Following this division into transitive and intransitive there is a further division in these classes based on stativity. This divides them into active and stative verbs. Active verbs are found to have multiple different inflections, for example, perfective and imperfective, different from stative verbs, which have only one. The four categories are: transitive active, transitive stative, intransitive active, and intransitive stative.
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Roots whose meaning was punctiliar or discrete created perfective-aspect verbs. Stative roots were rare; perhaps the only reconstructible stative root verb was "know". There are numerous unexplained surprises in this system, however. The common root meant "to be", which is an archetypically stative notion.
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The two main verb classes of Desano are stative and non-stative. There are five subcategories of stative verbs. Firstly, there is the copula verb /adi/, which is used to describe either temporary or permanent states. . There is also the non-existential verb /badi/, which is used for negation, stating that something does not exist.
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The verb /peya/ appears dependently. Finally, there are descriptive stative verbs, which have the same function of adjectives. In general, Desano uses descriptive stative verbs rather than a separate class of adjectives .
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In addition, it appears that in PIE itself, stative verbs did not have the optative mood; it was limited to eventive verbs. Early Indo-Iranian texts mostly lack attestations of stative optative forms.
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Crow has postpositional phrases, with the postposition often occurring as a prefix to the following verb. There is no distinct category of adjectives; instead, stative verbs function as noun phrase modifiers. Crow is an active–stative language, with verbs divided into two classes, active (both transitive and intransitive) and stative, largely on semantic grounds. This is also often called a "split intransitive" language.
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Yanomaman languages are SOV, suffixing, predominantly head-marking with elements of dependent-marking. Its typology is highly polysynthetic. Adjectival concepts are expressed by means of stative verbs, there are no true adjectives. Adjectival stative verbs follow their noun.
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Donje Stative is a village in Croatia. It is connected by the D6 highway.
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Piro has an active–stative syntax.Aikhenvald, "Arawak", in Dixon & Aikhenvald, eds., The Amazonian Languages, 1999.
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The morphological verb classes in Crow mirror a semantic distinction: Crow is an active–stative language, meaning that the subject of an active verb is treated differently than the subject of a stative verb. Active verbs and stative verbs are marked with distinct sets of pronomial affixes: the "A-set" for active verbs and the "B-set" for stative verbs. Active verbs may have one, two, or three arguments (making them respectively intransitive, transitive, or ditransitive). An intransitive verb takes a subject (SV), a transitive verb takes a subject and an object (SOV) and a ditransitive verb takes a subject and two objects (SO1O2V).
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In Pingelapese must be a stative verb or an active verb. A stative verb is when the person or object is affected by said verb. An active verb occurs if the action is performed by the subject. There is a specific word order for intransitive sentences too.
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Stative verbs do not constitute a class per se, but rather refer to a state, and their conjugations are very similar to those of indirect verbs. For example, when one says, "the picture is hanging on the wall", the equivalent of "hang" is a stative verb.
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Zeitoun, Elizabeth. 2000. "Dynamic Vs Stative Verbs in Mantauran (Rukai)". Oceanic Linguistics 39 (2) (December): 415–427.
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Kankanaey content roots divide the Kankanaey lexicon into different categories to define their usage and word type. The categories are class roots, property roots, stative roots, perception-stative roots, physical roots, and action roots. Word charts and definitions taken from Allen, Janet's Kankanaey: A Role and Reference Grammar Analysis.
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Otomi has the nominative–accusative alignment, but by one analysis there are traces of an emergent active–stative alignment.
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In some languages, stative and dynamic verbs will use entirely different morphological markers on the verbs themselves. For example, in the Mantauran dialect of Rukai, an indigenous language of Taiwan, the two types of verbs take different prefixes in their finite forms, with dynamic verbs taking o- and stative verbs taking ma-. Thus, the dynamic verb "jump" is o-coroko in the active voice, while the stative verb "love" is ma-ðalamə. This sort of marking is characteristic of other Formosan languages as well.
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Yet, aspect-wise, it was an imperfective root, and thus formed an imperfective root verb , rather than a stative verb.
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For a detailed discussion of the justification for the postulation of an underlying stative copulative verb stem in Zulu, cf.
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When combined with adverbs it yields stative nouns, with nouns it can either signal an intensification of meaning or a slight change in meaning (with no intensification), it turns stative verbs into stative nouns and dynamic verbs into nouns. Semantically, -nga derivations tend to convey the idea of generic, habitual or characteristic actions. A further nominalisation suffix -i exists but is far less productive than -nga. Transitivity of predicates can be altered by the addition of one or more of the following prefixes: pa, par, m and these are extremely productive processes.
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Stative verbs are verbs that do not imply willful control of the action by its subject. They tend to be intransitive and the subject tends to be marked by the absolutive case. One group of stative verbs, called "direct impersonbal verbs" by Haas, use the object prefixes to mark the subject, and another group, "indirect impersonal verbs", use the prefixes that are otherwise used to refer to indirect objects or benefactives. There are a few transitive stative verbs such as the dependent verb "to be tired of something".
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In Pingelapese, a Micronesian language, intransitive verb sentence structure is often used, with no object attached. There must be a stative or active verb to have an intransitive sentence. A stative verb has a person or an object that is directly influenced by a verb. An active verb has the direct action performed by the subject.
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Abui has a small class of adjectives. Adjectives can modify NPs but they can't head a VP. Stative verbs, on the other hand, can both modify NPs and serve as predicates. In order for an adjectival stem to be used predicatively, the addition of the generic verb -i is required. Compare the adjective akan ‘black’, with the stative verb fing 'be eldest', below.
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In reconstructions of the Proto-Indo-European language (PIE), the verb form that has traditionally been called "perfect" in fact signified stative aspect (a current state of being). The name was assigned based on similarity to the Greek or Latin perfect tense, before the stative nature of the form was fully recognized. For details of its formation, see Proto-Indo-European verbs.
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Most dependent verbs have four different root shapes depending on number of subject and object and number of times the action is repeated. Natchez has active- stative alignment. In active verbs the actor is indicated by an agreement prefix, whereas in stative verbs the actor is indicated by the same set of prefixes that indicate direct or indirect objects in active verbs.
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Wolof has two main verb classes: dynamic and stative. Verbs are not inflected, instead pronouns are used to mark person, aspect, tense, and focus.
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20% are literate in their language, 80% literate in Portuguese. Terêna has an active–stative syntax.Aikhenvald, "Arawak", in Dixon & Aikhenvald, eds., The Amazonian Languages, 1999.
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Thus, orthographic "to choose", for example, can represent the stative (whose endings can be left unexpressed), the imperfective forms or even a verbal noun ("a choosing").
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When in combination with the durative (, '-qal'/'-wen') or stative (, '-wen'), it takes the form '-et.' Compare the following examples: nuʔinqalet núʔin–qal–et STEM–SUFF.–SUFF.
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There are several categories of non-inflecting verbs in Mbula: #stative experiential verbs #stative verbs encoding properties #verbs of manner #aspectual verbs All of these non-inflecting verbs function only as predicates in clauses. Thus they cannot function as heads of noun phrases and they cannot function as restrictive modifiers of nouns unless they are relativised or nominalised. Syntactically, they resemble inflected verbs. They are only distinguished from other verbs morphologically.
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A dynamic or fientive verb is a verb that shows continued or progressive action on the part of the subject. This is the opposite of a stative verb.
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Campbell and Grondona (2012) consider the languages to be part of a Chaco linguistic area. Common Chaco areal features include SVO word order and active-stative verb alignment.
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On the other hand, the past-tense verb in "At one time, he understood her" is stative. The only way the difference between stative and inchoative can be expressed in English is through the use of modifiers, as in the above examples ("suddenly" and "at one time"). Likewise, in ancient Greek, a verb that expresses a state (e.g., ebasíleuon "I was king") may use the aorist to express entrance into the state (e.g.
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Amuzgo has been proposed to be an active–stative language.Smith & Tapia 2002 Like many other Otomanguean languages, it distinguishes between first person inclusive plural and first person exclusive plural pronouns.
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According to some linguistics theories, a stative verb is one that describes a state of being, in contrast to a dynamic verb, which describes an action. The difference can be categorized by saying that stative verbs describe situations that are static or unchanging throughout their entire duration, whereas dynamic verbs describe processes that entail change over time. Many languages distinguish between these two types in terms of how they can be used grammatically.Michaelis, Laura A. 2011.
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The morphosyntactic alignment of active languages is also termed active–stative alignment or semantic alignment. The terms agentive case and patientive case used above are sometimes replaced by the terms active and inactive.
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Chinese adjectives () differ from those in English in that they can be used as verbs (for example ; "sky black ") and thus linguists sometimes prefer to use the terms static or stative verb to describe them.
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Shiriana (Xiriâna, Chiriana), or Bahuana (Bahwana), is an unclassified Upper Amazon Arawakan language once spoken by the Shiriana people of Roraima, Brazil. It had an active–stative syntax.Aikhenvald, "Arawak", in Dixon & Aikhenvald, eds., The Amazonian Languages, 1999.
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Fusion is especially prevalent at the boundary between prefixes and the stem. Here certain phonological processes take place which change the shapes of one or both contiguous morphemes. For example: :gędéꞏih :ga-idęꞏ-ih :neuter.agent.prefix-help.out- stative.
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In a relative clause built on an active verb, when the subject of the verb is the head of the relative clause and it is an animate noun phrase, it is marked by ak. Stative verbs may have zero (impersonal), one, or two arguments. In a relative clause, the subject of a stative verb is marked with m or in elevated discourse, dak. There may also be an absence of marking on the head noun where the entire relative clause is marked with the indefinite nonspecific determiner m.
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Cases in Klallam use an active-stative distinction. That is the choice of case depends on whether the actor is in control of the action (active) or not (stative). The suffix -t on a verb indicates control by the actor while a bare root implies the action was not on purpose. For example, in ćáɁkʷ cn ɁaɁ cə nətán "I got washed by my mother", the root is unmarked, but in ćáɁkʷt cn ɁaɁ cə nəŋənaɁ "I washed my child", the -t transitive suffix marks that the agent was in control of the action.
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In Yaqui, adjectives very often act as verbs (in Afro-Asiatic linguistics, they would be called stative verbs). For instance, "vemela" or "new", would most often be used to mean "is new". Adjectives have tenses, the same as verbs.
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' (9) Íbè e-mé- vọ-ọ-la Ogù. : Ibe PREF-make-be.open-SUFF-PRF Ogu : 'Ibe has disgraced Ogu.' A few stative verbs can also be transitivized with the inchoative suffix -wa/we: (10) Àfe isé kò-ro n'ezí.
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Within the indicative mood, there is a present tense habitual aspect form (which can also be used with stative verbs), a past tense habitual aspect form (which also can be used with stative verbs), a near past tense form, a remote past tense form (which can also be used to convey past perspective on an immediately prior situation or event), a future-in-the-past form (which can also be used modally for a conjecture about the past or as a conditional result of a counterfactual premise), and a future tense form (which can also be used for the modality of present conjecture, especially with a lexically stative verb, or of determination/intention). There are also some constructions showing an even greater degree of periphrasis: one for progressive aspect and ones for the modalities of volition ("want to"), necessity/obligation ("have to", "need to"), and ability ("be able to").
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Creole languagesHolm, John, An Introduction to Pidgins and Creoles, Cambridge Univ. Press, 2000: pp. 173-189. typically use the unmarked verb for timeless habitual aspect, or for stative aspect, or for perfective aspect in the past. Invariant pre-verbal markers are often used.
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In addition, active and stative verbal predicates will have the positive future is marked by the preverbal particle ka rao. For example, the phrase Na ma'asu means "I slept". However the similar phrase Na=ka rao ma'asu translates to "I will sleep".
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As mentioned in the noun section above, verbs can be distinguished from nouns by their ability to function as predicators by themselves without a preceding copula là. Additionally, verbs may be categorized into two main subtypes, stative and functive, according to syntactic criteria.
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Bauré is an endangered Arawakan language spoken by only 40 of the thousand Baure people of the Beni Department of northwest of Magdalena, Bolivia. Some Bible portions have been translated into Bauré. Most speakers have been shifting to Spanish. Baure has an active–stative syntax.
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Quantifiers are uninflected forms which always occur in noun phrases following nouns, locative/alienable genitive pronouns, and attributive stative nouns, but before determiners, locative/alienable genitive prepositional phrases, relative clauses and demonstratives. The Mbula counting system is based upon the notions of five and twenty.
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The Ancient Greek perfect developed from the PIE perfect (stative) form; in both cases the stem is typically formed by reduplication. In Greek, however, it took on a true "perfect" meaning, indicating an action with a permanent result.Herbert Weir Smyth. A Greek grammar for colleges.
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The unmarked verb form (as in run, feel) is the infinitive with the particle to omitted. It indicates nonpast tense with no modal implication. In an inherently stative verb such as feel, it can indicate present time (I feel well) or future in dependent clauses (I'll come tomorrow if I feel better). In an inherently non- stative verb such as run, the unmarked form can indicate gnomic or habitual situations (birds fly; I run every day) or scheduled futurity, often with a habitual reading (tomorrow I run the 100 meter race at 5:00; next month I run the 100 meter race every day).
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Tenetehára has a verb-subject- object word order. 2 Verbs are marked with person prefixes that reference the subject of the clause: :u-suka Zezin arapuha :third.person-kill Zezin deer :"Zezin killed a deer." There are three verb classes, corresponding to transitive, intransitive and stative verbs.
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High-toned verb roots are comparatively rare (only about 13% of roots),Hyman & Mtenje (1999b), p. 124. though the proportion rises when verbs with stative and intensive extensions are added. In addition there are a number of verbs, such as 'find' which can be pronounced either way.
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Aside from verb- argument agreement, noun class agreement also occurs for modifying stative verbs, possessed nouns, and certain adjectives. This system of classifying nouns is eroding in the face of contact with Portuguese, with the agreement prefix often being left off of verbs in rapid speech.
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There are four prominent subcategories of non-stative verbs. Firstly, there are active verbs that act as the subject of a clause, started by an active agent . There are transitive, intransitive, and ditransitive variations. The second subcategory is motion verbs, which includes basic motion, directional, and relational.
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Verbs had to be marked with affixes, many of which were inflected as verbs in their own right and so allowed the accumulation of complex strings of suffixes. Adjectives were largely inflected for the same categories as verbs and so are often referred to as stative verbs.
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Apurinã, or Ipurina, is a Southern Maipurean language spoken by the Apurinã people of the Amazon basin. It has an active–stative syntax.Aikhenvald, "Arawak", in Dixon & Aikhenvald, eds., The Amazonian Languages, 1999. Apurinã is a Portuguese word used to describe the Popikariwakori people and their language (Facundes 34, 2000).
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A commonly known verb stem affix is the prefix pa-, added to the beginning of a verb root (and sometimes, other verb stems) in order to convey the meaning of to cause. For example, padala is a verb stem that has the meaning of to send, while dala is its own verb root and verb stem, meaning to bring. Concluding that padala could literally mean to cause to bring. Another commonly known affix is the prefix hi- which is added to verb roots/stems in the stative form so that the verb may take in a direct object, as verbs in the stative form are not able to take a direct object without it.
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Miyaran Yaeyama has been argued to have no marked attributive form, unlike Okinawan and Old Japanese. However, there is evidence that phonological conditioning, namely an epenthetic -r marking between present stative -i and present tense marker -u (in order to avoid subsequent vowel sequences), accounts for non-overt attributive markings.
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Onondaga verbs can be divided into three main classes according to their aspectual properties (discussed below). These are the active verbs, motion verbs, and stative verbs. We must distinguish between tense and aspect. Tense refers to when the event takes place, either in the past, the present or the future.
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Verbs in Kwaio fall into two categories: active verbs, which describe actions, and stative verbs, which describe states. Active verbs can be broken up into two more categories, namely transitive and intransitive verbs. The verbs can generally be distinguished by the relationship with noun phrases that are in the sentence or clause.
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Somerville, MA: Cascadilla Press. Mandarin Chinese has the aspect markers -le 了, -zhe 着, zài- 在, and -guò 过 to mark the perfective, durative stative, durative progressive, and experiential aspects,Li, Charles, and Sandra Thompson (1981). "Aspect". Mandarin Chinese: A Functional Reference Grammar. Los Angeles: University of California Press. pp. 184-237.
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Verbs are the only word class that are obligatory in a Lakota sentence. Verbs can be active, naming an action, or stative, describing a property. (Note that in English, such descriptions are usually made with adjectives.) Verbs are inflected for first-, second- or third person, and for singular, dual or plural grammatical number.
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The word consists of the reflexive/passive prefix ma- (mam- before a vowel), the root ihlapi (pronounced ), which means "to be at a loss as what to do next", the stative suffix -n, an achievement suffix -ata, and the dual suffix -apai, which in composition with the reflexive mam- has a reciprocal sense.
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Some languages do not use predicative adjectives with a linking verb; instead, adjectives can become stative verbs that replace the copula. For example, in Mandarin Chinese It is red is rendered as tā hóng, which translates literally as It red. However, Mandarin retains the copula when it is followed by a predicative nominal.
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In linguistic typology, active–stative alignment (also split intransitive alignment or semantic alignment) is a type of morphosyntactic alignment in which the sole argument ("subject") of an intransitive clause (often symbolized as S) is sometimes marked in the same way as an agent of a transitive verb (that is, like a subject such as "I" or "she" in English) but other times in the same way as a direct object (such as "me" or "her" in English). Languages with active–stative alignment are often called active languages. The case or agreement of the intransitive argument (S) depends on semantic or lexical criteria particular to each language. The criteria tend to be based on the degree of volition, or control over the verbal action exercised by the participant.
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A noun phrase is at minimum a bare noun. This bare noun can then be modified by demonstratives, possessive, and numeral classifiers. It is also possible to attach the stative TAM marker /mii/ after a bare noun and then add an adjective. An example is /uuʃ/ 'banana' turning into /uuʃ mii par/ 'red banana'.
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There are no verbs corresponding to English "to be", so a stative verb must be used or a zero copula strategy: Te tia mmwakuri teuaarei. (mwakuri or even makuri are usual forms) A workman that man. That man is a workman. However, there's a locative copula verb "mena": E mena iaon te taibora te booro.
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Dynamic verbs of the Austronesian language Mayrinax Atayal, spoken in Taiwan, are marked morphologically by specific affixes. Stative verbs in Mayrinax Atayal are marked by the prefixes /ma-/ and /∅-/, whereas the dynamic verbs are marked by the affixes /m-/ and /-um-/, as well as /ma-/ and /∅-/.Huang, L.F. (2000). Verb Classification in Mayrinax Atayal.
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I was cooking). The same can apply to states, if temporary (e.g. the ball was lying on the sidewalk), but some stative verbs do not generally use the progressive aspect at all – see – and in these cases the simple past is used even for a temporary state: ::The dog was in its kennel. ::I felt cold.
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From Spanish, the word Otomi has become entrenched in linguistic and anthropological literature. Among linguists, the suggestion has been made to change the academic designation from Otomi to Hñähñú, the endonym used by the Otomi of the Mezquital Valley, but no common endonym exists for all dialects of the language.Palancar, "Emergence of Active/Stative alignment in Otomi", p. 357.
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Moxo (also known as Mojo, pronounced 'Moho') is any of the Arawakan languages spoken by the Moxo people of Northeastern Bolivia. The two extant languages of the Moxo people, Trinitario and Ignaciano, are as distinct from one another as they are from neighboring Arawakan languages. Extinct Magiana was also distinct. Moxo languages have an active–stative syntax.
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The stative aspect was reduced to relics already in the Balto-Slavic, with very little of it reconstructable. The aorist and indicative past tense merged, creating the Slavic aorist. Baltic lost the aorist, while it survived in Proto-Slavic. Modern Slavic languages have since mostly lost the aorist, but it survives in Bulgarian, Macedonian, Serbo-Croatian and Sorbian.
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Arawak (Arowak/Aruák), also known as Lokono (Lokono Dian, literally 'people's talk' by its speakers), is an Arawakan language spoken by the Lokono (Arawak) people of South America in eastern Venezuela, Guyana, Suriname, and French Guiana. It is the eponymous language of the Arawakan language family. Lokono is an active–stative language.Aikhenvald, "Arawak", in Dixon & Aikhenvald, eds.
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Abui has a semantic alignment driven by the semantic features of the participants. A language with such a 'fluid alignment' is often referred to as an active–stative language. In semantic alignment, instigating, controlling and volitional participants are realized as the A argument in both transitive and intransitive construction. In Abui, they are expressed with NPs and free pronouns.
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Me'en and Kwegu (also spelled Koegu) have sets of ejective consonants. The languages share a system of marking the number of both the possessed and the possessor in possessive pronouns (Unseth 1991). Number of nominals is typically marked on a number of morphemes, with t/k marking singular and plural (Bryan 1959). Adjectives are formed by stative relative clauses.
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If the core arguments of a transitive clause are termed A (agent of a transitive verb) and P (patient of a transitive verb), active–stative languages can be described as languages that align intransitive S as S = P/O∗∗ ("fell me") or S = A ("I fell"), depending on the criteria described above. Active–stative languages contrast with accusative languages such as English that generally align S as S = A, and to ergative languages that generally align S as S = P/O. Care should be taken when reasoning about language structure, specifically, as reasoning on syntactic roles (S=subject/ O=object) is sometimes difficult to separate from reasoning on semantic functions (A=agent/ P=patient). For example, in some languages, "me fell," is regarded as less impersonal and more empathic.
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The verb alignment is active-stative – there are two series of pronominal affixes on verbs, one that indicates subjects of active verbs which report events or happenings, whether they are transitive or intransitive, and another which signals both the object of transitive verbs and also the subject of stative intransitive verbs, verbs which refer to states and not to events or happenings, as the active verbs do. Indicative, negative, and irrealis verbs have distinct morphological markings of their own for personal pronoun subject agreement. There is also distinct morphology signaling verbs of subordinate clauses. Nivaclé distinguishes first person plural inclusive (‘we all’, ‘our [our (all)]’) and exclusive (‘we’ [I/we and other(s), but not including you], ‘ours’ [but not including yours]) in pronouns, in possessive morphology and in verbs.
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Some linguists draw a distinction between static (or stative) passive voice and dynamic (or eventive) passive voice in some languages. Examples include English, German, Swedish, Spanish and Italian. "Static" means that an action was done to the subject at a certain point in time resulting in a state in the time focussed upon, whereas "dynamic" means that an action takes place.
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There is a small closed class of property words, variously analyzed as adjectives or stative verbs. According to the most-common analysis, the Otomi language has two kinds of bound morphemes, proclitics and affixes. Proclitics differ from affixes mainly in their phonological characteristics – they are marked for tone and block nasal harmony. Some authors consider proclitics to be better analyzed as prefixes.
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In either case the predicative complement in effect mirrors the subject. Subject complements are used with a small class of verbs called linking verbs or copulas, of which be is the most common. Since copulas are stative verbs, subject complements are not affected by any action of the verb. Subject complements are typically not clause arguments, nor are they clause adjuncts.
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Biggs 1998: 153 Universal bases are verbs which can be used passively. When used passively, these verbs take a passive form. Biggs gives three examples of universals in their passive form: inumia (drunk), tangihia (wept for), and kīa (said).Biggs 1998: 55 Stative bases serve as bases usable as verbs but not available for passive use, such as ora, alive or tika, correct.
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There is no syntactic distinction between nouns and adjectives in Mbula. Nouns are syntactically distinguished by the following three characteristics: #They may function 'in isolation' (i.e. without any further syntactic modification) as arguments in a predication, a property that distinguishes them from non- inflecting stative verbs. #When functioning as the heads of noun phrases, nouns occur phrase initially with all modifiers following.
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Non-verbal predicates are non-verbal words like adjectives, nouns, positionals, or directionals that act as the main predicate and are semantically stative. These constructions do not inflect for Tense-Aspect, but do inflect for person and number. There is no overt copula in Chuj and copula constructions are expressed through non-verbal predicates. Chuj: a ix Malin kʼaybʼum ix.
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For verbs, certain grammatical aspects express boundedness. Boundedness is characteristic of perfective aspects such as the Ancient Greek aorist and the Spanish preterite. The simple past of English commonly expresses a bounded event ("I found out"), but sometimes expresses, for example, a stative ("I knew"). The perfective aspect often includes a contextual variation similar to an inchoative aspect or verb, and expresses the beginning of a state.
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In English, a verb that expresses a state can also express the entrance into a state. This is called inchoative aspect. The simple past is sometimes inchoative. For example, the present-tense verb in the sentence "He understands his friend" is stative, while the past-tense verb in the sentence "Suddenly he understood what she said" is inchoative, because it means "He understood henceforth".
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While more work needs to be done on this language, the preliminary hypothesis is that (i)sa- encodes the stative imperfective and e- encodes the active imperfective. It is also important to note that reduplication always cooccurs with e-, but it usually does not with (i)sa-. This example below shows these two imperfective aspect markers giving different meanings to similar sentences. Pita ma-to mate=sa-la.
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Ankh wedja seneb () is an Egyptian phrase which often appears after the names of pharaohs, in references to their household, or at the ends of letters. The formula consists of three Egyptian hieroglyphs without clarification of pronunciation, making its exact grammatical form difficult to reconstruct. It may be expressed as "life, prosperity, and health", but Alan Gardiner proposed that they represented verbs in the stative form: "Be alive, strong, and healthy".
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This can be used in combination with nouns to state the nonexistence of a noun. The third subcategory is the stative possessive, /ohpa/. This verb can be used to express “to have” or “to hold”, and can describe both temporary and permanent states . The fourth subcategory is locative and position verbs. This includes the verb /digi/ ‘be standing’, /bede/ or /duo/ ‘to stay’, and /peya/ ‘to be on top of’.
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These structures convey tense, aspect and modality, often in fused forms. 'Verbal nouns' play a crucial role in the verbal system, being used in periphrastic verbal constructions preceded by a preposition where they act as the sense verb, and a stative verb conveys tense, aspect and mood information, in a pattern that is familiar from other Indo-European languages. Verbal nouns are true nouns in morphology and inherent properties, having gender, case and their occurrence in what are prepositional phrases, and in which non-verbal nouns are also found. Verbal nouns carry verbal semantic and syntactic force in such core verbal constructions as a result of their meaning content, as do other nouns found in such constructions, such as tha e na thost "he is quiet, he stays silent", literally "he is in his silence", which mirrors the stative usage found in tha e na shuidhe "he is sitting, he sits", literally "he is in his sitting".
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Navajo has coronal sibilant consonant harmony. Alveolar sibilants in prefixes assimilate to post-alveolar sibilants in stems, and post-alveolar prefixal sibilants assimilate to alveolar stem sibilants. For example, the si- stative perfective is realized as si- or shi- depending upon whether the stem contains a post-alveolar sibilant. For example, while sido ('it is hot' perfective) has the first form, shibeezh ('it is boiled' perfective), the stem-final triggers the change to .
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Proto-Indo- European verbs had present, perfect (stative), imperfect and aorist forms – these can be considered as representing two tenses (present and past) with different aspects. Most languages in the Indo-European family have developed systems either with two morphological tenses (present or "non-past", and past) or with three (present, past and future). The tenses often form part of entangled tense–aspect–mood conjugation systems. Additional tenses, tense–aspect combinations, etc.
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Non-stative verbs typically can optionally be marked for the progressive, habitual, completive, or irrealis aspect. The progressive in English-based Atlantic Creoles often uses de (from English "be"). Jamaican Creole uses a (from English "are") or de for the present progressive and a combination of the past time marker (did , behn , ehn or wehn) and the progressive marker (a or de) for the past progressive (e.g. did a or wehn de).
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Non-stative verbs in unmarked form appearing in dependent clauses can indicate even unscheduled futurity (I'll feel better after I run tomorrow; I'll feel better if I run every day next month). The unmarked verb is negated by preceding it with do/does not (I do not feel well, He does not run every day). Here do has no implication of emphasis, unlike the affirmative (I do feel better, I do run every day).
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Ubykh is agglutinative and polysynthetic: ('we will not be able to go back'), ('if you had said it'). It is often extremely concise in its word forms. The boundaries between nouns and verbs is somewhat blurred. Any noun can be used as the root of a stative verb ( 'child', 'I was a child'), and many verb roots can become nouns simply by the use of noun affixes ( 'to say', 'what I say').
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Verbs which involve involuntary action or states are conjugated with the patient series. There are so many exceptions to this generalization, however, that one has to simply learn for each intransitive verb whether it takes the agent or the patient series. There is an additional rule for the intransitive verbs that take the agent series. When these verbs appear with stative aspect, they use the patient series rather than the agent series.
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Wayana's case system presents "an … unprecedented type of split ergativ[ity]" (Tavares, 2005, pp. 412), where there are two verb types – Set I and t-V-(h)e. The former presents an unclassified mixed system (sometimes analyzed as active-stative, or inverse) while the latter presents ergative case. In both verb sets, the subject of an intransitive sentence (S) is distinguished from subject of a transitive sentence (A) and the object of a transitive sentence (O), as mentioned previously.
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Types of sentences include declarative verbal sentences, stative verbal sentences, and verbless declarative sentences. Questions have no special morphological marking but are indicated with intonation contours. The passage of time can be represented with reduplication and repetition, as in eeleka leeleka leeleka ma la age no'o i mae-na 'He ran away into the forest and [after a long while] they gave the feast for his death', where the verb leka 'go' is reduplicated and repeated.
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Keresan is a split- ergative language in which verbs denoting states (i.e. stative verbs) behave differently from those indexing actions, especially in terms of the person affixes they take. This system of argument marking is based on a split- intransitive pattern, in which subjects are marked differently if they are perceived as actors than from when they are perceived as undergoers of the action being described. The morphology of Keresan is mostly prefixing, although suffixes and reduplication also occur.
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For example, if one tripped and fell, an active–stative language might require them to say the equivalent of "fell me." To say "I fell" would mean that the person had done it on purpose, such as taking a fall in boxing. Another possibility is empathy; for example, if someone's dog were run over by a car, one might say the equivalent of "died her." To say "she died" would imply that the person was not affected emotionally.
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The antipassive voice is very rare in active–stative languages generally and in nominative–accusative languages that have only one-place or no verbal agreement.Nichols, Johanna; Linguistic Diversity in Space and Time; pp. 154-158. There are a very few exceptions to this rule, such as KrongoWALS - Krongo and the Songhay language Koyraboro Senni,WALS - Koyraboro Senni both of which rely on dedicated antipassive markers that are rare in the more typical type of language with an antipassive.
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"I look at the goat." (c) -m(a) for positive imperative: Gosim buug la! "Look at the goat!" (d) -in subjunctive for irrealis : Fu ya'a gosin ... "If you were to look (but you won't) ..." (e) -b(o), -g(o), -r(e) gerund, verbal noun : o gosig la mor dabiem "his (the angel's) appearance was scary" [Judges 13:6 draft] - literally 'his seeing they had fear' Some 10% of verbs, with stative meanings, have only a single form.
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Tariana is a polysynthetic language, with both head-marking and dependent- marking elements. Verbs are differentiated by those that take prefixes: active transitive and intransitive, and those that do not: stative verbs and verbs that describe physical states. Nouns divide into those that can be possessed/prefixed and those that are prefixless. Adjectives in Tariana share a number of features with Nouns and Verbs - the majority of affixes used are the same as those of nouns.
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The transitivity suffix -i, as well as the object suffix, appear on the right of the second verb, provided this is authorized by the morphology of V2 and by the syntactic context. Verb serialization is much rarer in Araki than in many other Oceanic languages. It seems to be productive only when either of the two verbs is a movement verb. Another less seldom pattern, is when the second element is a stative verb or an adjective: V2 indicates the manner of V1.
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For example, :How long have you been working here? — I have been working here for three years However, with stative verbs (such as see, want, like, etc.), or if the situation is considered permanent, the present perfect non-progressive construction is used. For example, :How long have you known her? — I have known her since childhood Thus, if the whole period is referred to, for is used, but when the reference is to the starting point of the action, since is used.
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Madí—also known as Jamamadí after one of its dialects, and also Kapaná or Kanamanti (Canamanti)—is an Arawan language spoken by about 1,000 Jamamadi, Banawá, and Jarawara people scattered over Amazonas, Brazil. The language has an active–stative clause structure with an agent–object–verb or object–agent–verb word order, depending on whether the agent or object is the topic of discussion (AOV appears to be the default).Dixon, "Arawá", in Dixon & Aikhenvald, eds., The Amazonian Languages, 1999.
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The third aspect is the stative (STAT) (also known as imperfective) refers to an event that is ongoing or incomplete or, if it occurs in the past tense, that has some bearing on the present. Finally, there is the purposive aspect (PURP), which refers to imminent action and usually implies intent or volition on the part of the subject. Active verbs can appear with any of the first three aspects. Motion verbs can appear with any of all four aspects.
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This often contrasts with the simple present, which expresses repeated or habitual action (We cook dinner every day). However, sometimes the present continuous is used with always, generally to express annoyance about a habitual action: ::You are always making a mess in the study. Certain stative verbs do not use the progressive aspect, so the present simple is used instead in those cases (see above). The present progressive can be used to refer to a planned future event: ::We are tidying the attic tomorrow.
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According to Castro Alves (2010), a split-S alignment can be safely reconstructed for Proto-Northern Jê finite clauses. Clauses headed by a non-finite verb, on the contrary, would have been aligned ergatively in this reconstructed language. The reconstructed Pre-Proto-Indo-European language, not to be confused with the Proto-Indo-European language, its direct descendant, shows many features known to correlate with active alignment like the animate vs. inanimate distinction, related to the distinction between active and inactive or stative verb arguments.
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Another entire class of Muscogee verbs is the stative verbs, which express no action, imply no duration, and provide only description of a static condition. In some languages, such as English, they are expressed as adjectives. In Muscogee, the verbs behave like adjectives but are classed and treated as verbs. However, they are not altered for the person of the subject by an affix, as above; instead, the prefix changes: enokkē = to be sick; enokkēs = he / she is sick; cvnokkēs = I'm sick; cenokkēs = you are sick.
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Nouns are generally preceded by any modifiers (adjectives, possessives and relative clauses), and verbs also generally follow any modifiers (adverbs, auxiliary verbs and prepositional phrases). The predicate can be an intransitive verb, a transitive verb followed by a direct object, a copula (linking verb) shì () followed by a noun phrase, etc. In predicative use, Chinese adjectives function as stative verbs, forming complete predicates in their own right without a copula. For example, Another example is the common greeting nǐ hăo (你好), literally "you good".
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A predicative verb is a verb that behaves as a grammatical adjective; that is, it predicates (qualifies or informs about the properties of its argument). It is a special kind of stative verb. Many languages do not use the present forms of the verb "to be" to separate an adjective from its noun: instead, these forms of the verb "to be" are understood as part of the adjective. Egyptian uses this structure: "my mouth is red" is written as "red my mouth" (/dSr=f r=i/).
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"Simple" forms of verbs are those appearing in constructions not marked for either progressive or perfect aspect (I go, I don't go, I went, I will go, etc., but not I'm going or I have gone). Simple constructions normally denote a single action (perfective aspect), as in Brutus killed Caesar, a repeated action (habitual aspect), as in I go to school, or a relatively permanent state, as in We live in Dallas. They may also denote a temporary state (imperfective aspect), in the case of stative verbs that do not use progressive forms (see below).
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N.B. The characters used are simplified ones, and the transcriptions given in italics reflect Standard Chinese pronunciation, using the pinyin system. In Chinese, both states and qualities are, in general, expressed with stative verbs (SV) with no need for a copula, e.g., in Chinese, "to be tired" (累 lèi), "to be hungry" (饿 è), "to be located at" (在 zài), "to be stupid" (笨 bèn) and so forth. A sentence can consist simply of a pronoun and such a verb: for example, 我饿 wǒ è ("I am hungry").
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In Venetian (Vèneto) the difference between dynamic (true) passive and stative (adjectival) passive is more clear cut, using èser (to be) only for the static passives and vegner (to become, to come) only for the dynamic passive: :Ła porta ła vien verta. "The door is opened", dynamic :Ła porta ła xè / l'è verta. "The door is open", static Static forms represents much more a property or general condition, whereas the dynamic form is a real passive action entailing "by someone": :èser proteto. "To be protected = to be in a safe condition", static :vegner proteto.
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Main verbs can take on three types of voices (Zeitoun 2005:284). #Patient voice: -a #Locative voice: -i #Instrumental/benefactive voice: -(n)eni Tsou verbs can be divided into five major classes (I, II, III-1, III-2, IV, V-1, V-2) based on morphological alternations (Zeitoun 2005:285). Tsou verbs do not have as many morphological distinctions as other Formosan languages do, since the Tsou language makes more extensive use of auxiliary verbs. For instance, there are no temporal/aspectual distinctions, separate markings for imperatives, and stative/dynamic distinctions.
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Words can be formed by prefixation, suffixation, or compounding. Word classes include nouns, defined by the ability to appear with a numeral classifier; verbs, defined by the ability to appear with negation and the person and tense marking; postpositions, which are enclitic to NPs, numerals, and classifiers. Adjectives are a subset of stative verbs for which reduplication means intensification or adverbialization rather than the perfective aspect (reduplication with nouns has a distributive meaning, ‘every’). Adjectives can be used as predicates or can appear nominalized in a copula clause.
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In Proto-Indo-European, the aorist appears to have originated as a series of verb forms expressing manner of action. Michael Meier-Brügger, Matthias Fritz, Manfred Mayrhofer, Indo-European Linguistics, Walter de Gruyter, 2003, , pp. 173–176. Proto-Indo-European had a three-way aspectual opposition, traditionally called "present", "aorist", and "perfect", which are thought to have been, respectively, imperfective, perfective, and stative (resultant state) aspects. By the time of Classical Greek, this system was maintained largely in independent instances of the non-indicative moods and in the nonfinite forms.
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'), and also when it is used with estar to form a "passive of result", or stative passive (as in La carta ya está escrita 'The letter is already written.'). The pronouns yo, tú, vos,The pronoun vos and its verb forms are used in large areas of Central and South America for the second-person singular in the "familiar" or informal register, generally replacing (but in some areas coexisting with) tú. In Argentina, Uruguay and Paraguay it is used in the formal register (but the familiar or T form of address). See Voseo.
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In Chinese, for example, progressive aspect denotes a current action, as in "he is getting dressed", while continuous aspect denotes a current state, as in "he is wearing fine clothes". As with other grammatical categories, the precise semantics of the aspects vary from language to language, and from grammarian to grammarian. For example, some grammars of Turkish count the -iyor form as a present tense;G.L. Lewis, Turkish Grammar some as a progressive tense;Robert Underhill, Turkish Grammar and some as both a continuous (nonhabitual imperfective) and a progressive (continuous non- stative) aspect.
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The school finally opened under the name of Hsuan Chuang College of Humanities and Social Science (玄奘人文社會學院, Xuanzang Renwen Shehui Xueyuan). However, the name Hsuan Chuang University was in use well before government approval of its university status. As spelled on all school signage, "Hsuan Chuang" follows the Wade- Giles phonetic standard that would equate to Pinyin Xuán Zhuǎng (but not zàng). The character in question, 奘, has two pronunciations, one associated with its "bound" form, and the other with its unbound and stative-verb form; they have slightly different ranges of denotations.
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In Siouan languages like Lakota, in principle almost all words—according to their structure—are verbs. So not only (transitive, intransitive and so-called "stative") verbs but even nouns often behave like verbs and do not need to have copulas. For example, the word wičháša refers to a man, and the verb "to-be-a-man" is expressed as wimáčhaša/winíčhaša/wičháša (I am/you are/he is a man). Yet there also is a copula héčha (to be a ...) that in most cases is used: wičháša hemáčha/heníčha/héčha (I am/you are/he is a man).
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Northwest Caucasian languages have rather simple noun systems, with only a handful of cases at the most, coupled with highly agglutinative verbal systems that can contain almost the entire syntactic structure of the sentence. All finite verbs are marked for agreement with three arguments: absolutive, ergative, and indirect object,Nichols, Johanna (1986) and there are also a wide range of applicative constructions. There is a split between "dynamic" and "stative" verbs, with dynamic verbs having an especially complex morphology. A verb's morphemes indicate the subject's and object's person, place, time, manner of action, negative, and other types of grammatical categories.
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Proto-Indo-European verbs had a complex system, with verbs categorized according to their aspect: stative, imperfective, or perfective. The system used multiple grammatical moods and voices, with verbs being conjugated according to person, number and tense. The system of adding affixes to the base form of a verb (its root) allowed modifications that could form nouns, verbs or adjectives. The verbal system is clearly represented in Ancient Greek and Vedic Sanskrit, which closely correspond, in nearly all aspects of their verbal systems, and are two of the most well-understood of the early daughter languages of Proto-Indo-European.
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Not surprisingly, some of these formations have become part of the inflectional system in particular daughter languages. Probably the most common example is the future tense, which exists in many daughter languages but in forms that are not cognate, and tend to reflect either the PIE subjunctive or a PIE desiderative formation. Secondary verbs were always imperfective, and had no corresponding perfective or stative verbs, nor was it possible (at least within PIE) to derive such verbs from them. This was a basic constraint in the verbal system that prohibited applying a derived form to an already-derived form.
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In Proto-Germanic, this process seemed to have been largely completed, with only a few relic formations such as j-presents and n-infix presents remaining as "irregular" verbs. However, a clear distinction was still maintained between primary and secondary verbs, since the lack of multiple aspect stems in the latter eventually led to the creation of the weak verbs, with most of the original primary verbs becoming strong verbs. A small minority of statives retained their perfect/stative inflection, becoming the preterite-present verbs. # Gradual reduction in the number of conjugational classes, as well as the number of productive classes.
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Abui syntax is characterized by strict constituent order. In an NP, the modifiers follow the head noun with the exception of deictic demonstratives and possessors. The NP template is given in below: NP template: DEMs/NMCs (POSS-) N N/ADJ/V/QUANT ba + NMC DEMa The deictic demonstrative indicates the spatial location of the referent and together with the possessor marking precede the head (N). Adjectives (A), stative verbs (V) and quantifiers (QUANT) follow the head. The final constituent of an NP is usually an anaphoric demonstrative (DEMa) that indicates the ‘discourse location’ of the referent.
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One of its primary names before it was named Akateko was Ti Western Qʼanjobʼal, but it has also been called Conob and various names including Qʼanjobʼal and the municipality where it is spoken. An interesting aspect of Akateko grammar, which is also present in most other Qʼanjobalan languages, is the use of directional morphemes, which appear as enclitics. These morphemes make it possible for the speaker to talk about movement and direction in space without pointing or using other gestures. Consider the stative verb to be, which can appear as existing inwards, existing towards there, away from the speaker and listener and existing from the inside out, using different enclitics.
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Other aspects in ASL include the following: stative, inchoative ("to begin to..."), predispositional ("to tend to..."), susceptative ("to... easily"), frequentative ("to... often"), protractive ("to... continuously"), incessant ("to... incessantly"), durative ("to... for a long time"), iterative ("to... over and over again"), intensive ("to... very much"), resultative ("to... completely"), approximative ("to... somewhat"), semblitive ("to appear to..."), increasing ("to... more and more"). Some aspects combine with others to create yet finer distinctions. Aspect is unusual in ASL in that transitive verbs derived for aspect lose their grammatical transitivity. They remain semantically transitive, typically assuming an object made prominent using a topic marker or mentioned in a previous sentence.
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The active voice (where the verb's subject is understood to denote the doer, or agent, of the denoted action) is the unmarked voice in English. To form the passive voice (where the subject denotes the undergoer, or patient, of the action), a periphrastic construction is used. In the canonical form of the passive, a form of the auxiliary verb be (or sometimes get) is used, together with the past participle of the lexical verb. Passive voice can be expressed in combination together with tenses, aspects and moods, by means of appropriate marking of the auxiliary (which for this purpose is not a stative verb, i.e.
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The past progressive or past continuous construction combines progressive aspect with past tense, and is formed using the past tense of be (was or were) with the present participle of the main verb. It indicates an action that was ongoing at the past time being considered: ::At three o'clock yesterday, I was working in the garden. For stative verbs that do not use the progressive aspect, the simple past is used instead (At three o'clock yesterday we were in the garden). The past progressive is often used to denote an action that was interrupted by an event,Differentiating between Simple Past and Past Progressive. eWriting.
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Many students of Chinese have noted "word families", groups of words with related meanings and variant pronunciations, sometimes written using the same character. One common case is "derivation by tone change", in which words in the departing tone appear to be derived from words in other tones. Another alternation involves transitive verbs with an unvoiced initial and passive or stative verbs with a voiced initial, though scholars are divided on which form is basic. In the earliest period, Chinese was spoken in the valley of the Yellow River, surrounded by neighbouring languages, some of whose relatives, particularly Austroasiatic and the Tai–Kadai and Miao–Yao languages, are still spoken today.
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When it follows an absolutive –dative pronoun sequence, it indicates that one indirectly affected is associated with the absolutive, perhaps as the whole in a part-whole relationship, or the owner. Verbs stems may be simplex or compound, the second member indicating direction, including motion out of, from open to cover especially from water to shore or inland, from cover to open, especially toward water, into, down or up. Suffixes include repetitive, causatives, an involuntary passive, completive, stative, purposive, future, usitative, successful completive and so on. Nouns contain an initial prefix, pronominal prefix, positive prefix, inner normalizer, root, a qualifying suffix, plural, and final suffix.
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The simple present usually refers to a habitual action (I go every day), a general rule (water runs downhill), a future action in some subordinate clauses (if I go) or the historical present (President signs bill). In other Germanic languages a progressive aspect of a dynamic verb is often not marked; for example, English 'I am going home' in German is simply Ich gehe nach Hause, using the present indicative. A dynamic verb expresses a wide range of actions that may be physical (to run), mental (to ponder), or perceptual (to see), as opposed to a stative verb, which purely expresses a state in which there is no obvious action (to stand, believe, suppose etc.).
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Many languages show mixed accusative and ergative behaviour (for example: ergative morphology marking the verb arguments, on top of an accusative syntax). Other languages (called "active languages") have two types of intransitive verbs--some of them ("active verbs") join the subject in the same case as the agent of a transitive verb, and the rest ("stative verbs") join the subject in the same case as the patient. Yet other languages behave ergatively only in some contexts (this "split ergativity" is often based on the grammatical person of the arguments or on the tense/aspect of the verb). For example, only some verbs in Georgian behave this way, and, as a rule, only while using the perfective (aorist).
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Aspect is as basic to the Neo-Mandaic verbal system as tense; the inflected forms derived from the participle are imperfective, and as such indicate habitual actions, progressive or inchoative actions, and actions in the future from a past or present perspective. The perfective forms are not only preterite but also resultative-stative, which is most apparent from the verbs relating to a change of state, e.g. mextat eštɔ ‘she is dead now,’ using the perfective of meṯ ~ moṯ (mɔyeṯ) ‘to die.’ The indicative is used to make assertions or declarations about situations which the speaker holds to have happened (or, conversely, have not happened), or positions which he maintains to be true.
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The future progressive or future continuous combines progressive aspect with future time reference; it is formed with the auxiliary will (or shall in the first person; see shall and will), the bare infinitive be, and the present participle of the main verb. It is used mainly to indicate that an event will be in progress at a particular point in the future: ::This time tomorrow I will be taking my driving test. ::I imagine we will already be eating when you arrive. The usual restrictions apply, on the use both of the future and of the progressive: simple rather than progressive aspect is used with some stative verbs (see ), and present rather than future constructions are used in many dependent clauses (see and below).
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An early debate in Esperanto syntax was whether phrases such as "he was born" should use the present participle -at- (naskata for "born"), preferred by native speakers of Germanic and Slavic languages, or the past participle -it- (naskita), preferred by native speakers of Romance languages. The debate partially centered on whether the essential difference between the suffixes was one of tense or aspect, but primarily followed the conventions of speakers' native languages. Eventually a work-around using the inchoative suffix -iĝ- as a mediopassive became common as a way to avoid the debate entirely. More recently, stative verbs have been increasingly used instead of copula-plus-adjective phrasing, following some poetic usage, so that one now frequently hears li sanas for li estas sana "he is well".
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A usage that is archaic in most current English dialects is the singular second-person pronoun thou (accusative thee). A special case is the word you: originally, ye was its nominative form and you the accusative, but over time, you has come to be used for the nominative as well. The term "nominative case" is most properly used in the discussion of nominative–accusative languages, such as Latin, Greek and most modern Western European languages. In active–stative languages, there is a case, sometimes called nominative, that is the most marked case and is used for the subject of a transitive verb or a voluntary subject of an intransitive verb but not for an involuntary subject of an intransitive verb.
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Natchez was the ancestral language of the Natchez people who historically inhabited Mississippi and Louisiana, and who now mostly live among the Creek and Cherokee peoples in Oklahoma. The language is considered to be either unrelated to other indigenous languages of the Americas or distantly related to the Muskogean languages. The phonology of Natchez is atypical in having voicing distinction in its sonorants but not in its obstruents; it also has a wide range of morphophonemic processes. Morphologically, it has complex verbal inflection and a relatively simple nominal inflection (the ergative case marks nouns in transitive clauses), and its syntax is characterized by active- stative alignment and subject-object-verb word order (or more accurately Agent-Object-Verb and Subject-Verb).
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Proposed explanations usually revolve around the subtleties of spatial grammar, information structure (focusRubio 2007 and references therein), verb valency, and, most recently, voice.Zólyomi 1993; Also Woods, Cristopher, 2008: The Grammar of Perspective: The Sumerian Conjugation Prefixes as a System of Voice Mu-, im- and am3\- have been described as ventive morphemes, while ba- and bi2\- are sometimes analyzed as actually belonging to the pronominal- dimensional group (inanimate pronominal /-b-/ + dative /-a-/ or directive /-i-/).E.g. Zólyomi 1993 Im-ma-, im-mi-, am3-ma- and am3-mi- are then considered by some as a combination of the ventive and /ba-/, /bi-/ or otherwise a variety of the ventive.Rubio 2007 I3\- has been argued to be a mere prothetic vowel, al- a stative prefix, ba- a middle voice prefix, etcetera.
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Most verbal roots in Chichewa are toneless, as the following: : 'help' : 'go' Monosyllabic verbs are always toneless: : 'eat' : 'die' A few verbal roots, however, have a lexical tone, which is heard on the final vowel of the verb: : 'run' : 'thank' The tones are not inherited from proto-Bantu, and do not correspond to the high-low distinction of verbal roots in other Bantu languages, but appear to be an independent development in Chichewa.Hyman & Mtenje (1999b), p. 122f. Often a verb has a tone not because the root itself has one but because a stative or intensive extension is added to it: : 'know' : 'be known' : 'want' : 'want very much' If a high-toned extension is added to a verb which already has a high tone, only one tone is heard, on the final.
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This is similar to words such as "bed" in English and "letto" in Italian when used in prepositional phrases such as "in bed" and "a letto" "in bed", where "bed" and "letto" express a stative meaning. The verbal noun covers many of the same notions as infinitives, gerunds and present participles in other Indo-European languages. Traditional grammars use the terms 'past', 'future tense', 'conditional', 'imperative' and 'subjunctive' in describing the five core Scottish Gaelic verb forms; however, modern scholarly linguistic texts reject such terms borrowed from traditional grammar descriptions based on the concepts of Latin grammar. In a general sense, the verb system is similar to that found in Irish, the major difference being the loss of the simple present, this being replaced by the periphrastic forms noted above.
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This clearly suggests that the tense/aspect categories originated as separate lexical verbs, part of a system of derivational morphology (compare the related verbs "to rise" and "to raise", or the abstract nouns "produce", "product", "production" derived from the verb "to produce"), and only gradually became integrated into a coherent system of inflectional morphology, which was still incomplete at the time of the proto- language. There were a variety of means by which new verbs could be derived from existing verbal roots, as well as from fully formed nominals. Most of these involved adding a suffix to the root (or stem), but there were a few more peculiar formations. One formation that was relatively productive for forming imperfective verbs, but especially stative verbs, was reduplication, in which the initial consonants of the root were duplicated.
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Unlike Rabbinic Jews, Karaites do not practice the ritual of lighting Shabbat candles. They have a differing interpretation of the Torah verse, "You shall not [burn] (Hebrew: bi‘er the pi‘el form of ba‘ar) a fire in any of your dwellings on the day of Shabbat." In Rabbinic Judaism, the qal verb form ba‘ar is understood to mean "burn", whereas the pi‘el form (present here) is understood to be, not intensive as usual but causative, the rule being that the pi‘el of a stative verb will be causative, instead of the usual hif‘il. Hence bi‘er means "kindle", which is why Rabbinic Judaism prohibits starting a fire on Shabbat. The vast majority of Karaite Jews hold that, throughout the Tanakh, ba‘ar explicitly means "to burn", while the Hebrew word meaning "to ignite" or "to kindle" is hidliq.
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Nouns are split into three declensions influenced by animacy: the first declension, which contains non-humans, has plural marking only in the absolutive case; the second one, which contains personal names and certain words for mainly older relatives, has obligatory plural marking in all forms; the third one, which contains other humans than those in the second declension, has optional plural marking. These nominal cases are used to identify the number of nouns, as well as their purpose and function in a sentence. Verbs distinguish three persons, two numbers, three moods (declarative, imperative and conditional), two voices (active and antipassive) and six tenses: present I (progressive), present II (stative), past I (aorist), past II (perfect), future I (perfective future), future II (imperfective future). Past II is formed with a construction meaning possession (literally "to be with"), similar to the use of "have" in the perfect in English and other Western European languages.
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Japanese does not employ relative pronouns to relate relative clauses to their antecedents. Instead, the relative clause directly modifies the noun phrase as an attributive verb, occupying the same syntactic space as an attributive adjective (before the noun phrase). :この おいしい 天ぷら :kono oishii tempura :"this delicious tempura" :姉が 作った 天ぷら :ane-ga tsukutta tempura :sister-SUBJ make-PAST tempura :"the tempura [that] my sister made" :天ぷらを 食べた 人 :tempura-o tabeta hito :tempura-OBJ eat- PAST person :"the person who ate the tempura" In fact, since so-called i-adjectives in Japanese are technically intransitive stative verbs, it can be argued that the structure of the first example (with an adjective) is the same as the others. A number of "adjectival" meanings, in Japanese, are customarily shown with relative clauses consisting solely of a verb or a verb complex: :光っている ビル :hikatte-iru biru :lit-be building :"an illuminated building" :濡れている 犬 :nurete-iru inu :get_wet-be dog :"a wet dog" Often confusing to speakers of languages which use relative pronouns are relative clauses which would in their own languages require a preposition with the pronoun to indicate the semantic relationship among the constituent parts of the phrase.
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