She didn't want to replace the totalitarianisms of her day with another master narrative.
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It really is what I told you at first: how do totalitarianisms fall apart.
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The other thing about totalitarianisms is, the people at the top get the good stuff.
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Secularism and the pseudo-liberal tyranny of political correctness are almost as censoriousness as 20th-century totalitarianisms.
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"These two totalitarianisms, Nazism and communism were the greatest tragedies in the history of mankind," Morawiecki said during televised remarks on Jan. 23.
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Ms. Le Pen was overnight transformed from a compassionate radical into a holy warrior against the two "totalitarianisms" of our time, Islamism and globalization.
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Like most right-wing populists of Europe, Marine Le Pen used the fear of what she called the "twin totalitarianisms" of globalization and Islamism to propel her campaign.
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Many totalitarianisms have used clothing, both forbidden and enforced, to identify and control people — think of yellow stars and Roman purple — and many have ruled behind a religious front.
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She began with an immediate push against what she called the "two totalitarianisms" — "globalization" and "Islamic fundamentalism" — and simultaneously billed her campaign, and this election, as "crossroads" moment with "a choice of civilization" meaning, in this case, French identity.
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The Institute also translates into Polish the most important works on totalitarianisms.
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In particular, along with many in the pre-World War II German Right, he feared people trying to force a world state to come into being in the future, thinking that it would inevitably become a tyranny.On Tyranny, p. 143 Hence he kept his distance from the two totalitarianisms that he denounced in his century, both fascists and communists.
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These were the days of Perestroika, and the handwriting seemed to be on the wall (so to speak) for the Eastern European totalitarianisms. The MIR's programmatic shift entailed some major defections (most notable of which was that of Antonio Araníbar), but at least the party emerged more united and cohesive than it had been. It also had increased its electoral appeal considerably.
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A soft law is an informal rule that incentivizes states or individuals to act in a certain way. For example, a European Parliament resolution on the European conscience and totalitarianism (CDL-AD(2013)004) expresses strong condemnation for all totalitarian and undemocratic regimes and invites EU citizens, that is, citizens of all member states of the European Union, to commemorate victims of the two twentieth century totalitarianisms, Nazism and Communism.
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Denis de Rougemont wrote a 10-page manifesto entitled What Is the Gotthard League? ("Qu'est-ce que la Ligue du Gothard ?") explaining its principles: on one hand active neutrality and on the other hand faithfulness to the fundamental values of Switzerland such as federalism, in order to resist "at all costs" to totalitarianisms. It went on to add that the immediate means of action of the League rested entirely on its members' public expression.
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When political repression is sanctioned and organized by the state, situations of state terrorism, genocide and crimes against humanity can be reached. Systematic and violent political repression is a typical feature of dictatorships, totalitarianisms and similar regimes. In these regimes, acts of political repression can be carried out by the police and secret police, the army, paramilitary groups and death squads. Sometimes regimes considered democratic exercise political repression and state terrorism to other states as part of their security policy.
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However, to become actual this election needs to articulate with a pole of exclusion; thus the need of a new expansion of this universe of non-relation, the universe of totalitarianisms, by definition an endlessly expanding universe whose theoretical limits paradoxically coincide with its own self-destruction. The election/exclusion logics works by means of pairs of contradictory and, therefore, mutually exclusive terms. Their content may be as varied as the different semantic domains invested by the totalitarian machine: chosen/doomed, religion/magic, truth/falseness, literate/illiterate, savage/civilized, subject/object, intellectual/manual, proletarians/capitalists, science/illusion, subjectivity/objectivity, etc. In all these contradictory pairs, one of the poles “means” to occupy the whole field; but at the same time, its own meaning and “existence” depends on the virtually excluded pole.
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Jacek Bartyzel, Nic bez Boga, nic wbrew tradycji, Radzymin 2015, ; see also on Traditionalism and totalitarianisms, Jacek Bartyzel, Tradycjonalizm (hiszpański) wobec faszyzmu, hitleryzmu i totalitaryzmu, [in:] Pro Fide Rege et Lege 1/71 (2013), pp. 13-32 Unique non- partisan works are a general analysis with some sections on post-Civil-War Carlism by Novella (2007),Jorge Novella Suarez, El pensamiento reaccionario español 1812-1975, Madrid 2007, González (2005)Pedro Carlos González Cuevas, El pensamiento político de la derecha española en el siglo XX, Madrid 2005, and his later brief encyclopedical entry (2008).Pedro Carlos González Cuevas, Tradicionalismo, [in:] Javier Fernández Sebastián (ed.), Diccionario político y social del siglo XX español, Madrid 2008, , pp. 1163-1173 A work somewhat broader in scope as focusing on Traditionalism rather than on Carlism is a PhD thesis of Rodríguez Núñez (2014).
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And while the errors indicated are carefully > diagnosed and refuted, complete silence surrounds the much more serious and > fundamental errors associated with Nazi political ideology, corresponding to > the principles most subversive of natural law that are characteristic of > absolute totalitarianisms. The encyclical is in fact concerned purely with > the Catholic Church in Germany and its rights and privileges, on the basis > of the concordatory contracts of 1933. Moreover the form given to it by > Cardinal Faulhaber, even more a super-nationalist than the majority of his > most ardent colleagues, was essentially dictated by tactics and aimed at > avoiding a definite breach with the regime, even to the point of offering in > conclusion a conciliatory olive branch to Hitler if he would restore the > tranquil prosperity of the Catholic Church in Germany. But that was the very > thing to deprive the document of its noble and exemplary intransigence.
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He enrolled in an Italian-language Catholic seminary in Koper, and graduated in 1935. He then went to Gorizia to study theology, leaving in 1938. The 1936 Fascist attack on Slovene choirmaster Lojze Bratuž — who was kidnapped, tortured, and killed on Christmas Eve because his choirs continued singing in Slovene — was later referred to by Pahor as confirming his dedication to anti-Fascism and the Slovene ethnic cause, as well as a lifelong intellectual opposition to all totalitarianisms in the name of Christian humanist and communitarian values. Although no public and private use of Slovene was allowed and the relations between Slovenes living in Fascist Italy and those from the Kingdom of Yugoslavia were forcibly cut off, Pahor nevertheless managed to publish his first short stories in several magazines in Ljubljana (then part of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia) under the pseudonym Jožko Ambrožič, after he began to study standard Slovene during his stay in Capodistria and Gorizia.
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209 Ţoiu sees Georgescu, Titus Popovici and Belu Zilber as advocating "the utopia of liberal socialism" during the 1950s, while Călinescu believes that his fellow critic "despised" Romanian communist leader Gheorghiu-Dej while respecting "the system which [Gheorghiu-Dej] had patronized", before the PCR refused De-Stalinization and accepted nationalism (implicitly marginalizing Georgescu's internationalism). Cosaşu also argues that Georgescu's own image as a "Stalinist" came from his refusal to equate Soviet and Nazi German totalitarianisms, and from his claim that Stalin "has saved all the capitalists" during and after World War II. The distance Georgescu took from the official tenets reflected on his literary choices, a process which ended with his own marginalization. In the 1989 obituary, Nicolae Manolescu noted that Încercări critice "are not the most 'purblind' [writings] of their time", their author being "on the side of valuable literature, as much as there was of that, [and] against underachievements". Literary chronicler and translator Iulia Arsintescu thus believes that, for all problems they raise, Georgescu's earliest critical essays can still be considered "frequentable" (the category, Arsintescu believes, even stretches to include Georgescu's pronouncements on the controversial Socialist Realist Alexandru Toma).
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