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29 Sentences With "pro republic"

How to use pro republic in a sentence? Find typical usage patterns (collocations)/phrases/context for "pro republic" and check conjugation/comparative form for "pro republic". Mastering all the usages of "pro republic" from sentence examples published by news publications.

" — Rebecca Holland "Pro-Israel, pro-life, pro-gun, pro-capitalism, pro-republic, anti-regulations.
Cassius Dio, Roman History LXVI.12 Helvidius Priscus, a pro-Republic philosopher, was executed for his teachings.Cassius Dio, Roman History LXVI.13 Numerous other philosophers and writers have had their works seized, destroyed and denounced for being deemed too critical of Vespasian's reign, some even posthumously.
The Tibet Improvement Party (;西藏革命党考实 ) was a nationalist, revolutionary, anti-feudal and pro-Republic of China political party in Tibet. It was affiliated with the Kuomintang and was supported by mostly Khampas, with the Pandatsang family playing a key role.
Leslie Spencer Tai Cheuk-yin is a Hong Kong politician.Legislative Council by- election 2010 introductionTai's platform for the 2010 Hong Kong Legislative Council by-election He was the last chairman of the pro-Republic of China (Taiwan) Hong Kong political organisation 123 Democratic Alliance. Tai contested the Hong Kong Legislative Council by-election in 2010, but was not elected.
Adler cites Tacitus and Plutarch on liberty. Tyranny was associated with imperial rule and those rulers who usurped too much authority from the Roman Senate. Those who were advocates of "liberty" tended to be pro-Republic and pro-Senate. For instance, regarding Julius Caesar and his assassins, Suetonius wrote: Citizens of the empire were circumspect in identifying tyrants.
Cassius Dio, Roman History LXVI.12 Helvidius Priscus, a pro-Republic philosopher, was executed for his teachings.Cassius Dio, Roman History LXVI.13 Titus and Domitian also revived the practice of the imperial cult, which had fallen somewhat out of use under Vespasian. Significantly, Domitian's first act as Emperor was the deification of his brother Titus. Upon their deaths, his infant son, and niece Julia Flavia, were likewise enrolled among the gods.
The leader of Riau forces, Major Raja Muhammad Yunus, who led the bid to reestablish the sultanate apart from Indonesia fled into exile in Johor after his ill attempt. The Geopolitical roots of the Riau Archipelago had molded her nationalist position to be sandwiched between the kindred monarchist Peninsular Malay Nationalism observed across the border in British Malaya with the pro-republic and pan- ethnic Indonesian Nationalism manifested in her own Dutch East Indies domain.
The paper promoted a pro-republic message and criticized efforts by the Dutch to establish a separate state apart from the recently proclaimed Republic of Indonesia. Efforts by the Dutch to find a federal solution for Indonesia included the establishment of the State of East Indonesia or Negara Indonesia Timur (NIT) in 1946. Mononutu became a member of the NIT parliament and headed the group of parliament members who were pro- republic.Prisma (1983), p. 110.
This group was established in the aftermath of the November beginning of the German Revolution of 1918–1919, when Communists, anarchists and pro-republic supporters had fought in the streets for control of the government. In 1919, the Weimar Republic was established. Around 100 artists of many genres who identified themselves as avant-garde joined the November Group. They held 19 exhibitions in Berlin until the group was banned by the Nazi regime in 1933.
These strikes were only fully broken in July 1946. The Japanese, on the other hand, were required by the terms of the surrender to both lay down their arms and maintain order; a contradiction that some resolved by handing weapons to Japanese-trained Indonesians. The resulting power vacuums in the weeks following the Japanese surrender, created an atmosphere of uncertainty, but also one of opportunity for the Republicans. Many pemuda joined pro-Republic struggle groups (badan perjuangan).
Lawrence Yum Sin Ling (; born 1948) was a member of the Hong Kong Legislative Council from 1995 to 1997 and a district councillor for Kowloon City District of Hong Kong from 1994 to 1997 (Prince constituency). He is a founding member of a pro-Republic of China (Taiwan) political organisation 123 Democratic Alliance. Yum contested in the Hong Kong Legislative Council election in 1998, but was unelected. His son, Edward Yum, is a political activist in Hong Kong.
Works by the grammarian Vacca and the poet Statius may support the claim that Lucan wrote insulting poems about Nero. Vacca mentions that one of Lucan's works was entitled De Incendio Urbis (On the Burning of the City).Vacca, Life of Lucan Statius's ode to Lucan mentions that Lucan described how the "unspeakable flames of the criminal tyrant roamed the heights of Remus."Statius, Silvae II.vii Additionally, the later books of Pharsalia are anti-Imperial and pro-Republic.
Before South Africa became a republic in 1961, politics among white South Africans was typified by the division between the mainly Afrikaner pro-republic conservative and the largely English anti-republican liberal sentiments,Muller (1975), p. 508. with the legacy of the Boer War still a factor for some people. Once South Africa became a republic, Prime Minister Hendrik Verwoerd called for improved relations and greater accord between people of British descent and the Afrikaners.Booth, Douglas (1998).
In 1808 he was styled Count of the Empire, and in 1809 was made Grand Officer of the Legion of Honor. Hulin was the military governor of Paris in 1812, when pro- Republic General Claude François de Malet launched a coup while Napoleon was pursuing a disastrous campaign in Russia. Troops loyal to Malet seized many Bonapartist officers in the city and tried to take control of the government. When Hulin attempted to arrest the rebel general, Malet shot him in the face.
English speaking South Africans tended to favour a close relationship with the UK, and so the republican project became a source of conflict between the two largest white groups in South Africa. A staunchly pro-republic stance alienated moderate Afrikaners who had supported South Africa's participation in World War II and wished to achieve reconciliation between their own people and English speakers. When the HNP agreed to compromise its fiercely republican standpoint, conceding that South Africa should remain a Dominion in the Commonwealth, many Afrikaner UP supporters switched allegiance.
In the history of the Dutch Republic, Orangism or prinsgezindheid ("pro-prince stance") was a political force opposing the Staatsgezinde (pro-Republic) party. Orangists supported the princes of Orange as Stadtholders (a position held by members of the House of Orange) and military commanders of the Republic, as a check on the power of the regenten. The Orangist party drew its adherents largely from traditionalists – mostly farmers, soldiers, noblemen and orthodox Catholic and Protestant preachers, though its support fluctuated heavily over the course of the Republic's history and there were never clear-cut socioeconomic divisions.
At the end of Part 2 Murder of a President some of the social disorder footage used to show the unrest at the pro republic faction's murder of Caesar is actually news footage from the Northern Ireland Troubles which was contemporary to the production of Heil Caesar. The BFI National Archive holds viewing copies of both the individual parts and the single play. Birmingham Shakespeare Library holds a camera script. The script of Heil Caesar by Bowen was also published as a book by the BBC in 1974.
Pandatsang Rapga, a pro-Kuomintang and pro-Republic of China revolutionary Khampa leader, was instrumental in the revolt against the Communists. The Kuomintang had a history of using Khampa fighters to oppose both the Dalai Lama's Tibetan government, and battle the Communist Red Army. Rapga continued to cooperate with the ROC Kuomintang government after it fled to Taiwan; they provided training to Khampa rebels against the Communist PLA forces. The Republic of China on Taiwan disputed with America whether Tibet would be independent, since the ROC claimed Tibet as part of its territory.
He returned to China in 1908 to accept a military posting in Jiangxi Province, but suspected of anti-government politics, he was placed under house arrest. In 1909, he relocated to Yunnan Province to accept a position as instructor at the Yunnan Military Academy in Kunming. Li returned to Jiangxi on hearing of the Wuchang Uprising and was appointed commander of the pro-republican forces in Jiujiang in Xinhai Revolution. He also raised a pro-republic army in Anhui Province and after joining forces with Li Yuanhong, eventually came to control military forces in five provinces of central China.
Armed resistance broke out in Amdo and eastern Kham in June 1956. Prior to the PLA invasion, relations between Lhasa and the Khampa chieftains had deteriorated, although the Khampa remained spiritually loyal to the Dalai Lama throughout. Because of these strained relations, the Khampa had actually assisted the Chinese in their initial invasion, before becoming the guerrilla resistance they are now known for. Pandatsang Rapga, a pro Kuomintang and pro Republic of China revolutionary Khampa leader, offered the governor of Chamdo, Ngabo Ngawang Jigme, some Khampa fighters in exchange for the Tibetan government recognizing the independence of Kham.
In Australia, the debate between republicans and monarchists is still active, and republicanism draws support from across the political spectrum. Former Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull was a leading proponent of an Australian republic prior to joining the centre-right Liberal Party, and led the pro-republic campaign during the failed 1999 Australian republic referendum. After becoming Prime Minister in 2015, he confirmed he still supports a republic, but stated that the issue should wait until after the reign of Queen Elizabeth II. The centre-left Labor Party officially supports the abolition of the monarchy and another referendum on the issue.
Orangists such as the Vice-Admiral Johan Evertsen backed the appointment of William III, Prince of Orange, the posthumously-born son of William II, Prince of Orange, to the office of stadtholder of the Holland and Zeeland. The office had been vacant since the death of William II in 1650. The pro-Republic Dutch States Party was marked by caution (especially in all matters that could harm trade), led by Grand pensionary Johan de Witt and had supporters among the ruling class, the regenten. It was de Witt who, in the 1654 peace with England and its leader Oliver Cromwell, agreed to include the secret Act of Seclusion barring the infant William III from the stadtholderate.
476–477 1999 Univ. of Wisconsin Press In Catalonia, any kind of public activities associated with Catalan nationalism, republicanism, anarchism, socialism, liberalism, democracy or communism, including the publication of books on those subjects or simply discussion of them in open meetings, was banned. Francisco Franco in Reus, 1940 Franco's regime banned the use of Catalan in government-run institutions and during public events, and also the Catalan institutions of self-government were abolished. The pro-Republic of Spain president of Catalonia, Lluís Companys, was taken to Spain from his exile in the German-occupied France, and was tortured and executed in the Montjuïc Castle of Barcelona for the crime of 'military rebellion'.
Taylor (2003), p. 324 While the older leadership set about constructing a government on paper, they could do little to kerb younger mobs who attacked sultans and other members of the Indonesian elite, retaliated violently against those village heads who had assisted Japanese oppression of Indonesian peasants, attacked other alleged "traitors", and fought for turf and weapons.Taylor (2003), p. 324, 326 The resulting power vacuums in the weeks following the Japanese surrender created an atmosphere of uncertainty, but also one of opportunity for the Republicans.Friend (2003), page 32 Many pemuda joined pro-Republic struggle groups (badan perjuangan). The most disciplined were soldiers from the Japanese-formed but disbanded Giyugun (PETA) and Heiho groups.
Conversely, the current population of Taiwan regard these overseas Chinese as foreigners akin to Singaporean Chinese, as opposed to the pre-localist era when they were labeled as fellow Chinese compatriots. The PRC has capitalized on this window of opportunity in making overtures to the traditionally anti-Communist overseas Chinese communities, including gestures in supporting traditional Chinese culture and dropping explicitly Communist tones in overseas communications. This results in a decline of active political opposition to the PRC from overseas Chinese when compared with the times before the localist movement in Taiwan. In Hong Kong, Taiwanese localist movements have pushed localization or pro-Chinese Communist tilts among the traditionally pro-Republic of China individuals and organizations.
The then republican Governor of Kalimantan Ir. Prince Muhammad Noor made a request to the Indonesian Air Force to send paratroopers to Kalimantan for the task of forming and organizing pro-Republic guerrilla organizations to assist in the revolution in Borneo, opening a parent radio station to allow connections between Yogyakarta and Borneo rebels and selecting more dropping zones for future operations. At the initiative of the Chief of Staff of the Air Force, 12 indigenous sons of Kalimantan and two regular Air Force personnel were chosen.Sutrisno. "Marsekal TNI Suryadi Suryadarma" Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaaan, Jakarta, 1985. On 17 October 1947, thirteen airmen were successfully deployed in Sambi, West Kotawaringin, Central Kalimantan.
Due to the strong presence of KNIL troops in Sulawesi and other parts of East Indonesia, there was much suspicion towards the intentions of the unitary central government in Jakarta. Efforts were made to integrate the KNIL into the RUSI army, but this was impeded by mutual distrust between the predominantly Javanese Indonesian military and the largely Ambonese and Minahasan KNIL. In the State of East Indonesia, the Justice Minister Soumokil banned all public meetings and jailed pro-Republican leaders in response to public pro-Republic protests. On April 5, 1950, the Jakarta central government dispatched a force of 700 Republican troops under Colonel Sunkono and Colonel Mokoginto to persuade the East Indonesian President Soekawati to join the Republic and to step down.
After the official withdrawal by the Dutch in 1950, the Riau Archipelago became Keresidenan Riau under Central Sumatra Province following the absorption by the United States of Indonesia. Being one of the last territories merged into Indonesia, Riau was known as the daerah- daerah pulihan (recovered regions), and the Riau area became a province in August 1957. The leader of Riau forces, Major Raja Muhammad Yunus, who led the bid to reestablish the sultanate apart from Indonesia fled into exile in Johor after his ill attempt. The geopolitical roots of the Riau Archipelago had molded her nationalist position to be sandwiched between the kindred monarchist Peninsular Malay Nationalism observed across the border in British Malaya with the pro-republic and pan-ethnic Indonesian Nationalism manifested in her own Dutch East Indies domain.
Visiting Moscow with other PCE leaders in May 1931, Bullejos was astonished when asked by Comintern official Dmitry Manuilsky whether in Spain feudal lords still forced Spanish peasants to do unpaid labor; he was further told that, "there is more feudalism in Spain than you think." Bullejos told Manuilsky that there were no overt remnants of feudalism in his country but failed to convince him that the "revolution" in Spain was opposed not by feudal monarchists but by a modern bourgeoisie. He was re-confirmed as general-secretary at the PCE's fourth party congress in Seville in March 1932. When Bullejos and other PCE leaders backed the Republican government against the sanjurjada coup in August and produced pro-Republic slogans, Victorio Codovilla, the Comintern advisor in Madrid, denounced him and two other leaders as counter-revolutionaries.

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