tsarist Russia and were diverted to purchase and colonize land in the Guadalupe Valley northeast of Ensenada to establish a few villages in which they maintained their Russian culture for a few decades before they were abandoned; cemeteries bearing Cyrillic letters remain. Dissenters of the official Soviet Communist Party like the Trotskyites such as its leader, Leon Trotsky, found refuge in Mexico in the 1930s, where Trotsky himself was assassinated by Ramon Mercader in 1940. Some Ukrainian Americans, Belarusian Americans, Russian-speaking Jewish Americans, Russian- speaking German Americans, Georgian Americans, Azerbaijani Americans, Armenian Americans, and Rusyn Americans identify as Russian American.

"Report by Viscount Chilston (British ambassador) to Viscount Halifax, No.141, Moscow, 21 March 1938.) and saying that "the confession of the accused is not essential. The confession of the accused is a medieval principle of jurisprudence" in a trial that was solely based on confessions, he finished his last plea with the words: > the monstrousness of my crime is immeasurable especially in the new stage of > struggle of the U.S.S.R. May this trial be the last severe lesson, and may > the great might of the U.S.S.R. become clear to all.Robert Tucker, "Report > of Court Proceedings in the Case of the Anti-Soviet "Block of Rights and > Trotskyites", pp. 667–68. Joseph Stalin, General Secretary of the Communist Party and French author and Nobel laureate Romain Rolland, 1935 The state prosecutor Vyshinsky characterized Bukharin as an "accursed crossbreed of fox and pig" who supposedly committed a "whole nightmare of vile crimes".

It produced two main journals, Accao and Ofensiva, as well as other more sporadic works that were designed to specifically appeal to members of the skinhead movement, which had become an underground fashion in Portugal around 1987. Although it was avowedly a cultural organisation the MAN soon developed close links with the country's white power skinhead movement and became associated with street violence against immigrants.European Monitioring Centre om Racism and Xenophobia report on Portugal The violence culminated in the assassination of a Trotskyite activist for which a number of members were brought to trial in 1992 (although those sympathetic to the group claimed that the death had been as a result of a fight between Trotskyites and MAN supportersInterview with Lusitanoi - a Portuguese band). Whilst this trial was on-going MAN officially disbanded but nonetheless the leaders of the group were brought to trial at the Portuguese Constitutional Court for forming a group that espoused 'Fascist ideology', which had been banned by the Constitution of Portugal.

On 27 May 1942, the Central Committee held a seminar to discuss whether Wang was guilty. On 23 October, under the orders of Mao, Wang was expelled from the Communist Party on the charge that he was one of the "Five Member Anti-Party Gang" of Trotskyites () who were alleged to have sought to take over the Chinese Communist Party, and that he was disrupting party unity. Wang's defence was that he was not involved in any Trotskyist activities, except for helping his friends Wang Wenyuan () and Chen Qingchen () to translate two prose pieces in "Autobiography of Leon Trotsky" (), activities which he had already informed the Party of. Wang's "trial," which took the form of a series of struggle sessions, ended in June 1942 with Wang found guilty and arrested. On 1 July 1947, on the direct orders of Mao which were confirmed by the Social Section of the Communist Party in Shanxi-Suiyuan, Wang was reportedly chopped to pieces and his remains were thrown down a dry well.

Following the trial and execution of Zinoviev, Kamenev, and other leftist Old Bolsheviks in 1936, Bukharin and Rykov were arrested on 27 February 1937 following a plenum of the Central Committee and were charged with conspiring to overthrow the Soviet state. Bukharin was tried in the Trial of the Twenty One on 2–13 March 1938 during the Great Purge, along with ex-premier Alexei Rykov, Christian Rakovsky, Nikolai Krestinsky, Genrikh Yagoda, and 16 other defendants alleged to belong to the so-called "Bloc of Rightists and Trotskyites". In a trial meant to be the culmination of previous show trials, it was alleged that Bukharin and others sought to assassinate Lenin and Stalin from 1918, murder Maxim Gorky by poison, partition the Soviet Union and hand out her territories to Germany, Japan, and Great Britain. Even more than earlier Moscow show trials, Bukharin's trial horrified many previously sympathetic observers as they watched allegations become more absurd than ever and the purge expand to include almost every living Old Bolshevik leader except Stalin.

Formerly from the French Communist Party, Alain Soral considers that this party collapsed after renouncing class struggle and because of the competition - in electoral terms - of the Trotskyites, represented especially by parties such as Workers Struggle and the League of Revolutionary Communists. They, notably Olivier Besancenot, according to him were complicit in the policies of Nicolas Sarkozy: sharing the same policy of "selective immigration" defended by Nicolas Sarkozy and demands for regularization of undocumented migrants from the extreme left, he accused Olivier Besancenot of supplying to Nicolas Sarkozy a "humanist alibi" to its "neoliberal" policy, which would make him a "useful idiot" for the system. Also rejecting a "Federal" Europe, considered to be a "Trojan horse" of liberalism, he advocates a return to national sovereignty in order to implement a policy of "national preference" which would apply to "ethnic" French people and those who have immigrated who have become "integrated" and those born in France of foreign descent. He wants to rally opposition to the Treaty of Rome 2004 which established a Constitution for Europe, and is particularly opposed to the European Budget Pact.