91 Sentences With "rejectionist" | Random Sentence Generator

But Europe's rejectionist governments are shooting themselves in the foot nonetheless.

Rejectionist is a derogatory term used to refer to Shi'ite Muslims.

"Breaking into a barrack of the Rejectionist military on the international road south Akashat," read one subtitle.

The militant group said it targeted "trainers from the rejectionist army," a term used by the Sunni insurgents to describe Shiite Muslims.

There is nothing horrified or rejectionist in the critic's evolution, but there is a distinct and tentative adjustment of the awed appraisal.

But if he's not, then Republicans are about to learn once again that their rejectionist politics and submission to Trump have become paralyzing liabilities.

Years of worsening joblessness and unrest had helped to fuel the spread of a militant and often rejectionist Muslim identity, especially among the young.

Official figures showed the rejectionist front winning by 60% to 40% in metropolitan Italy (and by 59% to 41% counting ballots cast by Italians abroad).

"The [fear] is that the UK exit will encourage a lot of other rejectionist forces to call for national referenda for exiting the EU," Drezner says.

After the Democrats lost the House of Representatives in 2010, President Barack Obama faced a rejectionist opposition bent on thwarting his every action and possessing considerable veto power.

Democrats would end up nominating someone with a relatively extreme rejectionist profile, and Trump would be in a good position to improve his approval ratings and get reelected.

Palestinians are irredeemably rejectionist, runs this argument; they will not give up on their impossible goals and have never made real compromises, in spite of every generous Israeli proposal.

"This video plays into a rejectionist narrative and thus has no place in any social media — or any other form of communication — associated with the United States government," Engel added.

But he's doing things -- like releasing the fact that he wrote a check to Moore's opponent -- that he knows will draw attention to him and raise his profile as a Trump rejectionist.

At the same time, Mr. Netanyahu's hard-line, rejectionist Likud and even more extreme parties have come to dominate Israeli politics, generating a toxic mix of racism, religious messianism and hyper-nationalism.

Though rejectionist ideologues remain in power, younger generations express greater interest in economic progress, struggling against corruption in their institutions, and engaging Israel and the broader region in pursuit of these goals.

The first is that the UK exit will encourage a lot of other rejectionist forces to call for national referenda for exiting the EU. In that case, God knows what the hell happens in Europe.

On the other hand, rejectionist and irredentist forces spanning a similar stretch of the globe are standing with Maduro — and in several cases exploiting American indications of potential military action to serve their larger anti-American policies.

The patriot movement is a rejectionist umbrella movement of freemen, sovereign citizens, posse comitatus and others whose historic foundational beliefs challenge the very legitimacy of the courts, federal government, international treaties, the financial system, and restrictive laws outright.

In a statement circulated online, Islamic State said it was responsible for the blasts: "Our swords will not cease to cut off the heads of the rejectionist polytheists, wherever they are," it said, using derogatory terms for Shi'ite Muslims.

Sure, Netanyahu has rhetorically accepted a two-state solution (a nod to international diplomatic consensus), although that acceptance was immediate qualified by publically making clear to his rejectionist base that this had been a purely rhetorical statement for international consumption.

Ehud Barak, who beat Netanyahu in the 1999 election made a desultory attempt to conclude Oslo at Camp David, but the failure of those talks was followed quickly by the second Palestinian Intifada — and then by the election of another Oslo-rejectionist, Ariel Sharon, early in 2001.

I happen to think this was dumb politics—no special effort is required to make the Republican conference look rejectionist, and being even theoretically open to such cuts weakens the Democratic brand and diminishes the ability of Democrats to attack Republicans for going to war on Social Security.

She had already helped sink her party's effort to repeal the Affordable Care Act, and activists last Tuesday understood that they need to rally the same fervent clamor and rejectionist energy to pressure her to vote no again — this time on the nomination of Judge Brett M. Kavanaugh, President Trump's Supreme Court nominee.

It was also joined by Palestinian factions based in Lebanon's refugee camps, mainly from the Rejectionist Front.

Those who rejected Sison's reaffirmation, or "rejectionists" went on their separate ways, although not all rejectionists were united. Some rejectionist groups formed their own revolutionary armies, while others turned to politics. One of the most famous rejectionist groups is the Akbayan party-list, who won a congressional seat in 1998.

"Wafa': A new Shia rejectionist movement - Passed to the Telegraph by WikiLeaks". The Daily Telegraph. 18 February 2011. Retrieved 24 May 2012.

The Front should not be confused with the Rejectionist Front, which had been formed in 1974 and comprised hard-line radical Palestinian factions that had left the PLO after the Palestinian National Council adopted the PLO's Ten Point Program. The Front and its conflict with Egypt assisted in healing the rift between the PLO and those supporting the Rejectionist Front.

I was told first, the press will start behaving swinishly with any envoy, representative or adviser, and then, the rejectionist parties will start to undermine the UN chap.

This occasionally went to extremes, with as-Sa'iqa leaders denying the existence of a separate Palestinian people within the wider Arab nation. The group has generally taken a hard line stance (reflecting that of Syria) on issues such as the recognition of Israel, the Oslo Accords, and other questions of Palestinian goals and political orientation. It was a member of the 1974 Rejectionist Front, despite supporting the Ten Point Programme that initially caused the PLO/Rejectionist Front split.

The ALF was a founding member of the Rejectionist Front in 1974, rejecting the PLO's Ten Point Program. Abdel- Wahhab Kayyali (a member of the PLO Executive Committee) froze his seat on the committee in protest, instead of following the example (resignation) of the Rejectionist Front. The invasion of Iraq toppled the Iraqi-dominated Ba'ath Party, headquartered in Baghdad. This weakened the movement and since the Iraqi military coordinated much of the ALF's activities the ALF has also been considerably weakened.

LitReactorA conversation with Kat Howard. The Rejectionist She attended the Clarion Writers Workshop in 2008.List of San Diego Alumni of the Clarion Writers Workshop She is a 2018 recipient of the Alex Awards.

The PFLP-GC left the PLO in 1974 to join the Rejectionist Front, protesting what they saw as the PLO's move towards an accommodation with Israel in the Arafat-backed Ten Point Program of the Palestinian National Council (PNC). Unlike most of the organizations involved in the Rejectionist Front, the PFLP-GC never resumed its role within the PLO. From the start, the PFLP-GC was more concentrated on means than ends. They never depended on a political platform; most of their recruits were young, exiled, poor, illiterate, and angry.

But the Rejectionist Front denounced the calls for diplomacy, and a diplomatic solution was vetoed by the United States. In 1975, the increasing tensions between Palestinian militants and Christian militias exploded into the Lebanese Civil War, involving all factions. On 20 January 1976, the PLO took part in the Damour massacre in retaliation to the Karantina massacre.

John Rogers was the last elected Principal Chief of the Cherokee Nation West, elected 11 October 1839 by the faction of Old Settlers who rejected the unity constitution of September 1839. The rejectionist faction gained no further adherents and the effort died the next year. Rogers was the nephew of previous Cherokee Nation West principal chiefs Tahlonteeskee and John Jolly.

He called it a "jazz novel", which condemned Victorian materialism as a cause of the tragedy and waste of the war; Rejectionist, an "expressionist scream". It was commended by Lawrence Durrell as "the best war novel of the epoch". It was developed mostly while living on the island of Port-Cros in Provence, building on the manuscript from a decade before.

He also headed this coalition. The LNM demanded the abolition of the sectarian quota system that permeated Lebanese politics, which discriminated against Muslims. The LNM was further joined by Palestinian radicals of the Rejectionist Front, and maintained good relations with the officially non-committal Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). The Palestinian presence in the ranks of the opposition was a new development compared to the 1958 conflict.

The Rejectionist Front (Arabic: جبهة الرفض) or Front of the Palestinian Forces Rejecting Solutions of Surrender (جبهة القوى الفلسطينية الرافضة للحلول الإستسلامية) was a political coalition formed in 1974 by radical Palestinian factions who rejected the Ten Point Program adopted by the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) in its 12th Palestinian National Congress (PNC) session.Chakhtoura, Maria, La guerre des graffiti, Beyrouth, Éditions Dar an- Nahar, 2005, page 136.

Brill Online This debate centered around questions such as whether or not tawakkul allowed for God to use intermediary causes, and the degree of reliance on God. Views of extreme and total dependence on God to the point of pure fatalism were popular among rejectionist ascetics."The Ethical Concerns of Classical Sufism", Awn, Peter J. The Journal of Religious Ethics, Vol. 11, No. 2 (Fall, 1983), pp. 240-263.

The Palestinian reaction was mixed. The Rejectionist Front of the PLO allied itself with Islamists in a common opposition against the agreements. It was rejected also by Palestinian refugees in Lebanon, Syria, and Jordan as well as by many Palestinian intellectuals and the local leadership of the Palestinian territories. However, the inhabitants of the territories generally accepted the agreements and Arafat's promise for peace and economic well-being.

Syria deployed troops to Lebanon in 1976 during the Lebanese Civil War as part of the Arab Deterrent Force. The military intervention had been requested by the Lebanese President Suleiman Frangieh, as Lebanese Christian fears had been greatly exacerbated by the Damour massacre. Syria responded by ending its prior affiliation with the Palestinian Rejectionist Front and began supporting the Maronite-dominated government.Charles D. Smith, Palestine and the Arab Israeli Conflict, p. 354.

The rejectionist banners the line of "strategic counteroffensive", "regularization", and combining military adventurism with insurrectionism from 1980 onward that overlapped with reaffirmist that upholds the correct revolutionary of the people's war. The rectification movement was aimed to defeat the wrong line in a comprehensive and thoroughgoing manner and strengthen the Party ideologically, politically and organizationally. Thus, the rectification movement came into force in 1992, especially after the Plenum of the Central Committee approved the rectification documents.

The Damascus-Based Alliance of Palestinian Forces: A Primer, in Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. 29, No. 3 (Spring, 2000), pp. 60–76. University of California Press on behalf of the Institute for Palestine Studies The Ghanim-led PLF emerged from a split in the Damascus-based PLF faction of Talat Yaqub. The Ghanim-faction sought to rally rejectionist groups and individuals in Yarmouk Camp, and reached out to the Palestinian Popular Committees (linked to the Syrian Communist Party of Labour).Al-Watan.

In 1974, the PLO altered its focus to include political elements, necessary for a dialogue with Israel. Those who insisted on a military solution left to form the Rejectionist Front, and Yassir Arafat took over the PLO leadership role. The Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine – General Command, which split from the PLO in 1974, carried out the Kiryat Shmona massacre in April of that year. In May 1974, the DFLP crossed again into Israel and carried out the Ma'alot massacre.

In 1974 the PLO altered its focus to include political elements, necessary for a dialogue with Israel. Those who insisted on a military solution left to form the Rejectionist Front, and Yassir Arafat took over the PLO leadership role. The Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine – General Command, which split from the PLO in 1974, carried out the Kiryat Shmona massacre in April of that year. In May 1974, the DFLP crossed again into Israel and carried out the Ma'alot massacre.

Barak, The Lebanese Army – A National institution in a divided society (2009), p. 100.Menargues, Les Secrets de la guerre du Liban (2004), p. 31. Moreover, Lt. Khatib was a pro-Palestinian Sunni Muslim dissident supported by the Rejectionist Front and Libya, and was himself ideologically aligned with the Lebanese Nasserist Al-Mourabitoun movement led by Ibrahim Kulaylat and the Progressive Socialist Party (PSP) headed by Kamal Jumblatt.Barak, The Lebanese Army – A National institution in a divided society (2009), p. 101.

The relationship between Haredim and Zionism became more complex after the founding of the State of Israel in 1948. Some Haredi groups adopted a pragmatic position, and involved themselves in the political process of the state by voting in elections and accepting state funding. Others have maintained a more hardline rejectionist position, refusing all funding from the Israeli state and abstaining from taking part in the political process. The positions of specific Haredi groups are discussed in greater detail in the remainder of the article.

Jurij Hudolin (born 29 May 1973) is a Slovene poet, writer, columnist and translator. He has published a number of poetry collections and novels and is known for the rich language he uses and a rebellious rejectionist stance towards the world. Hudolin was born in 1973 in Ljubljana. He grew up in Ljubljana and for a while near Pula in Istria before returning to Ljubljana to complete his secondary education and going on to study comparative literature and Serbo-Croatian at the University of Ljubljana.

DFLP, al-Sa'iqa) led many hard-line groups to break away from the Arafat and the mainstream PLO members, forming the Rejectionist Front. To some extent, this split is still evident today. Declassified diplomatic documents reveal that in 1974, on the eve of the UN debate that granted the PLO an observer status, some parts of the PLO leadership were considering to proclaim the formation of a Palestinian government in exile at some point.Godley (US Embassy in Beirut) to Secretary of State, 7 November 1974.

Republican Sen. Rod Grams eventually condemned Finkelstein's negative ads against Wellstone as excessive; however, his client (former Sen. Rudy Boschwitz) came closer that year than any GOP challenger to defeating a Democratic incumbent.United States Senate elections, 1996 Finkelstein refused the notion he engaged in negative campaigning, a phrase he said connotes false accusations: "It just means that you speak about the failings of your opponent as opposed to the virtues of your candidate"—a strategy he called "rejectionist voting"—a formula based on slogans that disparaged adversaries.

City Winery in New York City hosted a record release party on May 8, 2012, which included performances by Matt Pless, the initial inspiration for the album. Other performers included Ace Reporter, David Amram, Angels of Vice, Jennie Arnau, Richard Barone, Chroma, Dave Dreiwitz, and Kevin Twigg, the Fear Nuttin Band, Nanci Griffith with Pete and Maura Kennedy, DJ Logic, Jesse Lenat, Los Cintron, George Martinez and The Global Block Collective, Michael Moore with Tom Chapin, Rejectionist Front, Greg Smith and Broken English, and Taj Weekes.

In 1972, Habash experienced failing health and gradually began to lose influence within the organization. The Palestinian National Council's (PNC) adoption of a resolution viewed by the PFLP as a two-state solution in 1974, prompted Habash to lead his organization out of active participation in the PLO and to join the Iraqi- backed Rejectionist Front. Only in 1977 would the PFLP opt to rejoin, as the Palestinian factions rallied their forces in opposition to Anwar Sadat's overtures towards Israel, pro-U.S. policies and fragmentation of the Arab world.

In 1974, the ALF joined the Rejectionist Front, initially strongly backed by Iraq, which was formed by hard-line Palestinian factions which rejected what they perceived as the increasing moderation of the PLO. After the PLO entered into the Oslo Accords with Israel, the ALF opposed the accords, in line with Iraqi Ba'athist government policy. This brought about a split in the ALF in 1993, with a pro- Arafat Oslo faction becoming the Palestinian Arab Front and re-locating to the Palestinian territories;Historical Dictionary of Islamic Fundamentalism. By Mathieu Guidère. p.32.

In May 2003, the U.S. Secretary of State, Colin Powell, visited Damascus to demand Syrian closure of the offices of Hamas, Islamic Jihad and the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine. Issues of U.S. concern include its ongoing interference in Lebanese affairs, its protection of the leadership of Palestinian rejectionist groups in Damascus, its human rights record, and its pursuit of weapons of mass destruction. Relations diminished after the assassination of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri. In February 2005, in the wake of the Hariri assassination, the U.S. recalled its Ambassador to Washington.

The peace deal was "in a coma": not dead but dying. In addition the rejectionist factions should end the quarrel to start talking about everything related to the Darfur peace agreement to improve it. In mid-October 2006, the army of Sudan accused Pronk of "waging psychological warfare on the armed forces" and demanded his deportation after Pronk published thoughts on army military defeats in his weblog."Expel UN envoy, Sudan army says", BBC News, 20 October 2006 On 22 October, the Sudanese government gave Pronk three days' notice to leave the country.

The ANO was originally formed as a result of the 1974 Rejectionist Front split in the PLO, after Arafat's Fatah had pushed through amendments of the PLO's goals, which were seen as a step towards compromise with Israel. Abu Nidal then moved to Ba'athist Iraq where he set up the ANO, which soon began a vicious string of terrorist attacks. It hasn't clearly defined its ideological position, but was clearly opposed to any form of compromise or negotiation with Israel. It is known as one of the most uncompromisingly militant Palestinian groups ever.

Oxford University Press, 2008. pp. 202–203. An important ramification of Torah min HaShamayim in modern times is the reserved, and often totally rejectionist, attitude of Orthodoxy toward the historical-critical method, particularly higher criticism of the Bible. A refusal by rabbis to significantly employ such tools in determining halakhic decisions, and insistence on traditional methods and the need for consensus and continuity with past authorities, is a demarcation line separating the most liberal-leaning Orthodox rabbinic circles from the most right-wing non- Orthodox ones.Salmon, Ravitzky, Ferziger.

Arafat's ability to adapt to new tactical and political situations was perhaps tested by the rise of the Hamas and PIJ organizations, Islamist groups espousing rejectionist policies with Israel. These groups often bombed non-military targets, such as malls and movie theaters, to increase the psychological damage and civilian casualties. In the 1990s, these groups seemed to threaten Arafat's capacity to hold together a unified nationalist organization with a goal of statehood. An attack carried out by Hamas militants in March 2002 killed 29 Israeli civilians celebrating Passover, including many senior citizens.

Far bloodier than its 1950s prelude, it featured most PLO factions on the side of the Lebanese National Movement, specially with the mainly Sunni al-Murabitun. The right-wing Lebanese Front had long seen the PLO as a threat to their supremacy in Lebanon's volatile sectarian balance. The Lebanese National Movement and PLO were seen too as a threat to Syria, as they opposed Syrian strategy. As a result, the Rejectionist Front itself became split between the PFLP and various smaller groups which sided with the LNM and Fatah, and as-Saiqa and the PFLP-General Command which sided with Syria.

In 1974, the Palestinian National Council adopted a resolution recognizing a two-state solution to the Israeli–Palestinian conflict and Habash, who opposed this, formed the Rejectionist Front from several other opposition parties. Habash aligned the PFLP with the PLO and the Lebanese National Movement, but stayed neutral during the Lebanese Civil War in the late 1970s. After a stroke in 1980, when he was living in Damascus, his health declined and other PFLP members rose to the top. After the Oslo Agreements, Habash formed another opposition alliance of Rejectionists, including Islamist organizations such as Hamas and the Islamic Jihad Movement in Palestine, that became prominent during the First Intifada.

Abduljalil al-Singace on his wheel chair, taking part in a protest heading to the Royal Court in Riffa The Bahrain Thirteen played an important role in mobilizing the public opinion against the government, organizing protests and shaping political demands. Some of the group were already in detention when the uprising began, having been arrested in the Manama incident the previous August, and were released on 22 February 2011. Abdulwahab Hussain and Hassan Mushaima, leaders of opposition parties Al Wafa' and Haq Movement respectively, were among the leaders of the 1990s uprising in Bahrain."Wafa': A new Shia rejectionist movement - Passed to the Telegraph by WikiLeaks".

It was formed by right-wing activists opposed to the presence of the Palestinian refugees in Lebanon. The refugee population also included a substantial element of Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) fighters, especially after the 1970 Black September events in Jordan. This created severe tension in Lebanon, and is believed by many to have been a driving factor behind the outbreak of civil war in 1975. During the Lebanese Civil War, the party and its militia were a small but active part of the Maronite-led alliance fighting the Palestinians represented by the Rejectionist Front and PLO, and its allies in the Lebanese National Movement (LNM) of Kamal Jumblatt.

In early 1968, a leftist, supposedly Maoist, faction headed by Hawatmeh broke away from PFLP to form the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine (DFLP, initially PDFLP). At this point, both the PFLP and the DFLP had embraced Marxism–Leninism, a break with the ANM heritage that would be replicated in other branches, and tear what remained of the movement apart. The PFLP and DFLP subsequently both spawned a number of breakaway factions, such as the PFLP-GC, the PLF and the FIDA. Many of these groups were active as a leftist hardline opposition within the PLO, and most participated in the Rejectionist Front of 1974.

Lisa Taraki, ZNet, 19 August 2004 In 2004, an attempt to coordinate the boycotts gained momentum after the start of the construction of the Israeli West Bank barrier. Colin Shindler has argued that the peace process's failure created a political void that allowed what had been a marginal rejectionist attitude to Israel to enter the European far-left mainstream in the form of proposals for a boycott.Colin Shindler,The Hebrew Republic: Israel's Return to History, Rowman & Littlefield 2017 p.xv. Others have argued that BDS should be understood in terms of its purported roots in the Arab League's boycott of Zionist goods from Mandatory Palestine.

They were rejected by the PFLP, DFLP, Hamas, and twenty other factions, as well as Palestinian intellectuals, refugees outside of the Palestinian territories, and the local leadership of the territories. The Rejectionist fedayeen factions formed a common front with the Islamists, culminating in the creation of the Alliance of Palestinian Forces. This new alliance failed to act as a cohesive unit, but revealed the sharp divisions among the PLO, with the fedayeen finding themselves aligning with Palestinian Islamists for the first time. Disintegration within the PLO's main body Fatah increased as Farouk Qaddoumi—in charge of foreign affairs—voiced his opposition to negotiations with Israel.

In 1974, the PNC approved the Ten Point Program (drawn up by Arafat and his advisers), and proposed a compromise with the Israelis. It called for a Palestinian national authority over every part of "liberated" Palestinian territory, which refers to areas captured by Arab forces in the 1948 Arab–Israeli War (present-day West Bank, East Jerusalem and Gaza Strip). This caused discontent among several of the PLO factions; the PFLP, DFLP and other parties formed a breakaway organization, the Rejectionist Front. Israel and the US have alleged also that Arafat was involved in the 1973 Khartoum diplomatic assassinations, in which five diplomats and five others were killed.

Between the 1970s and 1980s, thousands of volunteers, including youth and teenagers from both urban and rural areas, joined the organization. In 1992, NPA split into two factions: the reaffirmist faction led by Sison and the rejectionist faction which advocated the formation of larger military units and urban insurgencies. Through NPA's history, 13 smaller factions emerged from the group, the most notable being MLPP-RHB, APP, RPA-M, RPM/P-RPA-ABB and CPLA. This split resulted in a weakening of the CPP-NPA, but it gradually grew again after the breakdown of peace talks in 1998, the unpopularity of the Estrada administration, and because of social pressures arising from the Asian Financial Crisis that year.

Search using "terrorism review" The ESO is described as responsible for surveillance, assassination, and kidnapping of Libyan dissidents outside the country; examples were given from actions in the United Kingdom and Egypt. Libya was also described as attempting to build influence in sub-Saharan Africa, supporting a range of Palestinian rejectionist groups, and giving funds and equipment to the Moro Islamic Liberation Organization and Abu Sayyaf Group in the Philippines. In addition, the World Anti-Imperialist Center (Mahatba) and the World Islamic Call Society (WICS) were described as part of terrorist infrastructure. This review does not mention any country, other than Libya, or non-national actor as a sponsor of terrorism, as opposed to an operational terrorist group.

In the aftermath of Black September in Jordan, many Palestinians arrived in Lebanon, among them Yasser Arafat and the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO). In the early 1970s their presence exacerbated an already tense situation in Lebanon, and in 1975 the Lebanese Civil War broke out. Beginning with street fighting in Beirut between Christian Phalangists and Palestinian militiamen, the war quickly deteriorated into a conflict between two loosely defined factions: the side wishing to preserve the status quo, consisting primarily of Maronite militias, and the side seeking change, which included a variety of militias from leftist organizations and guerrillas from rejectionist Palestinian (nonmainstream PLO) organizations. The Lebanese civil war lasted until 1990 and resulted in an estimated 130,000 to 250,000 civilian fatalities and one million wounded.

The PFLP joined the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), the umbrella organization of the Palestinian national movement, in 1968, becoming the second-largest faction after Yassir Arafat's Fatah. In 1974, it withdrew from the PLO Executive Committee (but not from the PLO) to join the Rejectionist Front following the creation of the PLO's Ten Point Program, accusing the PLO of abandoning the goal of destroying Israel outright in favor of a binational solution, which was opposed by the PFLP leadership. It rejoined the executive committee in 1981. In December 1993 PFLP withdrew from the PLO and became one of the ten founding members of the Damascus-based Alliance of Palestinian Forces, eight of which had been members of the PLO, which was opposed to the Oslo Accords process.

Though the rift initially caused a popular breakthrough for the members of the Rejectionist Front, in the long run it only marginalized them and caused them to be perceived as lackeys of the Arab states. The fact that it was more of an alignment against Yasser Arafat rather than for anything in particular didn't help, as the Front brought "together" factions that had no common goal. This can be seen by the example of as-Saiqa, a movement that forms the branch of the pro-Syrian Ba'ath Party in the Palestinian territories, and the Arab Liberation Front, similar however used by the pro-Iraqi Ba'ath Party. The alliance did nothing to improve cooperation between member factions, and internecine bloodshed continued.

Maradeka Peace GatheringMaradeka is a uniquely reclusive ideological organization operating as Islamic movement but distinctly separate and as it claimed as antithetical to and from wide range political spectrum and groupings in the Philippine political setting. Its ideological doctrine do not permit alliances with secular political parties and any of the factions of Philippine's communist groups or its front organization, be it in the re-affirmist or the rejectionist faction. Maradeka is a cause-oriented mass-based organization with 68 hardline member affiliates from various Moro sectors, regional groups, clerics (ulama), people organizations, civil society, urban community associations, developmental non-government organizations. The Majlis is the Highest Governing Council and The Permanent Secretariat led by the Secretary- General ran the operations of the organization's organs and major action programmes.

The history of the CPP–NPA–NDF rebellion can be traced back to March 29, 1969, when Jose Maria Sison's newly-formed Communist Party of the Philippines entered an alliance with a small armed group led Bernabe Buscayno. Buscayno's group, which was originally a unit under the Marxist–Leninist 1930s-era Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas (PKP-1930), was renamed the "New People’s Army" (NPA) and became the armed wing of the CPP. Less than two years later, President Ferdinand Marcos introduced martial law, leading to the radicalization of many young people and a rapid growth of the CPP-NPA. In 1992, the NPA split into two factions: the reaffirmist faction led by Sison and the rejectionist faction which advocated the formation of larger military units and urban insurgencies.

The Council was presided over from its inception by Kamal Jumblatt of the PSP, with Mohsen Ibrahim of the OCAL appointed as Executive Secretary; after Kamal's death in 1977, he was replaced by his son Walid Jumblatt, who led the LNM until 1982. Among the participants in the LNM were the Lebanese Communist Party (LCP), the Communist Action Organization in Lebanon (CAOL or OCAL), the PSP, the Syrian Social Nationalist Party in Lebanon (SSNP), both a Syrian-led Ba'ath Party branch and an Iraqi-led Ba'ath Party branch, al-Mourabitoun (a Nasserist group) and several other minor Nasserist groupings. Several Palestinian organizations joined the LNM, notably many from the Rejectionist Front. Both the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) and the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine (DFLP) were active participants.

He is professor of psychology at Bowling Green State University (Ohio, US), and has published more than 100 papers on the subject of religion and spirituality in psychology. Pargament led the design of a questionnaire called the "RCOPE" to measure Religious Coping strategies. Pargament has distinguished between three types of styles for coping with stress: 1) Collaborative, in which people co- operate with God to deal with stressful events; 2) Deferring, in which people leave everything to God; and 3) Self-directed, in which people do not rely on God and try exclusively to solve problems by their own efforts. He also describes four major stances toward religion that have been adopted by psychotherapists in their work with clients, which he calls the religiously rejectionist, exclusivist, constructivist, and pluralist stances.

The Lebanese Front was informally organized in January 1976 under the leadership of Bashir's father, Pierre Gemayel and Camille Chamoun. It began as a simple coordination or joint command between the predominantly Christian Kataeb Party/Kataeb Regulatory Forces (KRF), Tyous Team of Commandos (TTC), Ahrar/Tigers Militia, Al-Tanzim, Marada Brigade and Lebanese Renewal Party/Guardians of the Cedars (GoC) parties and their respective military wings. The main reason behind the formation of the Lebanese Front was to strengthen the Christian side against the challenge presented by the Lebanese National Movement (LNM), an umbrella alliance of leftist parties/militias allied with the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) and Rejectionist Front Palestinian guerrilla factions. Christian East Beirut was ringed by heavily fortified Palestinian camps from which kidnappings and sniping against Lebanese civilians became a daily routine.

Faisal Hassan Fulad is an international Human Rights Activist and he was a member of Kingdom of Bahrain's upper chamber of parliament, the Consultative Council, since 1996. Fulad was appointed to parliament by King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa from 1996 to 2010. Fulad is a Union activist since 1975 and founder of the General Federation of Bahraini Workers, he was the head of the General Committee for Bahrain Workers from 1996 to 1998 and chairman of the Labor joint committee for Gulf Air from 1996 to 2001, and he is Human Rights activist and a founder with Houda Nonoo of the local group, the Bahrain Human Rights Watch Society (BHRWS) (an organisation described as "government supported" by a leaked WikiLeaks cable."Wafa': A new Shia rejectionist movement - Passed to the Telegraph by WikiLeaks".

In 1974, the PNC approved the Ten Point Program (drawn up by Arafat and his advisers), and proposed a compromise with the Israelis. The Program called for a Palestinian national authority over every part of "liberated Palestinian territory", which referred to areas captured by Arab forces in the 1948 Arab–Israeli War (present-day West Bank and Gaza Strip). Perceived by some Palestinians as overtures to the United States and concessions to Israel, the program fostered internal discontent, and prompted several of the PLO factions, such as the PFLP, DFLP, as-Sa'iqa, the Arab Liberation Front and the Palestine Liberation Front, among others, to form a breakaway movement which came to be known as the Rejectionist Front. During the Lebanese Civil War (1975–1990), the PLO aligned itself with the Communist and Nasserist Lebanese National Movement.

Abu Nidal (Sabri al-Banna) was regarded as the most dangerous of the Palestinian political leaders. Abu Nidal, whose pseudonym means "father of struggle" (Abu meaning father and Nidal, a secular term, meaning "struggle" or "effort" in Arabic) was primarily active in the 1970s and 1980s in the left- wing of the Palestine Liberation Organization and later the secular/rejectionist front, and was accused by Western and Arab sources of acting as a mercenary for various Arab governments. Most of its targets were Arab politicians, rivals, and activists they felt were soft on the Israeli issue, but Jews, as well as political representatives of Western nations were also targets, especially those involved in the peace process in the Middle East. Notably, ANO enacted a drastically violent policy towards its own members - executing some 600 members and their families in 1987.

In other academic and non-academic settings, the term has been adopted more loosely, and used figuratively to describe different forms of indirect domination, especially in post-colonial context. For one, it has been used to refer to the compliance of native rulers with the dominance of foreign power. Thus for example, Kiangi uses it to describe African wars fought by African leaders but instigated from former colonial masters. In his analysis of Arab regimes in the Middle East, Dr. Mohammad Manzoor Alam claims that even so-called “rejectionist” rulers which openly declared hostility to Western dominance, were in fact exemplifying “surrogate” or “internal” colonialism, for they have been silently compliant with Western rule. Similarly, Editor of the Indian Defence Review, Bharat Verma, blamed the Chinese government for treating Pakistan “as an extension of its war machine and a surrogate colony”. “Surrogate Colonism” has also been used to describe Neocolonialism.

Following the rise of Hamas in the 1987–1991 First Intifada among Palestinians living in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, Jibril found an able ally in resisting the trend started by Fatah leader Yasser Arafat toward a negotiated settlement to the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. By that time, the Rejectionist Front was composed primarily of leftist groups, among them the PFLP, DFLP, General Command, PLF, and numerous other small factions. However, the members of these PLO groups were limited in their ability to confront Fatah, which never lost its supremacy within the umbrella organization. The only group that waged uninterrupted attrition against Arafat was the Fatah Revolutionary Council led by maverick hardliner Sabri al-Banna (better known as Abu Nidal), who was viewed by other Palestinian organizations as not so much a guerrilla as a pure criminal with no higher goal than deposing the moderates at the head of the PLO.

Though many Palestinians still were opposed to compromising on the principle of defeating Israel by armed struggle, the existing groups could not channel their desires, as many of them were led by the elite among the exile population, who were detached from the reality of the refugee camps, be they in the West Bank and Gaza, Lebanon, Syria, or Jordan. Many leaders of Palestinian groups lived in luxurious accommodations throughout the Eastern Bloc, Europe, or various Arab states, especially Syria, Iraq, and Libya. Jibril uniquely insisted on living in a specially designed security bunker in the Lebanon mountains, a hilly terrain that was more attuned to the image of a guerrilla leader than Arafat's mansions in Tunis. With the emergence of Hamas and the Islamic Jihad throughout the 1980s, Jibril proved more able to cope than Habash and his other allies in the Rejectionist Front.

The party was formed in 1995 following a split from the Communist Party of the Philippines due to ideological differences such as rejection of Maoism and preference for the act of insurrection over the Maoist protracted people's war. The party, as well as its armed group Revolutionary Proletarian Army – Alex Boncayao Brigade, is known to be a "rejectionist" faction of the CPP-New People's Army due to its ideological differences from the latter, especially during the expulsion of 10,000 members from 1992 to 1993, the expulsion of former CPP member Rómulo Tabara, as well as the ex-secretary of the CPP's Metro Manila-Rizal Committee Filemón "Popoy" Lagmán. These events during the "Second Great Rectification Movement" led by the CPP forced the faction to form a separate party in 1995. Following ideological summits with the MR, CMR, Negros, Panay and Samar on October 1995, the protracted people's war was virtually rejected.

The Saudi government has refused to allow Shiite teachers and students exemption from school to partake in activities for the Day of Ashura, one of the most important religious days for Shiites which commemorates the martyrdom of Muhammad's grandson, Husayn bin Ali, at the hands of the second Sunni Umayyad Caliph, Yazid.Encyclopædia Britannica In 2009, during Ashura commencements, Shia religious and community leaders were arrested protesting against the government and chanting slogans against Wahhabis. In 2009 a group of Shiites on their way to perform hajj pilgrimage (one of the five pillars of Islam that all able-bodied Muslims are required to perform once in their lives) in Mecca were arrested by Saudi religious police due to the involvement in a protest against the Saudi government. A fifteen-year-old pilgrim was shot in the chest and an unknown assailant stabbed a Shiite sheikh in the back, shouting "Kill the rejectionist [Shia]".

At the beginning of the war in 1975 the different LNM militias were grouped into a military wing, designated the "Common Forces" (Arabic: القوات المشتركة, Al-Quwwat al-Mushtaraka), but best known as "Joint Forces" (LNM-JF), which numbered some 18,700 militiamen (not including allied Palestinian factions). Manpower was distributed as follows: the PSP militia (the People's Liberation Army) and the LCP militia (the Popular Guard) each had 5,000 men; the SSNP militia had 4,000 men; and the pro-Iraqi Ba'athists, the pro-Syria Ba'athists, and al-Mourabitoun militia 3,000 each. The others militias shared the remainder. Eventually, this number was due to increase in the following months with the inclusion of 23,900 Palestinian guerrilla fighters from both the Rejectionist Front (RF) and mainstream PLO factions, later joined by 4,400 Lebanese regular soldiers from the Lebanese Arab Army (LAA) led by Lt. Ahmad al-Khatib who went over to the LNM-PLO side in January 1976.

In the 1970s and 1980s, the group carried out a number of attacks on Israeli soldiers and civilians, and gained notoriety for using spectacular means. After 1969 Habash could no longer claim that he was the head of the true organization, as all three of the group's original triumvirate were now separate. Nevertheless, due to the PFLP's spectacular successes, including the Dawson's Field hijackings (September 1970), Lod Airport Massacre (1971), and coordination with the Fatah-backed Black September group in the Munich Olympic killings ( 5–6 September 1972), Habash continued to be the first among equals among the Rejectionist Front, the groups that refused any permanent settlement in a framework other than military victory. From 1970-73, the group targeted a number of aircraft; typically having members seduce single young women and promise them a life of adventure and love - often while getting them addicted to drugs - before asking them to carry some cash and a mysterious package onto a flight to Tel Aviv.

The Front also showed obvious divisions in respect to the First Intifada (1987–91), as well as the Persian Gulf War (1991). In 1991, Palestinian Popular Struggle Front was allowed to rejoin the PLO after accepting United Nations Security Council Resolution 242 and the concept of negotiations with Israel. The Abu Nidal Organization faded continuously into the shadows after 1991, as-Saiqa never grew out of its comfortable niche in the arms of Assad, the ALF did the same under the sponsorship of Saddam Hussein, the DFLP divided in two on the question of the Oslo Accords (1993), while the PFLP began an ambivalent participation in the peace process that never resulted in complete rejection or acceptance. Today, the Rejectionist Front as a whole is overshadowed by the hard-line Islamist groups Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad, and the Popular Resistance Committees, as well as hard-line affiliates of the PLFP and Fatah such as the Abu Ali Mustapha Brigades and the Al-Aqsa Martyrs' Brigades, respectively.

The group focused mainly on bomb attacks and extortion attempts targeting American and British civilian and economic interests in Lebanon, at times claiming that its actions were either carried out in protest for US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger's 1974 diplomatic Middle Eastern Tour or to force British-owned Lebanese companies to distribute freely large amounts of food to impoverished local families. It is still unclear who financed and armed the ACO though the most likely suspect at the time would have been the Palestinians (either the mainstream PLO or the Rejectionist Front factions), who certainly provided weapons, explosives and training at their Bekaa Valley facilities. When the Lebanese Civil War finally broke out in April 1975, it seems that the group opted for not joining the Lebanese National Movement (LNM) and took no part in the savage street battles at Beirut and elsewhere. Instead, they shifted their attention to Syria, where their leaders were arrested and tortured in July that year and then sentenced to life in prison by Syrian courts.

He declared that Hamas was ready to "unify the weapons of Palestinian factions, with Palestinian consensus, and form an army like any independent state... an army that protects our people against aggression". Later, on 13 February 2006, Mashal declared that Hamas would end the armed struggle against Israel if Israel withdrew to its pre-1967 borders and recognize a Palestinian right of return.Peace with Israel for withdrawal to ’67 borders, ynetnews, 3 March 2006 In a Reuters interview on 31 July 2006, Mashal warned Palestinians everywhere against attempts to separate the Lebanese and Palestinian issues. He reaffirmed this stance in a 5 March 2008 interview with Al Jazeera English, – Talk to Jazeera – Khaled Meshaal – 5 March 08 – Pt. 1 – Talk to Jazeera – Khaled Meshaal – 5 March 08 – Pt. 2 citing Hamas's signing of the 2005 Cairo Declaration and the National Reconciliation Document, and denied any rejectionist stance.UN Doc 2005 Cairo Declaration In an interview given to Sky News on 30 March 2008, Mashal said that Hamas would not recognize Israel and supported Hamas suicide bombings saying it was "Palestinian resistance" reaction opposing "Israeli crimes".

For many months after the bombing, the prime suspects were the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine – General Command (PFLP-GC), a Damascus-based rejectionist group led by former Syrian army captain Ahmed Jibril, sponsored by Iran. In a February 1986 press conference, Jibril warned: Secret intercepts were reported by author, David Yallop, to have recorded the Iranian Revolutionary Guards (Pasdaran) in Baalbeck, Lebanon, making contact with the PFLP-GC immediately after the downing of the Iran Air Airbus. Israeli intelligence (Mossad) allegedly intercepted a telephone call made two days after PA 103 by Mohtashemi-Pur, Interior Minister in Tehran, to the chargé d'affaires at the Iranian embassy in Beirut, instructing the embassy to hand over the funds to Jibril and congratulating them on the success of "Operation Intekam" ('equal and just revenge'). Jibril is alleged to have received $11 million from Iran—although a banking audit trail to confirm the payment has never been presented. Jibril's right-hand man, Hafez Dalkamoni, set up a PFLP-GC cell which was active in the Frankfurt and Neuss areas of West Germany in October 1988, two months before PA 103.