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167 Sentences With "shop stewards"

How to use shop stewards in a sentence? Find typical usage patterns (collocations)/phrases/context for "shop stewards" and check conjugation/comparative form for "shop stewards". Mastering all the usages of "shop stewards" from sentence examples published by news publications.

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But music directing too had its infuriating sides: politicking and socialising, ladies' committees, truculent boards, shop stewards.
A union representing the workers said it also wanted trained shop stewards to monitor stores across Britain.
AMS faces fresh opposition to its 0.13 billion euro ($5 billion) takeover bid from Osram's powerful shop stewards.
At the Nissan factory, stickers plastered all over the machinery encourage workers to vote for "strong shop stewards to confront the bosses".
" Speaking to a meeting of Teamsters union shop stewards in 1967, King said, "Negroes are not the only poor in the nation.
The future of Opel's Eisenach factory in Germany hung in the balance on Monday after shop stewards rejected wage concessions demanded by Opel owner PSA Group.
Shop stewards earlier this week rejected wage concessions demanded by PSA in exchange for a commitment to invest in a production line for a new model there.
One bill, would force local governments to give time off to union shop stewards, though the unions would have to reimburse government agencies for the time off.
He and two other former shop stewards said they observed and documented a pattern of black drivers being punished for transgressions that white drivers got away with.
But shop stewards met their match in Mr. Edwardes, who cut British Leyland's work force by nearly 50 percent over five years by closing 21951 of 21958 facilities.
FRANKFURT (Reuters) - The future of Opel's Eisenach factory in Germany hung in the balance on Monday after shop stewards rejected wage concessions demanded by Opel owner PSA Group (PEUP.
"We have ensured that shop stewards have been appropriately trained and have a good understanding of our business and the challenging environment in which we operate," Implats spokeswoman Alice Lourens said.
"Shop stewards from all of BMW's UK plants are clear that further strike action is almost certain unless the company puts forward a new offer that better addresses members' concerns," he said.
It will start talks with German shop stewards over a follow-on deal to an existing agreement on job security in Ludwigshafen that will run out at the end of next year.
Audi aims to reduce the number of engine types by one third and it is also in talks with shop stewards about stopping the night shift at its Ingolstadt factory, Schot was quoted as saying by Handelsblatt.
The future of Opel's Eisenach factory in Germany hung in the balance on Monday after shop stewards rejected wage concessions demanded by PSA in exchange for a commitment to invest in a production line for a new model there.
"Shop stewards are hard pressed in the competition, and they say, 'If we don't use them then the other companies will win the contracts," said Peter Vellesen, head of Oslo Bygningsarbeiderforening, a union that represents bricklayers, construction workers and painters.
National Shop Stewards Network (NSSN) is a network of shop stewards launched in Britain in 2007.
Shop stewards are representatives of labour unions. Unlike other union representatives, stewards work on the shop floor, connecting workers with union officials at regional or national levels. The role of shop stewards may vary from being a mere representative of a larger national union towards independent structures with the power of collective bargaining on the workplace. Both in Germany and Britain shop stewards were crucial in antiwar protests during the First World War.
In Germany a network of shop stewards called Revolutionary Stewards took an important role in the revolutionary events of November 9 in Berlin.Ralf Hoffrogge, Working-Class Politics in the German Revolution. Richard Müller, the Revolutionary Shop Stewards and the Origins of the Council Movement, Brill Publications 2014, ., pp. 21-31.
In workplace politics, Solidarity took a strong line in defence of shop stewards against trade union bureaucrats (and subsequently argued that too many shop stewards had been co-opted by official trade unionism). The group did not put forward candidates for election to union posts (though many Solidarity members became shop stewards and some became officials). It nevertheless played a significant role in several industrial disputes in the 1960s and 1970s by offering its services to those involved. But it was always also otherwise engaged.
The Shop Stewards Movement was a movement which brought together shop stewards from across the United Kingdom during the First World War. It originated with the Clyde Workers Committee, the first shop stewards committee in Britain, which organised against the imprisonment of three of their members in 1915. Most of them were members of the Amalgamated Society of Engineers (ASE). In November 1916 the Sheffield Workers Committee was formed when members of the ASE there went on strike against the conscription of a local engineer.
Bader, pp. 172-174; Williams, p. 122. On September 30 pro-communist Conference of Shop Stewards, attended by 2,417 workers' representatives,Williams, p. 123.
The government brought the strike to an end by exempting craft union members such as ASE engineers from military service. However when this policy was reversed in May 1917, this met by a strike involving 200,000 workers in 48 towns. The Shop Stewards Movement arose from organising this strike. In 1917, a National Administrative Committee was established for what was named the Shop Stewards' and Workers' Committees.
Official Publication of Manufacturing, Wholesale and Retail Unions, American Federation of Labor. Barasch, G. & Allied Trades Council (no date). Shop Stewards Guide. Brooklyn, NY: The Caslon Press, Inc.
During World War I, Lismer was elected as the president of the Engineering Trades Amalgamation Committee, which sought to bring together shop stewards from across the engineering trades. This body was later renamed as the Sheffield Shop Stewards' and Workers' Committee, and he worked closely with J. T. Murphy to establish the movement on a national basis, linking up with the Clyde Workers' Committee and other local organisations to form the Shop Stewards' and Workers' Committees. In 1917, the Sheffield committee organised a major strike, in protest at the conscription of workers who had volunteered for munitions work in the factories. The strike spread nationwide, and led to meetings of 20,000 workers in Sheffield alone.
The revolution had begun.” By this stage Appel was involved with Hamburg Far-left politics participating in the Spartacus League and then the Communist Party of Germany (KPD) alongside Fritz Wolffheim and Heinrich Laufenberg. He was elected chairperson of the newly formed Revolutionary Shop Stewards (Revolutionäre Obleute). In January 1919, following the murder of Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht the Revolutionary Shop Stewards gathered outside the Trade union Central Headquarters in Hamburg.
Despite its traditional Labour and trade union sympathies, it supported the Colt shop stewards against the union leadership."'Work for Britain' Men Defy AEU Ban", Daily Mirror, 4 January 1968, p.
In August 1917, Peet was an organiser of a national conference of shop stewards' organisations. This formed the permanent Shop Stewards' and Workers' Committees, of which Peet served as secretary, alongside MacManus as chair, and J. T. Murphy as assistant secretary. Two months later, it merged with a movement for the amalgamation of engineering unions, which had been founded in 1915 but had achieved little during the war. The organisation supported the October Revolution, and Peet became its representative to the Hands Off Russia movement.
The Stewards supported the USPD's outright opposition to the war.Ralf Hoffrogge, Working-Class Politics in the German Revolution. Richard Müller, the Revolutionary Shop Stewards and the Origins of the Council Movement, Brill Publications 2014, ., pp. 21-31.
The Port of London Authority attempted to dismiss trade union officials. In July 1989 they wished to reduce workers at Tilbury. Dockworkers were dismissed and 17 were shop stewards. They claimed the dismissals were actually motivated by their being union officials.
The LRA makes provision for granting of five types of organisational rights. Other organisational rights may also be granted which are not referred to in the LRA; these must be obtained through negotiation and agreement. The five types of organisational rights made provision for in the LRA are listed and discussed below: # the right of access to the premises of the employer; # the right to have trade-union membership fees deducted by way of a stop order; # the right to elect shop stewards; # the right of shop stewards to get time off for trade-union activities; and # the right to disclosure of information.
In April 2008, Walsh claimed "that Chairmen of some of the tribunals used their position in order to act more or less as shop stewards for the wealthy legal profession". He later withdrew the comment, acknowledging that he may have caused offence.
The Pentonville Five were five shop stewards jailed in July 1972 by the National Industrial Relations Court for refusing to obey a court order to stop picketing a container depot in East London. Their arrest and imprisonment led to the Trades Union Congress (TUC) calling a general strike.
The Vienna Party School was founded in 1924. From 1927 to 1934 it was headed by Franz Rauscher, before it was suppressed by the Austrofascists and Rauscher jailed. The school was divided into a lower school and middle school. The lower school ran training courses for shop stewards.
In July 2001, the company signed an agreement to support the campaign for worker rights, and shop stewards stated that positive changes were occurring. Additionally, in December 2001, the company started a tree-planting campaign in its neighborhood as part of a pledge to promote sustainable land use and environmental protection.
Picketing continued despite the injunction. Five shop stewards were named by private investigators for the cold storage company – Conny Clancy, Tony Merrick, Bernie Steer, Vic Turner and Derek Watkins. Warrants were issued by the court for their arrest for contempt of court, and they were imprisoned on 21 July 1972.
Anti Common Market League - Autumn 2001 Ian Stuart was the candidate for the Liberal Party. A cargo-handler by profession and the chairman of the Joint Shop Stewards Liaison Committee, he was educated at Lewes Old Grammar School.The Times Guide to the House of Commons February 1974, Times Newspapers Ltd., 1974, p.
It marked a turn to more of a focus on work in the trade unions, and a key part of this process was the pamphlet published in 1966: Incomes policy, legislation and shop stewards, which opposed the Labour Party's incomes policy and discussed how it could be fought.Tony Cliff & Colin Barker, Incomes policy, legislation and shop stewards, London 1966. In 1968, the group adopted Leninist democratic centralism as an organisational practice, returning to Cliff's original position after leaving aside brief flirtations with Luxemburgian critiques of party vanguardism. This period saw the IS heavily involved in the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign (in support of the Viet Cong) and local variations of the student protests of 1968, where it was able to recruit from this pool of youngsters.
Inspired by the Clyde Workers' Committee, Peet worked with William McLaine to form the Manchester Workers' Committee, in April 1916. Initially, it attracted little interest, but in September a decision to increase the wages of hourly paid engineering workers but not those of piece workers led to a strike, which the committee supported. Although the strike was soon over, the dispute was not settled for a further three months, and the strike committee then agreed to merge with the Workers' Committee, forming the Joint Engineering Shop Stewards' Committee, with Peet as secretary. The Shop Stewards' Committee played a prominent role in subsequent disputes around exemptions of trained engineers from military service and compelling engineers to work on non-munition work.
Following their arrest, a rolling series of strikes began to cause work stoppages until there was virtually an unofficial national strike. The Trades Union Congress (TUC) then called for an official national strike on 31 July, demanding the release of the five shop stewards. Thousands of striking workers marched through North London to Pentonville Prison.
Upper Clyde Shipbuilders (UCS) was a Scottish shipbuilding consortium, created in 1968 as a result of the amalgamation of five major shipbuilders of the River Clyde. It entered liquidation, with much controversy, in 1971. That led to a "work-in" campaign at the company's shipyards, involving shop stewards Jimmy Airlie and Jimmy Reid, among others.
These articles were subsequently published as a book, An Outline of Economics. However, McLaine did not achieve prominence in the new party, and resigned from it in 1929, later becoming actively anti-communist. During the Second World War the NCLC decided they wanted a postal course to train shop stewards. McLaine drafted the course for them.
Despite McCardell's actions, IH's profit margins were still only half those of competitors like Caterpillar Inc. and Deere & Company."International Harvester: The Strike Hurts," The Economist, March 8, 1980. Among the many changes McCardell made was to fire 11,000 of the company's 15,000 mid- and upper-level managers, whom McCardell felt were too close to UAW shop stewards.
From October 1991 the union could participate in the new Transnet Industrial Council. In September there were proposals for a strike. Transnet made an offer which was accepted by Sebakwane on 29 September 1991 without consulting the unions full negotiating team. The Southern Transvaal shop stewards objected and they occupied the unions office and later kidnapped Sebakwane.
A National Seamen's Reform Movement was established in the latter year. A degree of reform was conceded in 1962, with the decision to allow a system of workplace representation by shop stewards. That belatedly brought the NUS into line with the general practices of the trade union movement. More importantly, it brought greater connection to the union.
At this time the local union had only approximately 1300 members, which represented about 30% of the possible number. In Severing's time in office, the number of members rose sixfold, which was significantly higher than the national average. Already by 1906 the number of unionised workers was at 75%. What contributed to Severing's success was the introduction of a system of shop stewards.
At around noon, the Ontario Labour Relations Board (OLRB) "issue[d] a cease and desist order requiring workers to report back to work immediately." This order was completely ignored by picketers. Shop stewards kept strikers in line by advising them to await orders from Kinnear himself. A couple hours later, the OLRB reassembled, dispatching a back-to- work order, reinforcing their earlier promulgation.
Milorad M. Drachkovitch, Biographical Dictionary of the Comintern, p.288 George Peet of the Manchester-based Joint Engineering Shop Stewards' Committee was elected as secretary, while Arthur MacManus of the Clyde Workers' Committee was chair, and J. T. Murphy from the Sheffield Workers' Committee was assistant secretary.Edmund Frow, Ruth Frow and John Saville, "Peet, George", Dictionary of Labour Biography, vol.5, pp.
Van MWU tot Solidariteit; Geskiedenis van die Mynwerkersunie, 1902 tot 2002. Since the beginning of Flip Buys' term, the membership had increased to more than 130 000 by 2009. The union has more than 17 offices throughout the country and a staff complement of about 300 serve the members. The union also has about 2 000 shop stewards at different companies.
Alongside member information and online services, the network enables members to get in touch and exchange expertise and experiences in forums.. In 2012, a working platform for committees, special interest groups, shop stewards and other individuals actively involved in the running of Verdi was added to the member network. The members of this platform can use it to hold discussions in closed groups, chat and provide information.
Ken Currie (born 1960 in North Shields, Northumberland, England) is a Scottish artist and a graduate of Glasgow School of Art (1978–1983). Ken grew up in industrial Glasgow. This has had a significant influence on his early works. In the 1980s Currie produced a series of works that romanticised Red Clydeside depicting heroic Dockworkers, Shop-stewards and urban areas along the River Clyde.
On the December 12th, 1770 Johann Caspar Dürholt, Johann Peter Kickut und Peter Caspar Hyby registered as shop stewards (Gewerken) in accordance with the mining authority (Bergamt). On March 11, 1772 they requested investment from Berlin and the concession was granted at the same time. On May 8, 1772 the construction of the initial mining seam began. Belehnt wurde ein Grubenfeld mit einer nach Westen streichenden Kohlenbank.
After the AEU banned the four Colt shop stewards from office, the shop stewards recommended to the workers at the Havant factory on 10 February that they stop working unpaid overtime because of the strife it had brought to the union, but the works director thought that the workers would in fact continue and pointed to the fact that the AEU was not the only union present. Joan Southwell, one of the original five secretaries at the head office, said that they would definitely continue as "we are all very solid about this in spite of the union disagreement".Henry Stanhope, "'Back Britain' leaders not upset by factory decision", The Times, 12 February 1968, p. 2. However, on 12 February the workers decided by a narrow majority to return to normal working hours."AEF men end free working", The Times, 13 February 1968, p. 3.
The company experienced labour disputes that generated negative publicity and had received the attention of human rights groups. A report in 1999 by Société Générale de Surveillance concluded that Del Monte did not allow workers freedom to join trade unions, and union workers were not allowed to communicate with employees.Bomann-Larsen; Wiggen (2004), p. 162 The report also found that the company routinely threatened shop stewards with termination.
Although Packer and Gridley are told to demand a shilling per hour, they are willing to find a compromise when meeting the employers. They agree a return to work for an interim rewards plus negotiations. Maggie leads a revolt against this agreement, and a huge crowd at Woodhouse Moor shouts down Gridley. Maggie claims that shop stewards are undermining the strike, and the crowd votes to continue striking.
However, Robinson's responsibility for these incidents, most of which were brief stoppages led by individual shop stewards, has been overstated. He was eventually sacked amid intense press attacks. Many of the votes for strikes were cast in Cofton Park opposite Q-Gate. Expansion work at Longbridge was completed in 1979 to allow a new assembly line for the forthcoming new supermini car, which was launched in 1980 as the Austin Metro.
21, 25. The party also gained the support of the Guild Communists faction of the National Guilds League, assorted shop stewards' and workers' committees, socialist clubs and individuals and many former members of the Hands Off Russia campaign. Several branches and many individual members of the Independent Labour Party also affiliated. As a member of the British Socialist Party, the Member of Parliament Cecil L'Estrange Malone joined the CPGB.
Airlie was a shop steward for the Amalgamated Engineering Union (AEU) whilst he worked at Fairfield Shipbuilding and Engineering Company. In this capacity he was involved in the Fairfield Experiment (1965-66). He is one of the Shop Stewards interviewed by Sean Connery in his film The Bowler and the Bunnet. When Fairfields was merged into Upper Clyde Shipbuilders in 1968 continued in his role as shop steward.
However, the United Mine Workers, who had taken an isolationist stand in the years leading up to the war and had opposed Roosevelt's reelection in 1940, left the CIO in 1942. The major unions supported a wartime no-strike pledge that aimed to eliminate not only major strikes for new contracts but also the innumerable small strikes called by shop stewards and local union leadership to protest particular grievances.
The January uprising led to the dissolution of the Revolutionary Steward's network, because many of its members took part in the uprising while others such as Richard Müller opposed it. The organization of the Revolutionary Stewards dissolved, though many of its members continued to work in the council structures.Ralf Hoffrogge, Working-Class Politics in the German Revolution. Richard Müller, the Revolutionary Shop Stewards and the Origins of the Council Movement, Brill Publications 2014, .
The SLP was heavily involved in the Clyde Workers' Committee and, although he did not succeed in starting such a movement in Leicester,The Who's Who of Radical Leicester, "Dave Ramsay" Ramsay supported similar initiatives across the country. He became treasurer of the Shop Stewards' and Workers' Committees organisation,Ian Bullock, Romancing the Revolution, p.105 within which he led efforts to organise the unemployed and was involved in organising ex-servicemen.
This is exercised through over 500 elected key people working on a local basis as URTU Shop Stewards and Branch Secretaries. The Union's Executive Committee members work on a regional basis with the President being elected on a national basis. All these positions are voluntary. The General Secretary, who is responsible for the running of the organisation, is in a full-time, salaried position but is subject to election every five years.
This desire for a new exclusive international of explicitly "Red" union represented a fundamental contradiction with the Comintern's firm insistence that Communists should work within the structure of existing trade unions — an important detail noted at the time by delegate Jack Tanner of the British Shop Stewards Movement.Carr, The Bolshevik Revolution, vol. 3, pg. 208. Tanner's objection was brushed aside as Grigory Zinoviev denied him the floor, referring his complaints to committee.
From a field of 40–50 applicants, the local association chose Turner to fight the byelection."Oxford Conservative Candidate", The Times, 20 September 1950, p. 3. Facing a straight fight with Labour candidate Kersland Lewis, Turner highlighted the issues of housing, the cost of living, defence and leadership, and claimed the support of a number of Conservative trade union shop stewards."Election Issues At Oxford", The Times, 25 October 1950, p. 3.
The remains of Burrard Dry Dock Women shop stewards at the Burrard Dry Dock in 1942 Burrard Dry Dock Ltd. was a Canadian shipbuilding company headquartered in North Vancouver, British Columbia. Together with the neighbouring North Van Ship Repair yard and the Yarrows Ltd. yard in Esquimalt, which were eventually absorbed, Burrard built over 450 ships, including many warships built and refitted for the Royal Navy and Royal Canadian Navy in the First and Second World Wars.
Richard Müller, the Revolutionary Shop Stewards and the Origins of the Council Movement, Brill Publications 2014, , pp. 93–100. Fearing an all-out civil war in Germany between militant workers and reactionary conservatives, the SPD did not plan to strip the old German upper classes completely of their power and privileges. Instead, it sought to integrate them into the new social democratic system. In this endeavour, SPD leftists sought an alliance with the German Supreme Command.
By the mid-1930s, the family had returned to Fife, and Jarvie undertook an apprenticeship as a blacksmith in Dunfermline. As soon as he completed his apprenticeship, Jarvie was elected as secretary of his local branch of the Associated Blacksmiths', Forge and Smithy Workers' Society. He relocated to Leith, working at Robb's Shipyard, where he was convener of the shop stewards. He was a popular speaker, and was also active in the Communist Party of Great Britain.
30 Two years later both Kelvin and neighbouring Central were severely affected by a strike by 700 of the companies' drivers, caused by the dismissal of four shop stewards. In July 1989, it was announced that SBG was to be privatised. In an effort to make Kelvin Scottish more attractive on the approach to privatisation, Kelvin was merged with Central Scottish to form Kelvin Central Buses Ltd. Upon the merger, Kelvin Scottish ceased trading as a stand-alone subsidiary.
William Tallon (1902 - 29 November 1978) was a British trade unionist. Tallon worked at Leyland Motors, where he joined the Amalgamated Engineering Union (AEU). He held a variety of posts in his union branch and, later, at district level, and was elected as secretary of the joint shop stewards committee at Leyland, then became a full-time regional officer for the union.Trades Union Congress, "Obituary: William Tallon", Annual Report of the 1979 Trades Union Congress, p.
United EMS Workers is governed by an Executive Board composed of President, Vice- President, Treasurer, Secretary, Directors, and Trustees. United EMS Workers- AFSCME Local 4911 bargaining unit members are represented in each bargaining unit by democratically elected shop stewards and members of local committees as defined and elected by members of each bargaining unit. United EMS Workers- AFSCME Local 4911's operations are governed by its bylawsUnited EMS Workers- AFSCME Local 4911 - UEMSW Bylaws and by the AFSCME International Constitution.
Smith was born in Oldham and worked in the English textile district of Lancashire. A skilled metalworker, he was part of the Shop Stewards Movement which opposed the production of munitions for the First World War. Opposed to the war, he went to jail for opposing the draft despite the exemption of men with his skill set having to fight. After participating in the failed 1926 general strike, Smith and his wife Dora emigrated to Canada in the same year.
The company was acquired by Litton Industries in 1966, and gradually introduced Royal Typewriter Company models largely assembled from parts shipped from Hartford, Connecticut, United States. In May 1974, Asian workers at the Imperial Typewriter Company in Leicester went on strike over unequal bonus payments and discrimination in promotion. The shop stewards committee and Transport & General Workers Union branch refused their support, but the strikers stayed on strike for almost 14 weeks. The manufacture of typewriters ceased at Leicester and Hull in 1975.
Achmat was born in the Johannesburg suburb of Vrededorp to a Muslim Cape Malay family and grew up in the Cape Coloured community in Salt River during apartheid. He was raised by his mother and his aunt who were both shop stewards for the Garment Workers Union. He did not matriculate but nevertheless graduated with a BA Hons degree in English literature from the University of the Western Cape in 1992 and studied filmmaking at the Cape Town Film School.
Tommy Brennan is a Scottish political activist and a former member of the Labour Party. He is widely known for being the convenor of shop stewards at Ravenscraig steelworks and leader of the fight to try to save the Scottish steel industry in the 1980s and 1990s until he was made redundant in 1991, shortly before Ravenscraig's infamous closure. He worked at the plant for a total of 31 years. He received an MBE in the 1991 New Year Honours.
The proposal by the shop stewards to elect an action committee additionally took the SPD leadership by surprise and started heated debates. Ebert finally succeeded in having this 24-member "Executive Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Councils" equally filled with SPD and USPD members. The Executive Council was chaired by Richard Müller and Brutus Molkenbuhr. On the evening of 10 November, there was a phone call between Ebert and General Wilhelm Groener, the new First General Quartermaster in Spa, Belgium.
The committee originated in a strike in February 1915 at G. & J. Weir. Due to labour shortages during the war, the company had employed some workers from America, but were paying them more than the Scottish staff. The shop stewards at the factory organised a walk-out in support of equal pay, and more factories joined the dispute over the next few weeks, until workers at 25 different factories were on strike.Ralph Darlington, The Political Trajectory of J.T. Murphy, pp.
14-15 Most of the workers were members of the Amalgamated Society of Engineers (ASE), but the union leadership, both locally and nationally, opposed the strike. In order to defend the strike, about two hundred shop stewards and supporters formed the informal Central (or Clyde) Labour Withholding Committee, which was constituted as the Clyde Workers' Committee in October 1915.Walter Kolvenbach, Employee Councils in European Companies, p.288 The committee met weekly, and included numerous people who later became prominent socialists and communists.
With all the committee's leading figures imprisoned or deported by the end of 1916, less central figures, such as Jock McBain, came to the fore. Only sporadic industrial action took place, and the committee focused on fundraising for the deported leaders. The committee collapsed, inspiring a less influential successor, the Scottish Workers' Committee, and also the Sheffield Workers' Committee, organised on a similar basis and led by J. T. Murphy. These ultimately became part of the Shop Stewards' and Workers' Committees.
He joined the Social Democratic Party (SPD), and gradually rose to more prominent positions in the union. From 1959, he was its district secretary for youth work and shop stewards. IG Metall was affiliated to the German Trade Union Confederation (DGB), and in 1963, Loderer was elected as the federation's Baden-Württemberg district secretary. In 1966, he took a leading role in an anti-fascist rally outside the conference of the National Democratic Party of Germany, and this propelled him to national attention.
Reiner Tosstorff, The Red International of Labour Unions (RILU) 1920 - 1937, p.274 The Shop Stewards' and Workers' Committee became part of the National Workers' Committee in 1921, and it agitated unsuccessfully for a general strike on Black Friday. The National Workers' Committee in turn merged with the British Bureau in 1922, Peet remaining joint secretary for a year, after which the Comintern ordered that Gallacher and J. R. Campbell replace Peet and Lismer among the leaders of the movement.
Tim Pat Coogan, The Troubles, Hutchinson, 1995, p. 140 Hull worked at the Harland and Wolff engine shop in Belfast, and became the convenor of shop stewards there. A supporter of working class and trade union politics, Hull became a member of the Northern Ireland Labour Party in 1948. He maintained his membership of the party until the early 1970s, when he resigned in protest at the Northern Ireland policy of the Harold Wilson government and the British Labour Party.
Crow was an outspoken critic of Tony Blair, who "squandered a massive landslide from an electorate hungry for change, poured billions of public pounds into private pockets and accelerated the growing gap between rich and poor". He deemed the policies implemented by Blair's New Labour project to be "near enough identical" to those of the Conservatives. Speaking at the founding conference of the National Shop Stewards Network in July 2007, Crow called for a new party for the working class.
Mills in 1920 John Edmund Mills (2 September 1882 – 11 November 1951) was Labour MP for Dartford for three separate periods during the 1920s. Born in Perth in Australia, Mills grew up in Plymouth, being educated at the city's Higher Grade School. He became an engineer based at the Royal Arsenal in Woolwich, and was elected as chair of the works' Shop Stewards' Committee. Mills was a supporter of the Labour Party, and was elected as a Member of Parliament at the 1920 Dartford by-election.
As a barrister, he was a leading authority on trust law. He acted for the Official Solicitor in the debacle of the Pentonville Five, the five dockers' shop stewards imprisoned in July 1972 for contempt of court for defying an order of the National Industrial Relations Court. He appeared in court through most of 1976 in the long-running case of Tito v. Waddell, on the rights of Banaban landowners on Ocean Island in the Pacific, and before the House of Lords in 1977 in Gouriet v.
50 In 1915, he was elected as the first President of the International Socialist League, which formed when anti-war socialists split from the SALP. He visited the United Kingdom in 1918, where he was impressed by the British shop stewards' movement at the time. In 1921, he became the first General Secretary of the Communist Party of South Africa, and in 1922 the editor of the party's newspaper The International. In 1925, he was elected as the first Secretary of the South African Trades Union Council.
However, when Rolls-Royce (a vital defence contractor) ran into financial difficulties early in 1971, it was decided that the government should help by bailing it out. When nugatory efforts did not help, the company was nationalised to prevent it from going bankrupt. In June 1971, the Upper Clyde Shipbuilders went into receivership after the government refused it a £6 million loan. The workers at the yard, led by Communist shop stewards, decided to hold a 'work-in' when they occupied the yard and continued production.
Born in Glasgow, Stewart began her working life at the age of 12, as a part-time milk carrier. She was involved in worker's rights at an early stage, being the Women's Organiser for the Worker's Union, and a voluntary worker for the National Federation of Women Workers. She was a delegate to the Scottish Trades Union Congress (STUC) in 1916. This was the Red Clydeside period, and Stewart took a leading role in a protest against the deportation of radical shop stewards from Glasgow.
After serving his time as an electrician in the building trade, he moved to the shipyards in the 1950s and became active in the trade union. By the time of the Upper Clyde Shipbuilders crisis at the beginning of the 1970s, Gilmore had become one of the most respected shop stewards in Clyde shipbuilding, eventually becoming convenor. Gilmore joined Jimmy Reid, Sammy Barr, and Jimmy Airlie in planning and organising the campaign of industrial action which followed in 1971. Gilmore was a member of the Labour Party and supporter of Tony Benn.
This gave birth to the Belize Energy Workers Union as stated above. The founding members having served as Shop Stewards, Laison Officers etc. on the UGWU for the interest of the Belize Electricity Board workers felt the time had come to chart their own destiny in the atmosphere of loyal brotherhood, sisterhood and solidarity within the Union Movement. The Belize Energy Worker Union and members of the past Union remain in solidarity for the plight of workers as the need for Unions to be in the interest of all workers.
32) seems to have merely copied Dähnhardt's information, although he claims to refer to Artelt's statements from 1960. As a specialist of pumps he supervised a group of shipyard workers who had to work for the navy. He used his job to secretly re-establish the navy shop stewards system, which had been smashed in 1917.Hermann Knüfken also describes in his book Von Kiel bis Leningrad (From Kiel to Leningrad) (Verlag BasisDruck, Berlin 2008), the re-establishment of the shop steward system within the navy at that time (pp.
During the First World War he became involved in industrial unrest amongst munitions workers on the River Clyde, producing a report with Lord Balfour of Burleigh in 1915.Clyde Munition Workers, Report by Lord Balfour and Mr. Lynden Macassey, H.M.S.O. 1915 His recommendations were incorporated into the Munitions of War (Amendment) Act 1916. In 1916, he negotiated agreements for the formation of joint committees of employers and shop stewards on the River Clyde. However, he was supportive of the controversial deportation from Glasgow of the militant labour leader, David Kirkwood.
They put a new rulebook for the union to a postal ballot of members during July 2008, which was accepted. In 2008, there was rooftop hunger strike at Unite's Transport House building in Belfast. The participants were formerly shop stewards of the Transport and General Workers Union, now a section of Unite. The dispute was over legal fees and compensation for an unfair dismissal action against the workers' employer, arising from a 2002 strike at Belfast International Airport, and the related actions of a full-time union official employee.
The Transport and General Workers' Union biennial conference in July 1997 called upon the new Labour government to intervene and support efforts to reinstate sacked dockworkers, but the government failed to offer any support. In the latter part of 1997, Merseyside Police increased their presence and actions towards dockers picketing, with 13 dockers arrested in the weeks around August 1997, three of whom were shop stewards, while other dockers who had previously been arrested were prohibited by bail conditions from being within 25 foot of the picket line.
The union did not officially recognise the dispute, justifying their stance by suggesting anti-union laws prevented them from further involvement. The union was keen to avoid financial penalties and wanted to ensure a continued working relationship with Mersey Docks. All aspects of the dispute were controlled and managed by the union, via the Shop Stewards Committee, which declared full solidarity with the leadership. Despite this, within 18 months, relations between the union and dockers had deteriorated, in particular with Bill Morris, who came under scrutiny for misleading statements.
Previously European Trade Union College, the Education Department of the ETUI provides training and learning activities for trade union officials and leaders, shop stewards, young officers, and unionists. The department delivers about 100 courses a year to more than 2000 participants. Trade unionists members of the ETUC, or European Works' Councils, SE works council and special negotiation bodies (such as company level employee representatives) can participate to the training. Some of the courses lead to a qualification, in collaboration with TUC in the UK and University of Lille in France.
On that Sunday, every Berlin factory and every regiment was to elect workers' and soldiers' councils that were then in turn to elect a revolutionary government from members of the two labour parties (SPD and USPD). This Council of the People's Deputies (Rat der Volksbeauftragten) was to execute the resolutions of the revolutionary parliament as the revolutionaries intended to replace Ebert's function as chancellor and president. Ralf Hoffrogge, Working-Class Politics in the German Revolution. Richard Müller, the Revolutionary Shop Stewards and the Origins of the Council Movement, Brill Publications 2014, pp. 61–79.
The Kate Sharpley Library was named after a Deptford- born World War I anarchist and anti-war activist. She worked in a munitions factory and was active in the shop stewards movement. Her father and brother were killed in action and her boyfriend was listed as missing believed killed (though she suspected he had been shot for mutiny). At the age of 22, when called to receive her family's medals from Queen Mary she threw the medals back at the Queen, saying "if you like them so much you can have them".
At the start of World War I, both Trades Councils supported Army recruitment campaigns, but from 1916, the Trades and Labour opposed the war. In 1917, it passed a motion congratulating the Russian people on the February Revolution, and in December, another congratulating "the Socialist Proletariat of Russia on their present achievement (i.e. the Bolshevik Revolution) and wishing them success in their endeavour to build up a real Socialist Commonwealth". A strong shop stewards' movement, with J. T. Murphy a leading figure, and a wave of strikes strengthened the position of the Trades and Labour.
The NIRC was controversial throughout its short life. Donaldson, the president of the court, was known to have Conservative leanings, having stood as a Parliamentary candidate for the Conservative party and, indeed, having contributed to the drafting of the Industrial Relations Act. Many cases were decided against the trades unions, although the unions had a policy of not co-operating with, and in many cases ignoring, the court. In July 1972, a dispute involving the dock workers union led to five shop stewards being imprisoned in Pentonville Prison for contempt of court.
The Conservative Government put pressure on health authorities to outsource their catering, cleaning, laundry and maintenance services to private companies. Trade unions fought these policies, in some cases successfully, but many hospital services finally ended up in private hands, sometimes with companies who refused to recognise trade unions. Outsourcing dissipated some of the influence unions had built up during the 1970s and towards the end of decade increasingly occupied many shop stewards in detailed negotiations over grading and contract details rather than recruitment and organising. Doctors' relationship with the government deteriorated during the 1980s.
Evans proved a weak leader of his union, although it is doubtful whether Jones could have restrained the actions of some of the TGWU shop stewards. After Ford settled, the government announced on 28 November that sanctions would be imposed on Ford, along with 220 other companies, for breach of the pay policy. The announcement of actual sanctions produced an immediate protest from the Confederation of British Industry which announced that it would challenge their legality. The Conservatives put down a motion in the House of Commons to revoke the sanctions.
He undertook a variety of jobs before emigrating to Australia in 1955, to work as a labourer. He returned to Belfast in 1962, and found himself unable to work at Short and Harland because he was not a member of the Amalgamated Transport and General Workers' Union (ATGWU). He instead found employment in a warehouse, but joined the ATGWU and soon moved to work at Short and Harland as a labourer. Freeman became an ATGWU shop steward, then won election as the convenor of shop stewards at the works.
The initial response to the strike was jubilation with large bonfires lit across loyalist areas of Northern Ireland, although before long cracks appeared. Publicly the political leaders Paisley, Craig and Harry West were able to claim the glory whilst the shop stewards returned to work anonymously and the paramilitary leaders faded into the background.McDonald & Cusack, pp. 82–83 Nonetheless the loyalist paramilitaries had decided that political activity might still be an avenue worth exploring, with both main groups declaring ceasefires and the UVF announcing the establishment of their own Volunteer Political Party.
The unions hoped this would require the deployment of more army ambulances and swing public opinion behind them. The unions asked the public to demonstrate support for the strike by lining the streets at mid-day on 30 January. At around this time some union members lost patience and crews in West Sussex, Manchester and North-West London went on wildcat strikes of all services; a London-wide strike was narrowly averted at a meeting of shop stewards. In other places ambulance crews began to drift back to work.
Liverpool's adoption of a deficit budget for 1985/86 meant that the council quickly ran short of money. By September it was apparent that without a new source of funds, the council would be insolvent in December; as an employer it was therefore obliged to issue 90-day redundancy notices to its entire workforce. After this decision was announced on 6 September,Hatton, "Inside Left", p. 99. the council's joint shop stewards called for an indefinite strike,"Liverpool unions call for indefinite strike in fight against job cuts", The Times, 17 September 1985, p. 2.
The Institute for Workers' Control was founded in 1968 by Tony Topham and Ken Coates, the latter then a leader of the International Marxist Group and subsequently professor at the University of Nottingham and a member of the European Parliament from 1989 until 1999. The Institute drew together shop stewards and militant workers to discuss workers' control of production. It grew out of the Workers' Control Conferences organised from 1964 by Voice of the Unions and the Centre for Socialist Education. From around 100 at the first meeting in Nottingham, the figure grew to some 1200 in 1969.
Martin Wainwright, "Flying pickets left in the cold outside the gates of Hull", The Guardian, 1 August 1989 He expected to lose his job as a result but, after the national strike was called off, his fellow shop stewards secured his continued employment, by threatening a walk-out if he was not kept on. Greendale was re-elected to the union's national executive in 1990,Keith Harper, "Left gains in rerun TGWU postal ballot", The Guardian, 27 March 1990 but by this time was focusing on local politics. He was elected to Hull City Council, representing the Labour Party.
Müller and his circle decided to plan an armed uprising within the next months. Preparations began quite slowly, but gained speed in the fall of 1918, when the military catastrophe for Germany became more and more obvious to the public. Müller and the shop-stewards started secret conferences that involved Karl Liebknecht and his spartacist league but also some representatives of the Independent Social Democratic Party of Germany (USPD) who had split from SPD because they opposed the war. Liebknecht in these meetings pushed for action, but Müller and his comrades had a more pragmatic way of organizing things.
122–123, Pathfinder Press (1977). At the outset of the 'Name change' debate which led to the establishment of the Socialist Party, Taaffe argued in 1995: "To merely repeat statements and formulas, drawn up at one period, but which events have overtaken, is clearly wrong" and that it would be fatal "to put forward abstract formulas as a substitute for concrete demands, clear slogans, which arise from the experiences of the masses themselves". Briefly discussing Trotsky's demands regarding factory committees, Taaffe comments that: "The shop stewards committees embody the very idea of 'factory committees' advocated by Trotsky".Taaffe, Peter.
During World War I, in 1917, Whitley was appointed to chair a committee to report on 'the Relations of Employers and Employees' in the wake of the establishment of the Shop Stewards Movement and the widespread protest action against dilution. The smooth running of industry was vital to the war effort so maintaining good industrial relations was a priority. He proposed a system of regular formal consultative meetings between workers and employers, known to this day as "Whitley Councils". These would be empowered to cover any issue related to pay and conditions of service, and to take matters through to arbitration if necessary.
Shop stewards in the canteen of the Burrard Dry Dock in North Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada. Commencing in 1942, Burrard Dry Dock hired over 1000 women, all of whom were dismissed at the end of the war to make way for returning men. Canadian women responded to urgent appeals to make do, recycle and salvage in order to come up with needed supplies. They saved fats and grease; gathered recycled goods; handed out information on the best ways to get the most out of recycled goods; and organized many other events to decrease the amount of waste.
He was active in attempts to build a shop stewards' movement, and in 1971 was elected to the union's National Executive Council, soon also becoming involved in national negotiations over pay and conditions.Mark Baimbridge, Brian Burkitt and Philip Whyman, Implications of the Euro: A Critical Perspective from the Left, pp.xiv-xv He had worked previously as a baker at the Old Trafford factory of Knightsbridge Cakes. BFAWU members undertook a national strike in 1978; this ended in defeat, but Marino's profile increased to the extent that he was elected as the union's general secretary the following year.
By 1966, his semi-annual educational conferences had attracted civil rights advocates, leading politicians, legal scholars, academics, economists and prominent journalists. Notable conferences with speaker lists are shown below. Shop Stewards' Educational Conference - November 10, 1966 (Americana Hotel, NYC) :Speakers: James Farmer (civil rights advocate), Leon Keyserling (economist), Senator Eugene McCarthy, Benjamin Naumoff (regional director of the Bureau of Labor-Management Reports), and Victor Riesel (nationally syndicated labor columnist). Union Mutual Benefit Association Conference - December 14, 1966 (Americana Hotel, NYC) :Speakers: Leo Cherne (economist, Executive Director of the Research Institute of America), Senator William Proxmire, and Reverend Ralph David Abernathy (civil rights leader).
Whether a trade union is entitled to organisational rights depends on the level of representativeness of the trade union in the workplace, which can be either majority representation or "sufficient" representation. If a union represents the majority of workers, it will have access to all organisational rights. If the union is sufficiently representative, it will have access only to certain organisational rights: the rights of access, leave and stop-order facilities. The rights to elect shop stewards and to disclosure of information, on the other hand, are reserved for unions that have as members the majority of the employees in the workplace.
This is the consequence of NUMSA v Bader Bop,(2003) 24 lU 305 (CC). where NUMSA, although not a majority union, sought to acquire the right to elect shop stewards by striking. The lower courts were divided. A divided Labour Appeal Court held that minority unions could not do strike for such a right because, # once the union conceded that it lacked a majority, there would be no dispute over which to strike; and # such a strike would be hit by section 65(1)(c), which prohibits strikes over disputes that either party may refer to arbitration.
"Rubner, Benjamin Barnett (Ben)", Who Was Who After the war, Rubner became a shop steward, coming to prominence in the London Furniture Workers Shop Stewards' Council, serving as its chairman and convener from 1947 to 1952. By this time, NAFTA had become part of the National Union of Furniture Trade Operatives (NUFTO), and was elected to its London District Committee in 1954, and its General Executive Council four years later. In 1959, he became its full-time London District Organiser, then National Trade Organiser in 1963. In 1964, Rubner visited Vietnam, and his experience led him to become involved in opposition to the Vietnam War.
During World War I, in 1917, John Henry Whitley was appointed to chair a committee, which soon produced a Report on the Relations of Employers and Employees in the wake of the establishment of the Shop Stewards Movement and the widespread protest action against dilution. The smooth running of industry was vital to the war effort so maintaining good industrial relations was a priority. He proposed a system of regular formal consultative meetings between workers and employers, known to this day as "Whitley councils". These would be empowered to cover any issue related to pay and conditions of service, and to take matters through to arbitration if necessary.
In the mid-1970s Cliff argued that the older workers' leaders, including shop stewards, were corrupted by reformism and therefore IS had to turn to untried young workers – the more cynically minded claimed Cliff wanted the party to turn to them as being more gullible to Cliff's more idiosyncratic flights of fancy. This was part of the reason for the attempt made at this time to popularise Socialist Worker. This turn was unanimously rejected months later, but by then Jim Higgins was removed as National Secretary and Roger Protz from his position as editor of Socialist Worker for opposing these changes. Prompted by Duncan Hallas, they formed an International Socialist Opposition.
This is intended to protect the employer from legal recourse that employees may otherwise have in the event that it can be demonstrated that such discipline or terminations were not handled in accordance with the latest labor laws. For employees in unionised environments, shop stewards can represent the employee, whereas the HR department represents the company, so that both sides are on a more equal footing and can resolve matters outside of court, using informal negotiations or a grievance, saving both sides time and money. The arm's length dealings in this case mean that both an employee and a supervisor each have a qualified advocate.
They had already had experience with strikes, including the protest strike against the imprisonment of Karl Liebknecht in summer 1916 and the wave of strikes centered on Braunschweig and Leipzig in January 1917.Ralf Hoffrogge, Working-Class Politics in the German Revolution. Richard Müller, the Revolutionary Shop Stewards and the Origins of the Council Movement, Brill Publications 2014, pp. 35-61. The Stewards were a crucial force in organizing the January Strike of 1918, which was centred on Berlin, the Ruhr, Saxony, Hamburg and Kiel and in which strikers demanded the end of the war through a negotiated peace and a democratisation of the empire.
In August of that year, the Victorian Government approved a redevelopment of the Lonsdale Street site as a shopping centre name "Emporium Melbourne". It was speculated that an Apple Store would be the flagship retailer in the new centre, and that the project would be completed by December 2012. Construction commenced in August 2011, by which time developers Colonial First State Global Asset Management hoped for completion by Christmas 2013. Beginning on 22 August 2012, construction was delayed by strike action by the Construction, Forestry, Mining and Energy Union, who demanded the right for their members to elect shop stewards and display union regalia.
Richard Caborn was born in Sheffield and was educated at the Hurlfield Secondary Modern Boys School until 1958 (now Sheffield Springs Academy) on East Bank Road, Intake in Sheffield; Granville College of Further Education (now Castle College, part of Sheffield College); and Sheffield Polytechnic (now Sheffield Hallam University), where he qualified as an engineer. He began an engineering apprenticeship in 1959 and became a convenor of shop stewards at Firth Brown in 1967 where he worked as a fitter. He was elected as the Vice-President of Sheffield Trades Council between 1968–1979. He became a governor of the BBC for three years in 1975.
Initially a member of a general trade union, Barr first came to prominence at the very start of the Troubles in 1969 when he was involved in an initiative to ensure Protestant workers did not join in strikes called by the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association.Ronnie Hanna, The Union: Essays on Ireland and the British Connection, Colourpoint Books, 2001, p. 74 He went on to join the Loyalist Association of Workers in the early 1970s and from there became involved in the Ulster Defence Association (UDA). The loose associations of shop stewards that existed in Derry and the surrounding areas formed the basis of the UDA in this area.
It was typical that Attlee should encourage a young worker, whom Major Attlee admired as a marine commando. Todd became a gas fitter in Walthamstow, but then in 1955 a family and a mortgage tempted him to go to the new Ford plant to work as an engineer. During his working days on the Ford assembly line at Dagenham, his elder brother was a supervisor while Ron remained a shopfloor "spanner-and-screwdriver" man on the line before becoming deputy convenor of Ford shop stewards. One day his brother suggested a way in which Ron could increase his earnings by accepting overtime and dodging the occasional night shift.
Highlander soon started organizing unions in the area and hosting community gatherings, strengthening the political community in the area. Highlander began a more formal labor organizing program for rank-and- file union members to learn to take leadership positions in the union movement. Newly elected labor organizers and shop stewards studied there for six weeks to two months. The school maintained its principles of democratic education of poor people while focusing on a specific social issue – in this case, organizing workers when the government was cracking down on unions – an experience that would prove crucial in Highlander's later work in the Civil Rights Movement.
In either case, should a majority of the employees agree to union representation, the results bind the company to recognize and negotiate with the union. Normally, both sides are given a chance to campaign for or against unionization, though management has a decided advantage due to their greater access to the employees, as well as management's inherent ability to discipline or terminate employees. It is in this electioneering model where the organizer really organizes: arranging meetings, devising strategy, and developing an internal structure known as an organizing committee. It is from the pool of activists recruited to the organizing committee that the union typically later draws its shop stewards.
From 1916 to 1918, these strikes became a mass-movement which substantially challenged the political support for the world-war. Müller, as the head of an organization called the "Revolutionary Stewards", was the leading figure behind these mass-strikes.See: Ralf Hoffrogge, From Unionism to Workers’ Councils - The Revolutionary Shop Stewards in Germany 1914–1918, in: Dario Azzellini, Immanuel Ness (Hg): Ours to Master and to Own: Worker´s Control from the Commune to the Present, Chicago 2011 Müller was arrested and drafted into the military three times, but he always managed to find a way out and return his political work. After the January-Strike in 1918 a big wave of repression hit the anti-war-movement.
Although the Berlin Coalition of Müller's revolutionary stewards, the spartacists and the USPD was the best-prepared group, the Revolution itself started spontaneously as a mutiny within the German war-fleet. When news about these events came to Berlin, the revolutionaries sped up their preparations and called for action on 9 November. The shop-stewards, who were the only leftist group with a widespread network in the factories, called for a general strike and armed demonstrations formed to enter the city center. First Congress of the Worker´s and Soldier´s Councils of Germany, December 1918 - opening speech by Richard Müller The revolutionaries took Berlin by surprise, almost no resistance was put against their actions.
The group also changed tactics: instead of campaigning for trade unions to voluntarily dissolve themselves into a new industrial union, it aimed to recruit workers directly into local groups of the organisation until it had sufficient numbers to form genuine industrial unions.Branko Pribićević, The Shop Stewards' Movement and Workers' Control 1910-1922 Even before the name change, the group had received some support in three large factories: Singer's Sewing Machine Company in Clydebank, the Argyll Motor Works in Alexandria and the Albion Motor Works in Scotstoun, all near Glasgow. By the end of the decade, the group claimed a membership of 4,000 at Singer's alone.Tom Bell, Pioneering Days In early 1911, a woman working at Singer's was dismissed.
Richard Müller, the Revolutionary Shop Stewards and the Origins of the Council Movement, Brill Publications 2014, , pp. 35–61. The American entry into World War I on 6 April 1917 threatened further deterioration in Germany's military position. Hindenburg and Ludendorff had called for an end to the moratorium on attacks on neutral shipping in the Atlantic, which had been imposed when the Lusitania, a British ship carrying US citizens, was sunk off Ireland in 1915. Their decision signaled a new strategy to stop the flow of US materiel to France to make a German victory (or at least a peace settlement on German terms) possible before the United States entered the war as a combatant.
He was involved in the negotiations to form the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB), being one of the leading opponents of it attempting to affiliate to the Labour Party.James W. Hulse, The Forming of the Communist International, p.196 Although he lost the debate, he attended the 2nd Congress of the Communist International as a shop stewards' delegate, along with others such as John S. Clarke, Helen Crawfurd, Williie Gallacher, Wlliam McLaine, JT Murphy, Sylvia Pankhurst, Tom Quelch, Marjory Newbold and Jack Tanner. In order to do so, he had to obtain a passport, under the cover story that he wished to emigrate to Argentina and, before doing so, visit relatives in Norway (actually a Bolshevik based there).
The union's Portsmouth district committee then convened a secret court in early February, which convicted four shop stewards at Colt of discrediting the union and imposed punishments suspending the men from holding office in the union for between one and five years."Back Britain men tried in secret", The Times, 7 February 1968, p. 1. On hearing the news, forty Conservative backbench MPs put down a motion in the House of Commons demanding government action to "stop this type of petty trade union tyranny, which is so completely contrary to the best traditions of the freedom-loving British trade union movement"."MPs' call to stop 'union tyranny'", The Times, 8 February 1968, p. 2.
MRA has always been active in industry and business. In Buchman's view, management and labour could "work together like the fingers on the hand", and in order to make that possible he aimed to answer "the self-will in management and labour who are both so right, and so wrong". MRA's role was to offer the experience which would free those people's hearts and minds from the motivations or prejudices which prevent just solutions. William Grogan, an International Vice-President of the Transport Workers Union of America, said that "between 1946 and 1953 national union leaders, local union officials, shop stewards and rank and file union members from 75 countries had received training" in MRA principles.
In Buchman's view, management and labour could "work together like the fingers on the hand", and in order to make that possible he aimed to answer "the self-will in management and labour who are both so right, and so wrong". MRA's role was to offer the experience which would free those people's hearts and minds from the motivations or prejudices which prevent just solutions. William Grogan, an International Vice-President of the American Transport Workers' Union, said that "between 1946 and 1953 national union leaders, local union officials, shop stewards and rank and file union members from 75 countries had received training" in MRA principles.Grogan, William; John Riffe of the Steelworkers, Coward, McCann 1959, p.
That led to around 6 months of industrial confusion in which time, almost no enterprise bargaining agreements were certified and no industrial action occurred. The industrial confusion specifically surrounded a raft of clauses, which, until the decision of Electrolux v AWU, had been commonly placed in enterprise bargaining agreements. Most of these clauses were union-friendly provisions: trade union training leave, right of entry, recognition of union delegates or shop stewards. (However, there was also some concern regarding provisions against the use of contract labour or setting the terms and conditions of contract labour and salary sacrifice into superannuation.) Many argued that these types of clauses did not "pertain" and so could not be included into future enterprise agreements.
It hoped to affiliate to the Third International; this was not permitted, as it was not a political party, but it joined the Red International of Labour Unions, Peet and Ted Lismer becoming joint secretaries of its British Bureau. The Shop Stewards' Committee became part of the National Workers' Committee in 1921, and Peet was prominent in its calls for a general strike on Black Friday. This was unsuccessful, and Peet was arrested, jailed for a month, and fined £100. The National Workers' Committee in turn merged with the British Bureau in 1922, Peet remaining joint secretary for a year, after which the Comintern ordered that Willie Gallacher and J. R. Campbell replace him and Lismer.
Official Solicitor Episodes in which the Official Solicitor has intervened have generally arisen when there has been a legal stalemate. In 1921 the Official Solicitor intervened to arrange the release from prison of a female Labour councillor from Poplar who had been imprisoned along with most of the members of Poplar Borough Council, for having refused to raise the rates, arguing that the poor inhabitants of Poplar could not afford to pay any more. In 1972 the Official Solicitor, Norman Turner, broke a legal stalemate between the Trades Union Congress and the government known as the Pentonville Five case, in which five shop stewards from the dockers' union were imprisoned on a charge of contempt.
The Mine Workers led by Lewis, with a strong pro-Soviet presence, opposed Roosevelt's reelection in 1940 and left the CIO in 1942. After June 1941, when Germany invaded the Soviet Union, the Communists became fervent supporters of the war and sought to end wildcat strikes that might hurt war production. The CIO, and in particular the UAW, supported a wartime no-strike pledge that aimed to eliminate not only major strikes for new contracts, but also the innumerable small strikes called by shop stewards and local union leadership to protest particular grievances. That pledge did not, however, actually eliminate all wartime strikes; in fact there were nearly as many strikes in 1944 as there had been in 1937.
Walter Greendale (10 December 1930 - 12 September 2012) was a British trade unionist and politician. Born in Kingston-upon-Hull, Greendale became a docker, and took evening classes with the University of Hull. He joined the Transport and General Workers' Union (TGWU), and sat on the unofficial Joint Shop Stewards' Committee, through which he became an ally of Jack Jones."Walter Greendale: Trade unionist who successfully sued 'The Sun'", The Independent, 28 November 2012 In 1970, Greendale was elected to the National Executive of the TGWU, in which role he sought to help the union keep pace with industrial developments, such as containerisation, expand the National Dock Labour Scheme to include all ports, and build solidarity with unions in other industrial sectors.
In turn, these activities did not escape the attention of Richard Müller and the revolutionary shop stewards.See: Ralf Hoffrogge, From Unionism to Workers' Councils – The Revolutionary Shop Stewards in Germany 1914–1918, in: Immanuel Ness and Dario Azzellini(Eds): Ours to Master and to Own: Worker's Control from the Commune to the Present, Chicago 2011 Seeing that Ebert would also be running the new government, they planned to propose to the assembly not only the election of a government, but also the appointment of an Action Committee. This committee was to co-ordinate the activities of the Workers' and Soldiers' Councils. For this election, the Stewards had already prepared a list of names on which the SPD was not represented.
After being the Chair of the Communist Party of Great Britain during 1968–69, Chater began working full-time for the party as its head of press and publicity, and in 1974 he swapped jobs with George Matthews becoming editor of the Morning Star, a daily paper associated with the party. He attempted to get the party executive to prioritise increasing sales, with limited success. The paper, run by the People's Press Printing Society, and the party were coming into open conflict by 1982, disagreeing on approaches to the shop stewards' movement. The following year, the revisionist party leadership attempted to remove Chater's supporters from the executive of the PPPS, but the reverse occurred, and Chater's opponents were defeated instead.
While telegrams of congratulation continued to flood into Colt, the British Productivity Council was sceptical of its effectiveness. The Council pointed to the difference between productivity and output and stated that each individual firm must consider what would be appropriate in its circumstances depending on its "agreements between management and working people". Trades Union Congress general secretary George Woodcock, while welcoming the "very good spirit" of the campaign, said that the trade unions would not foster it and that some unions would strongly oppose it. The Amalgamated Engineering Union (AEU) shop stewards at Colt's factory in Havant carefully said that workers could work the extra half-hour without pay but that it would not prejudice any decision taken by the AEU national executive.
Not long after starting work at the Ford plant his natural leadership qualities shone through and he became a shop steward and soon deputy convener of shop stewards. In the year 1962, he became a full-time T&G; officer based at the Edmonton office and was responsible for chemical, engineering and metal groups. So effective was he that the discerning General Secretary of the T&G;, Jack Jones, moved Todd to the Stratford office, so that he could take charge of the interests of workers at the Dagenham plant. Recognised as a mighty effective negotiator, who tended to avoid any gratuitous strike action, Todd was made Regional Secretary for London and the South-East in 1975 and responsible for half a million or more members.
A case was brought by three claimants who were scaffolders and shop stewards, against subsidiary company Interserve Industrial Services Limited (IIS) at an Employment Tribunal.Employer not liable in union blacklisting case Lexology website 12 December 2012 Retrieved 28 March 2013 IIS and the claimants trade union, UNITE, were party to a collective agreement that provided for the company to "undertake as far as is practicable to place onto an appropriate contract an NECC accredited senior steward". A union representative therefore contacted a manager for the company and advocated the employment of the claimants on a contract awarded to IIS. The manager decided on the basis of the contact with the union representative not to recruit any of the three claimants.
Pankhurst called a conference, inviting the English Shop Stewards' and Workers' Committee Movement, the Communist Labour Party, the Scottish Workers' Committee and the Glasgow Communist Group. She was arrested in September, but with the support of Willie Gallacher, all the groups at the conference bar Guy Aldred's Glasgow Communist Group agreed to merge with the Communist Party of Great Britain in January 1921. After a period, Pankhurst was instructed to place the Workers' Dreadnought under the control of the party, which she refused to do. In particular, she criticised the Communist Party members of the Poplar Board of Guardians for agreeing to reduce outdoor Poor Law relief, which was cited as the reason for her expulsion from the CPGB in September 1921.
The critic for The Times thought the picture had "a certain brutal vigour", that made it "hard to take in all the detail without strain"; W. T. Oliver, writing in The Yorkshire Post found "little pleasure in Dame Laura's brand of realism", but admired "her energy, her disciplined thoroughness and conviction". A "Warwork News" newsreel featuring the painting, Knight and Loftus, was released into Britain's cinemas on 10 May 1943; Loftus found herself in the public eye and quickly famous from the coverage, although shop stewards from Woolwich Arsenal, disbelieving the stories of Loftus's prowess in the task, travelled to Newport to check on her skills. They returned satisfied. Ruby Loftus was shown at the 1947 Engineering and Marine Exhibition at the Olympia Exhibition Centre.
He and Jim Crossley were the Socialist Society's two delegates to the 1911 Socialist Unity Conference, which founded the British Socialist Party, and he later followed the party into forming the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB). Munro worked at Crossley Motors during World War I, becoming a shop steward, taking a leading role in the city's shop stewards movement, and a 1917 strike at the factory. After the war, he was a founder of the Manchester Labour College, at which he tutored in several subjects. He also remained active in his trade union, representing it at the 1920 conference which led to the formation of the National Union of Sheet Metal Workers and Braziers, and serving on that union's first executive committee.
After the company's collapse, unions representing the workers in the shipyard decided to have a "work-in", rather than go on strike, and complete the orders that the shipyards had in place. Thus, it was argued, the employees would dispel the idea of the workers being 'work-shy' and also illustrate the long- term viability of the yards and the right to work. The work-in was led by a group of young shop stewards, including Jimmy Reid, Jimmy Airlie, Sammy Barr and Sammy Gilmore, the former three being members of the Communist Party of Great Britain. Reid wanted to ensure the workers projected the best image of the yard workers he possibly could, and he insisted on tight discipline.
Barth in Berlin, 1918 Emil Barth (Heidelberg, 23 April 1879 – Berlin, 17 July 1941) was a German Social Democratic party worker and socialist politician who became a key figure in the German Revolution of 1918. Barth joined the anti- war Independent Social Democratic Party (USPD) in 1917, and became leader of the revolutionary shop stewards in January 1918. He was one of six members of the Council of the People's Deputies (Rat der Volksbeauftragten) created on 10 November 1918 in Berlin to govern Germany after Kaiser Wilhelm II had abdicated and the Republic had been proclaimed by Karl Liebknecht and Philipp Scheidemann. Three members of the Council were Majority Social Democrats (Ebert, Scheidemann and Landsberg), and three were Independent Social Democrats (Haase, Dittmann and Barth).
Gerry Pocock, Assistant Industrial Organiser described the industrial department as "a party within a party", and Marxism Today editor James Klugmann would routinely defer to Industrial Organiser Bert Ramelson on matters of policy.Andrews, Endgames and New Times, pg. 107. The party's orientation, though, was to the left union officers, not the rank and file. Historian Geoff Andrews' explains 'it was the role of the shop stewards in organising the Broad Lefts and influencing trade union leaders that were the key rather than organising the rank and file in defiance of leaderships' and so the party withdrew from rank-and-file organisations like the Building Workers' Charter and attacked "Trotskyist" tactics at the Pilkington Glass dispute in 1970.Andrews, Endgames and New Times, pg. 115.
Murphy joined the Socialist Labour Party (SLP) in 1916 and stood as a candidate in the 1918 General Election for the Gorton constituency in Manchester. He was elected to the governing Executive Committee of the SLP, in which capacity he participated in unity discussions between the various revolutionary socialist groups which had emerged in the country. The SLP split at this juncture, with Murphy and others leaving the old organisation to join the Communist Party of Great Britain at its formation in 1920. In January 1920 Murphy traveled illegally to Soviet Russia, where he attended with John S. Clarke, Helen Crawfurd, Williie Gallacher, Wlliam McLaine, Sylvia Pankhurst, Marjory Newbold, Tom Quelch, Dave Ramsay and Jack Tanner at the 2nd World Congress of the Comintern as delegate for the Shop Stewards Movement.
Although he was able to reinvent the union's newspaper, he had a poor working relationship with Sydney Hill, the union's general secretary, and only remained in the post after Vic Feather personally persuaded him that he would find Dix a more senior position once Hill retired. With this backing, and that of Alan Fisher, who succeeded Hill, Dix was able to create a shop steward system in the union, and developing a novel strategy of rolling industrial action. Dix was promoted to become NUPE's first Assistant General Secretary in 1975, and immediately secured the restructure of the union's decision making bodies, giving shop stewards a stronger role, and reserving places on key bodies for women. Working closely with Fisher, NUPE became one of the most active unions in the late 1970s, and grew rapidly.
Philip Taft, The A.F. of L. from the Death of Gompers to the Merger (1959) pp 204–33 Nearly all the unions that belonged to the CIO were fully supportive of both the war effort and of the Roosevelt administration. However the United Mine Workers, who had taken an isolationist stand in the years leading up to the war and had opposed Roosevelt's reelection in 1940, left the CIO in 1942. The major unions supported a wartime no-strike pledge that aimed to eliminate not only major strikes for new contracts, but also the innumerable small strikes called by shop stewards and local union leadership to protest particular grievances. In return for labor's no-strike pledge, the government offered arbitration to determine the wages and other terms of new contracts.
According to labor historian Rick Halpern the U.P.W.A (United Packing Workers of America) were holding an interracial union meeting at the home of Aaron Bindman (a member of the CIO's longshoremen's union), Louise Bindman and Bill and Gussie Sennett. The neighbors were disturbed by the presence of the attending black shop stewards and insisted they leave the area, and when Bindman refused this request two days of rioting began. Although one hundred policeman were on the scene, the crowd almost destroyed Bindman's home. This is a very interesting and perhaps overlooked flash point in the history of the civil rights movement because it marks a place where the struggles of labor moved beyond the plants and into the larger community where it joined forces with other activist organizations.
Rodgers was so disheartened by this that he wrote a resignation letter to Callaghan, saying "the Government is not even in the front line" and accusing it of "defeatism of a most reprehensible kind." He ultimately decided to remain in the Cabinet.Lopez, 101-103 A further plan was drawn up to call a state of emergency and safeguard essential supplies through the Army, regarding which the government warned the TGWU leadership, which resulted in the union accepting on 12 January 1979 a list of emergency supplies which were officially exempt from action. In practice, what counted as an emergency was left up to local officials of the TGWU to determine, and practice across the country varied according to the views of the local shop stewards who established "dispensation committees" to decide.
For years Fleet Street had been living with poor industrial relations and the so-called "Spanish practices" imposed by shop stewards as well as their trade union officials had put limits on the owners that they considered intolerable. On the other hand, the company management team, led by Bill O'Neill,L Melvern, "The End of the Street," Octavo/Methuen, 1986. was seeking to have the union accept terms that it considered unacceptable: flexible working, a no-strike clause, the adoption of new technology and the end of the closed shop. Despite the widespread use of the offset litho printing process elsewhere, the Murdoch papers, in common with the rest of Fleet Street, continued to be produced by the labour-intensive hot-metal Linotype method, rather than being composed electronically.
This film centres on a party held for the redundant shop stewards and their families and combines the music of the Flying Pickets and the humour of comedian Mike Elliott to illustrate the ironies of the closure. The title highlights Mrs Thatcher's support for the striking shipyard workers in Gdańsk while shutting down UK yards; Birmingham Is What I Think With (1991), Arts Council England--about the poet Roy Fisher; The Shadow and the Substance (1994), Channel 4. The Shadow and the Substance (the title is a quote from John Clare’s poem on enclosure) examined the nature of work in an increasingly high-tech environment. In the film Rosemary Cramp, Emeritus Professor of Archaeology at Durham, discusses the basic human need and dignity in "labour" in prehistoric times as do redundant shipyard workers from Sunderland and Tyneside.
"Tanner, Frederick John Shirley", Oxford Dictionary of National Biography During World War I, Tanner worked as an engineer in France and was active in the then-syndicalist Confédération Générale du Travail. He returned to London in 1917 and became active in the Shop Stewards' Movement, and in 1920 along with others such as John S. Clarke, Helen Crawfurd, Williie Gallacher, Wlliam McLaine, JT Murphy, Sylvia Pankhurst, Tom Quelch, Dave Ramsay and Marjory Newbold, attended the Second Congress of the Communist International. He did join the Communist Party of Great Britain but left after only eight months, though he remained close to colleagues who stayed in the party. Tanner increasingly devoted his time to the trade union movement, and was elected President of the Amalgamated Engineering Union in 1939, serving until 1953 and promoting economic planning in the engineering industry.
By the middle of May it was clear that enough Labour councillors in Hackney had become willing to vote for a legal budget and that the council would not defy the court judgment. A group of Labour councillors joined with the council's Liberal group to produce an acceptable budget. An attempt to hold a budgeting meeting on 16 May was thwarted when some town hall staff locked up the building and refused to allow councillors in;Hugh Clayton, "Rates showdown that could feed rebellion", The Times, 23 May 1985, p. 14. when the council met on 22 May, it allowed addresses by delegations from trade unions and community groups at which the secretary of the joint shop stewards Alf Sullivan described what was proposed as "a bent budget" introduced to "cover your retreat from the fight".
Francis Beckett, "The Sixth Man", New Statesman, 18 October 2007 In this role, it was suggested in several newspapers that he was working as a spy for the Soviet Union, possibly even following his father's footsteps; a charge which Costello denies, and Francis Beckett notes that his role would not be good cover for a spy, and would be unlikely to enable him to discover important secrets. Costello took part in a major debate in 1982 with Martin Jacques, editor of Marxism Today, who had criticised the shop stewards' movement. Concerned about the party's direction, Costello left his post to become full-time industrial correspondent of the Morning Star, serving in the role through the UK miners' strike. Costello resigned from the CPGB in the mid-1980s, and started the Costello Trading Consultancy, making deals in Russia in fields from oil to fast food and artificial limbs.
Those left wing socialists, joined by others with an IWW or anarchist background, challenged the undemocratic structure of the ILGWU, which gave every local an equal vote in electing its leaders, regardless of the number of workers that local represented, and the accommodations that the ILGWU leadership had made in bargaining with the employers. Left wing activists, drawing inspiration from the shop stewards movement that had swept through British labor in the preceding decade, started building up their strength at the shop floor level. The Communist Party did not intervene in ILGWU politics in any concerted fashion for the first few years of its existence, when it was focused first on its belief that revolution in the advanced capitalist countries was imminent, followed by a period of underground activity. That changed, however, around 1921, as the party attempted to create a base for itself in the working class and, in particular, in the unions within the AFL.
McBain was elected to the executive of the Associated Iron Moulders, and used his position to support the Clyde Workers' Committee during World War I. In 1916, most of the leading figures on the committee were imprisoned or deported, and McBain became one of its new leaders; however, during this period, it did little more than raise money to support those who had been deported. However, he worked with Bell and Jim Gardner to unionise workers in smaller Scottish foundries; a three-week unofficial strike achieved this end, and he sat on a committee representing shop stewards. The Red Clydeside movement heated up again in 1919, when McBain was present at the Battle of George Square and received a head injury. He found his way to other David Kirkwood and Willie Gallacher, two former leaders of the Clyde Workers Committee who had also been injured, and convinced them to address the crowd, to encourage them to move to Glasgow Green.
Peter Hetherington, "Union leader quits over policy clash", The Guardian, 25 March 1987 In 1987, Pickering resigned as chair of the union, by then known as the GMB, in protest at increases in membership fees and reductions in shop stewards' commission for collecting these dues. In a surprise move, he stood for the post again when a new election was held, but was defeated by Olga Mean,David Gow, "AEU chief urges unions to work with ministers", The Guardian, 25 March 1987 and only won the post back in 1992. This post, which was subsequently renamed "president" of the union, brought him prominence in the trade union movement; he chaired a TUC investigation into repetitive strain injury, and he also represented the TUC to the European Economic and Social Committee. Pickering devoted much of his spare time to supporting the Anti- Apartheid Movement, and Nelson Mandela recognised his support when the two met, in 1993.
In 1968 Wilson's government appointed the Donovan Commission to review British labour law with an eye toward reducing the days lost to strikes every year; many Britons had come to believe the unions were too powerful despite the country's economic growth since the war. It found much of the problem to lie in a parallel system of 'official' signed agreements between unions and employers, and 'unofficial', often unwritten ones at the local level, between shop stewards and managers, which often took precedence in practice over the official ones. The government responded with In Place of Strife a white paper by Secretary of State for Employment Barbara Castle, which recommended restrictions on unions' ability to strike, such as requiring strikes take place after a member vote and fining unions for unofficial strikes.López, 36 The Trades Union Congress (TUC) vigorously opposed making Castle's recommendations law, and Callaghan, then Home Secretary, led a cabinet revolt which led to its abandonment.
Shop stewards at UPS received a seven- minute video about the negotiations, and delegates to the Teamsters convention in July 1996 received a "Countdown to Contract" booklet which outlined the union's negotiating and strike strategy and suggested ways locals could put pressure on the company. The union also established a strike Web site which it updated every few hours, established a system for faxing negotiating and strike bulletins to locals, set up a toll-free hot line for striking workers, and worked to ensure that part-timer workers supported full-timer workers and vice versa. The UPS strike preparations also fed into Carey's effort to rebuild the union's organizing capacity. Carey proposed tripling the union's organizing budget to 10 percent from 3 percent, getting 10,000 union members to be volunteer organizers, and securing a commitment from 150 of the union's 651 locals to hire full-time organizers and set aside 15 percent of their budgets for recruiting new members.
The database, often referred to as a "list" in the press and by one of its founders, operated as a blacklist against workers who were active trade union members or otherwise vocal on matters such as health and safety violations by their employers. Many of the workers were on the list having been accused by previous employers of being "troublemakers" or "militant"; other notes in the database referred to subjects' personal and family relationships, and those who had pursued an employment tribunal. Workers who were on the list allege they were deprived of their livelihoods as a result of their inclusion, with supporters claiming their human rights have been breached. Following initial newspaper reports in 2008, arising out of an investigation into worker dismissals during construction of Manchester Royal Infirmary, and Information Commissioner's Office (ICO) action in early 2009, it emerged that the Consulting Association held files on about 3,213 construction workers, including political activists, environmentalists, shop stewards and health and safety representatives (it was later alleged that the 3,213 was only a tiny proportion, and that up to 95% of TCA files were left untouched, leading to speculation, denied by the ICO, that 60,000 workers could have been blacklisted).

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