131 Sentences With "political liberty" | Random Sentence Generator

Penn believed that political liberty, and even economic prosperity, were predicated upon religious liberty.

"Democratic capitalism means a system of natural liberty, incorporating both political liberty and economic liberty," he wrote.

Even Gindin, whose sketch of a "realistic" socialist utopia is admirably full, says little about political liberty.

I talk about how it is essential for political liberty and justice, and for commercial fairness and equality.

There is no freedom of speech, thought, assembly, religion, movement or any semblance of political liberty in China.

Putting economic gain before personal and political liberty, as if you can have one without the other, is ludicrous.

Johnson grudgingly accepted the end of slavery but denounced the extension of civil and political liberty to black Americans.

Baked into this argument is the assumption that assertive middle classes are crucial for the triumph of political liberty.

It's not like the key aspects of political liberty are taught anymore in most of our schools here or in Britain.

Evidence suggests that the threat that the wealthy pose to what Rawls termed the "fair value of political liberty" has become extraordinary.

Conservative institutions and intellectuals became curators of the legacy of late 20th-century conservatism rather than proponents of political liberty and American distinctiveness.

Is this the last time she'll learn in school about individual economic and political liberty not put primarily in racial, ethnic, and gender terms?

These policy measures are designed to lay the groundwork for that transition and empower the Cuban people to develop greater economic and political liberty.

For an Iranian population already increasingly chafing from the lack of political liberty and economic opportunity, the IRGC's incompetence and obfuscation was bound to create still more alienation.

The most obvious example of that is their sharply contrasting notions of political liberty; the US is a liberal democracy, while China has a one-party authoritarian state.

Whereas I think there's a longer, richer tradition that sees political liberty, at least, as the ability to exercise control of your life, control of your government, in concert with other people.

Among other revelations: Advertising companies and data brokers are keeping insanely close tabs on smartphones' location data, tracking users so precisely that their databases could arguably compromise national security or political liberty.

Many Americans have come to embrace a novel political ideology, concocted by pro-gun lobbying groups, which holds that firearms are the cornerstone of political liberty and that restricting them would cause more crime.

Woodrow Wilson, the Democrat, took a different approach: He argued that monopolies are a fundamental threat to political liberty, and that the government should attack and disperse them to protect democracy from the corrupting influence of economic concentration.

Read MoreThe L.A. Times buries the lead, and its profits The above argument may be winning you over if you're a free market capitalist with historical knowledge, or even an economic liberal who happens to be a fan of political liberty and democratic accountability,(remember those people?).

Nonetheless, a movement for property-owning democracy could count on its accord with some widespread public attitudes: Polls have repeatedly shown large majorities in favor of substantive equal opportunity and the principle of equal political liberty and in favor of taxing the very wealthy to provide them.

Rejecting his contemporary Jean Jacques Rousseau's fully contrary position (that "the privileged few... gorge themselves with superfluities, while the starving multitude are in want of the bare necessities of life"), Smith foresaw in capitalism not just a rising productivity, but also the necessary foundations for an enduring political liberty.

Higher levels of economic freedom are also linked with greater political liberty and civil rights, as well as higher scores on the left-leaning Social Progress Index, which is based on indicators of social justice and human well-being, from nutrition and medical care to tolerance and inclusion.

Montesquieu believed that "political liberty in a citizen is that tranquillity of spirit which comes from the opinion each one has of his security, and in order for him to have this liberty the government must be such that one citizen cannot fear another citizen" ("Spirit of the Laws", book 227, chapter 6).

The pro-stay forces are betting British voters will not want to risk suffering those immediate economic effects and will simply be frightened into remaining in the E.U. Those arguments have ideological appeal to free-market capitalists with historical knowledge, and even economic liberals who happen to be fans of political liberty and democratic accountability, (remember those people?).

Hans Baron. “The Social Background of Political Liberty in the Early Italian Renaissance”. Comparative Studies in Society and History. Vol. 2. No. 4.

He held that, by its nature, libertarianism is about political liberty for all individuals to do whatever is peaceful and non-aggressive. Machan was a minarchist.

Cara Camcastle. The More Moderate Side of Joseph de Maistre: Views on Political Liberty And Political Economy, McGill-Queen's Press, 2005, , p. 26. 2. Martin Gilbert (1999).

Andreas Peter Bernstorff (28 August 173521 June 1797), also known as Andreas Peter Graf von Bernstorff, was a Danish diplomat and Foreign Minister. He was a guardian of civil and political liberty.

James Wasserman (born 1948) is an American author and occultist. A member of Ordo Templi Orientis since 1976 and a book designer by trade, he has written extensively on spiritual and political liberty.

He is a critic of the Castro government in Cuba, accusing politicians in Latin America of being accomplices to the lack of political liberty by not speaking out against the country's government. Guevara has linked the lack of political liberties in Cuba to what he sees as an overextension of the state in Costa Rica. Specifically he sees that eliminating regulations which, according to him, affect the development of the economy, as being a part of his program to protect political liberty. Specifically he sees regulations on agroindustry as being a considerable problem.

MacCulloch 2001 p. 42; Loades 1996 p. 192; Loades 2008 This interpretation was enhanced by the High and Late Victorian historians, James Anthony Froude and A. F. Pollard, who saw Somerset as a champion of political liberty whose desire "to do good"Alford 2002 pp.

The latter exerted tremendous influence, both inside and outside France. Montesquieu pleaded in favor of a constitutional system of government, the preservation of civil liberties and the law and the idea that political institutions ought to reflect the social and geographical aspects of each community. In particular, he argued that political liberty required the separation of the powers of government. Building on John Locke's Second Treatise of Government, he advocated that the executive, legislative and judicial functions of government should be assigned to different bodies, so that attempts by one branch of government to infringe on political liberty might be restrained by the other branches.

Every positive quality the Aryans had, the Jews had the exact opposing negative quality.Field (1981), pp.190–91 & 195 The American historian Geoffrey Field wrote: > To each negative "Semitic" trait Chamberlain counter-posed a Teutonic > virtue. Kantian moral freedom took the place of political liberty and > egalitarianism.

William Belsham (1752–1827) was an English political writer and historian, noted as a supporter of the Whig Party and its principles. He justified the American Revolution in excusing Americans in their resistance to the demands of England, and he was an advocate of progressive political liberty.

Timothy Marvin Dunn (born December 18, 1955) is an American businessman. He co-founded the oil and gas business CrownQuest Operating, LLC, and currently serves as the company's chief executive officer. Dunn is involved with a variety of social and political causes that emphasize religious and political liberty.

The Federalist Papers, Federalist No. 10. Library of Congress. He welcomed class-based factions into political life as a necessary result of political liberty, stating that the most important task of government was to manage and adjust for 'the spirit of party'.Madison. The Federalist Papers, Federalist No. 10.

Similarly, political liberty is a non-metaphysical concept. Likewise, some compatibilists define free will as freedom to act according to one's determined motives without hindrance from other individuals. So for example Aristotle in his Nicomachean Ethics,Susan Sauve Meyer, Aristotle on Moral Responsibility., Oxford 2012 and the Stoic Chrysippus.

They are chiefly industrious Farmers, Artificers or Men in Trade; they enjoy in are fond of Freedom, and the meanest among them thinks he has a right to Civility from the greatest.Clinton Rossiter, Seedtime of the Republic: the origin of the American tradition of political liberty (1953) p. 106.

Civil libertarians and radical political activists considered the McCarran Act to be a dangerous and unconstitutional infringement of political liberty, as exemplified in this 1961 poster. The Supreme Court of the United States was initially deferential towards the Internal Security Act. For example, in Galvan v. Press,Galvan v.

A romanticised 19th-century recreation of King John signing the Magna Carta. The charter would have been sealed rather than signed. The modern concept of political liberty has its origins in the Greek concepts of freedom and slavery.Rodriguez, Junius P. (2007) The Historical Encyclopedia of World Slavery: A–K; Vol.

In a charter colony, Britain granted a charter to the colonial government establishing the rules under which the colony was to be governed. The charters of Rhode Island and Connecticut granted the colonists significantly more political liberty than other colonies. Rhode Island and Connecticut continued to use their colonial charters as their State constitutions after the American Revolution.

In Ireland this would "give the Roman Catholics who are ten times more numerous as Presbyterians ten times as much power". Bruce recalled that, in his fifth Letter of Orellana, Drennan himself had cautioned that "the Catholics of this day are absolutely incapable of making good use of political liberty".Bruce and Joy, p. 135 Drennan denied inconsistency.

Through the perspective of medieval history, Mary Shelley addresses a live issue in post-Napoleonic Europe, the right of autonomously governed communities to political liberty in the face of imperialistic encroachment.Curran, 108-11. She opposes Castruccio's compulsive greed for conquest with an alternative, Euthanasia's government of Valperga on the principles of reason and sensibility.Rossington, Introduction to Valperga, xii.

The sermon was an inspiration for the movement for political liberty and democracy in Seychelles. It drew Ramkalawan closer into politics. In 1991, still a priest, he joined others who had been active in opposing the government, such as Roger Mancienne and Jean-François Ferrari, to form Parti Seselwa, initially an underground organization, and became its leader.

The book's editor Harro Hopfl states that libertarian as well as egalitarian and communal motifs were part of the texture of Luther's theology. English Catholic historian and Liberal statesman Lord Acton posited that political liberty is the essential condition and guardian of religious liberty. The Acton Institute, an American Christian conservative libertarian think tank, is named after him.

These rights and conditions can be secured only by true democracy. True democracy is inseparable from political liberty and is based on the conscious, free and enlightened consent of the majority, expressed through a free and secret ballot, with due respect for the liberties and opinions of minorities. ::II 1\. The suppression of economic freedom must lead to the disappearance of political freedom.

Prostitution was legal, public, and widespread. Entertainers of any gender were assumed to be sexually available (see infamia), and gladiators were sexually glamorous. Slaves lacked legal personhood, and were vulnerable to sexual exploitation. The dissolution of Republican ideals of physical integrity in relation to political liberty contributes to and is reflected by the sexual license and decadence associated with the Roman Empire.

Skinner's historical work has mainly focused on political thinking in early-modern Europe. He has written a book on Niccolò Machiavelli, three books on Thomas Hobbes, and his Foundations of Modern Political Thought covers the whole period. He has specifically been concerned with the emergence of modern theories about the nature of the state, and with debates about the nature of political liberty.

When he tried to fill it with the Colorado Party, he split the party in two, and neither faction could establish itself in power without help from the military. The creation of one- party rule and order at the expense of political liberty and acceptance of the army's role as the final political arbiter created conditions for the emergence of Stroessner's regime.

Libertine Enlightenment is a multi-author collection of essays covering several aspects of libertine thought as it developed during the Enlightenment, including sexual liberty, personal liberty, and political liberty. The book contains the following sections and essays: Part I. Disquieting Theories 1\. "Taking Liberties: Sterne, Wilkes and Warburton" by Simon During 2\. "Casanova: Inscriptions of Forgetting" by Chantal Thomas 3\.

Tocqueville begins his study of the U.S. by explaining the contribution of the Puritans. According to him, the Puritans established the U.S. democratic social state of equality. They arrived equals in education and were all middle class. In addition, Tocqueville observes that they contributed a synthesis of religion and political liberty in America that was uncommon in Europe, particularly in France.

At the time, Cooper argued that there were three factors endangering democracy – public opinion, demagoguery, and the press. He believed that the corruption of these things made political liberty, equality, rights, and justice more abstract notions rather than true pillars of society. : _Public opinion_ :In democracies, "the tyranny of majorities is a greater evil than the oppression of minorities in narrow systems."Cooper (1938), p. 56.

The primary dichotomy of ancient Roman sexuality was active/dominant/masculine and passive/submissive/feminine. Roman society was patriarchal, and the freeborn male citizen possessed political liberty (libertas) and the right to rule both himself and his household (familia). "Virtue" (virtus) was seen as an active quality through which a man (vir) defined himself. The conquest mentality and "cult of virility" shaped same-sex relations.

Portrait of Lord Byron by Thomas Phillips, 1813. Romanticism is thought of as complex and confusing, with great contradictions that range from rebellious, revolutionary ideas to the return of the Catholic and monarchial tradition. With respect to political liberty, some understood it merely as the restoration of the ideological, patriotic, and religious values that the 18th century rationalists had tried to suppress. They exalted Christianity, throne, and country as supreme values.

His travel to Tehran to attend university coincided with a period of relative political liberty and the movement to regain control of Iran's oil resources from colonial powers.Alireza Karimian, The Students' Movement in Iran, Tehran 2002. Abolhassan Zia-Zarifi helped organize the first political student union at Tehran University and became the first chairman of the University of Tehran's Student Union, which was dominated by the Tudeh Party of Iran.

The first slogan refers to pan-Arabism and Arab nationalism. Al-Arsuzi believed that unity of the Arab people, and the establishment of an Arab nation, would lead to its becoming as strong as (or stronger than) the Soviet Union and the United States. Liberty, in the Ba'athist sense of the word, does not mean political liberty for the individual. Instead, when Ba'athists use the term "liberty" they refer to national independence from imperialism.

Johnson did not push the states to protect the rights of freed slaves, and immediately began to counteract the land reform policies of the Freedmen's Bureau. These actions outraged Stevens and others who took his view. The radicals saw that freedmen in the South risked losing the economic and political liberty necessary to sustain emancipation from slavery. They began to call for universal male suffrage and continued their demands for land reform.

Valperga is a historical novel which relates the adventures of the early fourteenth-century despot Castruccio Castracani, a real historical figure who became the lord of Lucca and conquered Florence. In the novel, his armies threaten the fictional fortress of Valperga, governed by Countess Euthanasia, the woman he loves. He forces her to choose between her feelings for him and political liberty. She chooses the latter and sails off to her death.

Statue of Antinous (Delphi), polychrome Parian marble depicting Antinous, made during the reign of Hadrian (r. 117–138 AD), his lover During the Republic, a Roman citizen's political liberty (libertas) was defined in part by the right to preserve his body from physical compulsion, including both corporal punishment and sexual abuse.Thomas A.J. McGinn, Prostitution, Sexuality and the Law in Ancient Rome (Oxford University Press, 1998), p. 326. See the statement preserved by Aulus Gellius 9.12.

During the 1920s and 1930s, Borges was a vocal supporter of Hipólito Yrigoyen and the social democratic Radical Civic Union. In 1945, Borges signed a manifesto calling for an end to military rule and the establishment of political liberty and democratic elections. By the 1960s, he had grown more skeptical of democracy. During a 1971 conference at Columbia University, a creative writing student asked Borges what he regarded as "a writer's duty to his time".

There were significant debates in the House of Commons about the "Bill to enable subjects of France to enlist as Soldiers". The political arguments focused on two areas. Firstly, there were concerns over the government using foreign troops within the British isles, which was seen as a threat to British political liberty. Secondly, that by recruiting Frenchmen Britain was changing the nature of the war with France, and showing that it wanted to overturn the French Revolutionary government.

A writer in the Pennsylvania Journal in 1756 summed it up: > The People of this Province are generally of the middling Sort, and at > present pretty much upon a Level. They are chiefly industrious Farmers, > Artificers or Men in Trade; they enjoy in are fond of Freedom, and the > meanest among them thinks he has a right to Civility from the > greatest.Clinton Rossiter, Seedtime of the Republic: the origin of the > American tradition of political liberty (1953) p 106.

Male–female couple on an oil lamp (Römisch-Germanisches Museum) During the Republic, a Roman citizen's political liberty (libertas) was defined in part by the right to preserve his body from physical compulsion, including both corporal punishment and sexual abuse.McGinn (1998), p. 326. See the statement preserved by Aulus Gellius 9.12. 1 that " it was an injustice to bring force to bear against the body of those who are free" (vim in corpus liberum non aecum ... adferri).

New England sent former Plymouth governor Edward Winslow to England as their agent to present a case against Gorton. Winslow asserted that Gorton's unorthodox preaching and submission to an inner spirit offered one "an inconceivable political liberty." Ultimately, however, Winslow's efforts failed when the English commission ruled in favor of Gorton. This success did not end Gorton's time in England, however; he had been called to preach and found many favorable audiences for his religious views.

91–117 On the morning after the invasion, the London Daily Mail's correspondent asked the new Chancellor, Seyss-Inquart, how these stirring events came about, he received the following reply: "The Plebiscite that had been fixed for tomorrow was a breach of the agreement which Dr. Schuschnigg made with Herr Hitler at Berchtesgaden, by which he promised political liberty for National Socialists in Austria."Year of Reckoning p. 105 On 12 March 1938, Schuschnigg was placed under house arrest.

The Remnant Trust was established in 1997 by Brian Bex, an entrepreneur and television host noted for his politically conservative viewpoints. Bex accumulated a large collection of rare books and materials relating to American history and the theme of political liberty. Initially operating from a base in Hagerstown, Indiana, Bex began making these materials available on loan to colleges.Connie Lauerman, "A Rare Opportunity For Students To Get In Touch With History", Chicago Tribune, May 27, 1998.

Nalbandian's first poem, in classical Armenian, was published in January 1851 in the Tiflis-based weekly Ararat, edited by Raphael Patkanian. He is today best remembered popularly for two of his poems: "Freedom/Liberty" (Ազատութիւն, Azatutyun, 1859) and "The Song of an Italian Girl" (Իտալացի աղջկա երգը, 1861). Leo noted in his 1904 book that thanks to these two poems Nalbandian has a glorious reputation. According to Adalian, Nalbandian introduced the concept of political liberty into Armenian letters with these poems.

In recognition of the new political liberty, a vote was taken on the matter, after which the grain and chaff were willingly thrown into the Tiber river.The story is told by Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Roman Antiquities 5.13. The Greek word exagistos is used to describe the harvest as the equivalent of Latin sacer, "belonging to a god" and hence prohibited for human use, either "sacred" or "accursed, made taboo." The story is an aition for how the Tiber Island was created.

Thus, ultimately "individuality is the aim of political liberty."Cooper (1938), p. 182. To Cooper, liberty was defined as "such a state of the social compact as permits the members of a community to lay no more restraints on themselves, than are required by their real necessities, and obvious interests ... it is a requisite of liberty that the body of a nation should retain the power to modify its institutions, as circumstances shall require." This concept reflects the idea of negative liberty.

In the aftermath of World War II, many countries had still not granted women full political liberty. In 1952, the year before the Convention was adopted, women's suffrage had been granted in less than 100 countries worldwide. The main impetus for the legislation, and much of its drafting, came from the United Nations Commission on the Status of Women. The Commission sent a survey about women's political rights to its member states; the resulting replies became the basis for the Convention.

The Ludi Plebeii were presented by the plebeian aediles and celebrated plebeian political liberty, but tradition varied as to freedom from what: either the tyranny of the Tarquins in the Regal period, or the dominance of the patricians, the hereditary ruling class of early Republican Rome (see "Conflict of the Orders").T.P. Wiseman, "The Games of Hercules," in Religion in Archaic Republican Rome and Italy: Evidence and Experience (Edinburgh University Press, 2000), p. 112. A scholiast to Cicero offers both causes.

Madison quotes Montesquieu in Spirit of Laws as saying the British are the "mirror of political liberty". Thus, Montesquieu believed that the British form of separation of powers was of the utmost caliber. Madison continues by showing that the branches of the British government are not completely separate and distinct. He explains how the monarch (executive branch) can not pass a law solely, but has the power of veto, can create foreign sovereigns, and that he/she cannot administer a justice, but appoints those who do.

El-Zein considered learning and training as the only route for the East to reach intellectual and political liberty. He called for the adoption of a free-thinking pedagogy instead of the approach of rote memorization prevalent in traditional Islamic culture and current French practices. He stressed the importance of training and sports and advocated "exploring the powers of the brain" and developing them through "scientific principles." He preferred the Anglo-Saxon educational approach because of its promotion of the practical as opposed to the French.

The "conquest mentality" of the ancient Romans shaped Roman homosexual practices.Eva Cantarella, Bisexuality in the Ancient World (Yale University Press, 1992, 2002, originally published 1988 in Italian), p. xi; Marilyn B. Skinner, introduction to Roman Sexualities (Princeton University Press, 1997), p. 11. In the Roman Republic, a citizen's political liberty was defined in part by the right to preserve his body from physical compulsion or use by others;Thomas A.J. McGinn, Prostitution, Sexuality and the Law in Ancient Rome (Oxford University Press, 1998), p. 326.

Wasserman’s work in O.T.O. and his numerous writings point to a philosophy based on individual liberty and the opportunity for direct personal experience of God within. This more modern conception of Gnosticism dispenses with the myriad variations of the term as it is applied to numerous sub sects within major religions long ago. Modern Gnosticism simply presupposes the ability to forge a direct link with the highest level of divinity. Wasserman further advances the notion that political liberty offers humanity the best conditions for spiritual growth.

Misled, as he later says of himself, by a political passion, and also by a kind of philosophical passion, Franchi abandoned the priest's habit and office in 1849, and assumed the name of Ausonio Franchi (i.e. free Italian), indicating thereby his break with his own past and his new aspirations. Henceforth all his talents were devoted to the cause of intellectual and political liberty. The dogmatic authority of the Church and the despotic authority of the State are the objects of his incessant attacks.

Baron believed Bruni to be "the embodiment of civic humanism." see Hankins, "'Baron Thesis,'" p. 312. And although in certain cases and with certain scholars there is a subtle distinction between the two, they are for all intents and purposes interchangeable. Civic humanism is slightly wider in scope and stresses the central role of civic virtue in the preservation of the classically Roman/Florentine ideal of political liberty. Leading exponents of this dual concept are Hannah Arendt, J. G. A. Pocock, Quentin Skinner, and Philip Pettit.

After the restoration of the Bourbons Lamarque became an outspoken opponent of the return of the Ancien Régime. With the overthrow of the Bourbons in the Revolution of 1830, he was placed in command of a force to suppress any uprisings by their supporters, known as the Legitimists. However, he soon became a leading critic of the new constitutional monarchy of Louis Philippe, arguing that it failed to support human rights and political liberty. He also advocated French support for independence struggles in Poland and Italy.

The Enlightenment has always been contested territory. According to Keith Thomas, its supporters "hail it as the source of everything that is progressive about the modern world. For them, it stands for freedom of thought, rational inquiry, critical thinking, religious tolerance, political liberty, scientific achievement, the pursuit of happiness, and hope for the future."Keith Thomas, "The Great Fight Over the Enlightenment," The New York Review April 3, 2014 Thomas adds that its detractors accuse it of shallow rationalism, naïve optimism, unrealistic universalism and moral darkness.

He was born at Krefeld, in Rhenish Prussia. His youth was spent in learning the business of banking, after which he became the head of a banking firm which had considerable influence in German financing, especially in the Rhenish provinces. After acquiring a considerable fortune, he turned his attention to politics. He served in the Diet of his province and in the Prussian Diet of 1847, and went as a deputy to the Frankfurt Parliament of 1848, where he was an unswerving advocate of German unity and political liberty.

Another important area that does not necessarily improve along with GDP is political liberty, which is most notable in China, where GDP growth is strong yet political liberties are heavily restricted. GDP does not account for the distribution of income among the residents of a country, because GDP is merely an aggregate measure. An economy may be highly developed or growing rapidly, but also contain a wide gap between the rich and the poor in a society. These inequalities often occur on the lines of race, ethnicity, gender, religion, or other minority status within countries.

However, one might fix on non-psychological goods as the relevant effect. Thus, one might pursue an increase in material equality or political liberty instead of something like the more ephemeral "pleasure". Other theories adopt a package of several goods, all to be promoted equally. As the consequentialist approach contains an inherent assumption that the outcomes of a moral decision can be quantified in terms of "goodness" or "badness," or at least put in order of increasing preference, it is an especially suited moral theory for a probabilistic and decision theoretical approach.

Many developing countries have only attained full self-determination and democracy after the second half of the 20th century. Many were governed by an imperial European power until decolonization. Political systems in developing countries are diverse, but most states had established some form of democratic governments by the early 21st century, with varying degrees of success and political liberty. The inhabitants of developing countries were introduced to democratic systems later and more abruptly than their Northern counterparts and were sometimes targeted by governmental and non-governmental efforts to encourage participation.

In the Imperial era, anxieties about the loss of political liberty and the subordination of the citizen to the emperor were expressed by a perceived increase in passive homosexual behavior among free men, accompanied by a documentable increase in the execution and corporal punishment of citizens.Potter (2009), p. 329. The law began to specify harsher punishments for the lower classes (humiliores) than for the elite (honestiores). The dissolution of Republican ideals of physical integrity in relation to libertas contributes to and is reflected by the sexual license and decadence associated with the Empire.

The Eastern societies had governments which were controlled by the ruling dynasties and thus, were not a separate entity. Their governments at the time lacked policies that fostered innovation and thus resulted in slow advancements. As explained by Cohen, the east had a restrictive system of trade that went against the free world market theory; there was no political liberty or policies that encouraged the capitalist market (Cohen, 1993). This was in contrast to the western society that developed commercial laws and property rights which allowed for the protection and liberty of the marketplace.

Aquinas's use of them set the agenda, for scholastic political philosophy dominated European thought for centuries even unto the Renaissance. Some medieval political philosophers, such as Aquinas in his Summa Theologica, developed the idea that a king who is a tyrant is no king at all and could be overthrown. Others, like Nicole Oresme in his Livre de Politiques, categorically denied this right to overthrow an unjust ruler. The Magna Carta, viewed by many as a cornerstone of Anglo-American political liberty, explicitly proposes the right to revolt against the ruler for justice's sake.

The first major artistic movements in Argentina coincided with the first signs of political liberty in the country, such as the 1913 sanction of the secret ballot and universal male suffrage, the first president to be popularly elected (1916), and the cultural revolution that involved the University Reform of 1918. In this context, in which there continued to be influence from the Paris School (Modigliani, Chagall, Soutine, Klee), three main groups arose. The Florida group was characterized by paying the highest attention to aesthetics. Its members generally belonged to the middle and upper classes.

The masculinity of an adult male citizen was defined sexually by his taking the penetrative role, whether his partner was female or a male of lower status.Craig A. Williams, Roman Homosexuality (Oxford University Press, 1999, 2010), p. 18 et passim; Marilyn Skinner, introduction to Roman Sexualities (Princeton University Press, 1997), p. 11. A Roman citizen's political liberty (libertas) was defined in part by the right to preserve his body from physical compulsion or use by others;Thomas A.J. McGinn, Prostitution, Sexuality and the Law in Ancient Rome (Oxford University Press, 1998), p. 326.

Political freedom (also known as political liberty or autonomy) is a central concept in political thought and one of the most important features of democratic societies. Negative liberty has been described as freedom from oppression or coercion and unreasonable external constraints on action, often enacted through civil and political rights, while positive liberty is the absence of disabling conditions for an individual and the fulfillment of enabling conditions, e.g. economic compulsion, in a society. This capability approach to freedom requires economic, social and cultural rights in order to be realized.

He preserved numerous social gains of the Revolution while suppressing political liberty. He admired efficiency and strength and hated feudalism, religious intolerance, and civil inequality. Although a supporter of the radical Jacobins during the early days of the Revolution out of pragmatism, Napoleon became increasingly autocratic as his political career progressed, and once in power embraced certain aspects of both liberalism and authoritarianism—for example, public education, a generally liberal restructuring of the French legal system, and the emancipation of the Jews—while rejecting electoral democracy and freedom of the press.

In the same year, and with the same object, he translated and published Voltaire's Treatise on Toleration, Ignorant Philosopher and Commentary on Beccaria. In 1780 he issued A Plan of Association on Constitutional Principles; and on the formation of county associations for parliamentary reform he published his Letters on Political Liberty (1782). This was translated into French the following year by Jacques Pierre Brissot, then in London conducting the Lyceum. Jean-Marie Roland, vicomte de la Platière, a friend of Brissot, visited London in 1784, when Williams made his acquaintance.

He was a pro-Jacobin of that time, and identified as a Radical.Foster, Joseph (1882: 157) During his time in the House he attempted to introduce a Bill of Rights which foreshadowed the Reform Bill of 1832. He was a close friend of Thomas Sheridan, Charles James Fox, Sir Thomas Dundas (later 1st Baron Dundas) and the poet Hector McNeil. Graham was appointed Rector of the University of Glasgow, holding the position from 1785 to 1787, in which year he instituted the Gartmore Gold Medal (awarded biennially) for the best discourse by a student on political liberty.

Led by Domingo Faustino Sarmiento, Juan Bautista Alberdi, and Esteban Echeverria in response to the Rosas administration, the Generation of 1830 proposed a new, modern Argentina built on economic partnerships with Europe and European immigrants. Sarmiento's “civilization or barbarism” and Alberdi's “civil liberty for all, political liberty for a few” and "to rule is to populate" characterize the society they envisioned – one of order and progress, in which those qualified to run the state were men of European intellectual tradition.Spektorowski, Alberto. “Collective Identity and Democratic Construction: The Cases of Argentina and Uruguay,” in Constructing collective identities and shaping public spheres: Latin American paths.

Although the intensity of their struggle was motivated by religion, Kurdish peasantry seized the idea of "national and political liberty for all" and strove for "an improvement in their social standing". Tribal fighters from both Iran and Iraq quickly allied themselves with Sheykh Mahmud as he became more successful in opposing British rule. According to McDowall, the Sheykh's forces "were largely Barzinja tenantry and tribesmen, the Hamavand under Karim Fattah Beg, and disaffected sections of the Jaf, Jabbari, Sheykh Bizayni and Shuan tribes". The popularity and numbers of Sheykh Mahmud's troops only increased after their ambush of a British military column.

The greatest of > "the great men of England", the last and noblest of the Romans, was > considered the embodiment of virtue, wisdom, patriotism, liberty, and > temperance ... Pitt, "glorious and immortal", the "guardian of America", > was the idol of the colonies ... A Son of Liberty in Bristol County, > Massachusetts, paid him the ultimate tribute of identification with English > liberty: "Our toast in general is,—Magna Charta, the British > Constitution,—PITT and Liberty forever!"Clinton Rossiter, Seedtime of the > Republic. The Origin of the American Tradition of Political Liberty (New > York: Harcourt, Bruce and Company, 1953), p. 145, pp. 359–360.

In his introduction to Benjamin Tucker's 1907 edition of The Ego and His Own, James L. Walker said: "In Stirner we have the philosophical foundation for political liberty. His interest in the practical development of egoism to the dissolution of the State and the union of free men is clear and pronounced, and harmonizes perfectly with the economic philosophy of Josiah Warren. Allowing for difference of temperament and language, there is a substantial agreement between Stirner and Proudhon. Each would be free, and sees in every increase of the number of free people and their intelligence an auxiliary force against the oppressor".

When Juvenal complained that the Roman people had exchanged their political liberty for "bread and circuses", he was referring to the state-provided grain dole and the circenses, events held in the entertainment venue called a circus in Latin. The largest such venue in Rome was the Circus Maximus, the setting of horse races, chariot races, the equestrian Troy Game, staged beast hunts (venationes), athletic contests, gladiator combat, and historical re-enactments. From earliest times, several religious festivals had featured games (ludi), primarily horse and chariot races (ludi circenses).Mary Beard, J.A. North, and S.R.F. Price, Religions of Rome: A History (Cambridge University Press, 1998), p. 66.

Denarius minted at Rome in 82 BC by L. Marcius Censorinus, with the head of Apollo and the figure of Marsyas the satyr (CNG) Marcius Censorinus was a name used by a branch of the plebeian gens Marcia of ancient Rome. The cognomen Censorinus was acquired through Gaius Marcius Rutilus, the first plebeian censor, whose son used it. The gens Marcia claimed descent from both Ancus Marcius, a king of Rome, and symbolically from Marsyas the satyr, who was associated with free speech and political liberty; see further discussion at Prophecy and free speech at Rome. The Marcii Censorini were consistent populares, supporting Marius, Cinna, Julius Caesar, and Antonius.

The Statute of the Council of Europe characterizes the rule of law as one of the core principles which the establishment of the organization based on. The paragraph 3 of the preamble of the Statute of the Council of Europe states: "Reaffirming their devotion to the spiritual and moral values which are the common heritage of their peoples and the true source of individual freedom, political liberty and the rule of law, principles which form the basis of all genuine democracy." The Statute lays the compliance with the rule of law principles as a condition for the European states to be a full member of the organization.

Hexter in 1978 wrote a bitter historiographical review in which he attacked younger scholars for reducing the analysis of the Civil War to an essentially amoral struggle for power (socio-economic for the Marxists; religious, political and fiscal for the revisionists), which he argued was too dismissive of the intrinsic moral strength of Parliament's position. He thus declared his preference for the 19th-century narrative by Samuel Rawson Gardiner over the new interpretation, and, true to form, even adopted an exaggerated Whig-style argument: that one should recognize and accept the principles of the Parliamentary rebels because these ideas about freedom were the very foundation for our modern sense of political liberty.

Several decades before the loss independence, intellectuals began to reconsider the role of the veto and the nature of Polish liberty, arguing that Poland had not been progressing as fast as the rest of Europe because of a lack of political stability. The exposure to Enlightenment ideas gave Poles further reason to reconsider concepts such as society and equality, and this led to discovery of the idea of the naród, or nation; a nation in which all people, not just the nobility, should enjoy the rights of political liberty. The reform movement came too late to save the state, but helped to form the coherent nation, able to survive the long period of Partitioned Poland.

Some commentators have accepted Nolan's use of two axes of personal and economic freedom, but have argued that he either didn't go far enough or that the Nolan Chart can be used to demonstrate the validity of other ideologies. For example, Kelley L. Ross, a libertarian former philosophy professor who ran for California State Assembly in 1996, contends that a third axis of political liberty is required to make the chart more meaningful. On the other hand, Owen Prell, a founding member of Unite America, formerly The Centrist Project, contends that the Nolan Chart is a definite improvement on the more primitive single-axis left-right political continuum, but that it better serves the cause of political centrism.

He also focuses on the connection between economic and political liberty. Written in the form of a diary by a supporter of the socialist revolution who comes to see the horrors he has wrought, the narrator begins by applauding expropriation, the use of force to prevent emigration, and the reassignment of people to new tasks, all the while assuring doubters that paradise is just around the corner. At one point he asks rhetorically: "What is freedom of the press if the government owns all the presses? What is freedom of religion if the government owns all the houses of worship?" highlighting the abuse of power possible when these are owned by the state.

Since Roman women were active in educating their sons and mingled with men socially, and women of the governing classes often continued to advise and influence their sons and husbands in political life, homosociality was not as pervasive in Rome as it had been in Classical Athens, where it is thought to have contributed to the particulars of pederastic culture.Cantarella, Bisexuality in the Ancient World, pp. xi–xii; Skinner, introduction to Roman Sexualities, pp. 11–12. In the Imperial era, a perceived increase in passive homosexual behavior among free males was associated with anxieties about the subordination of political liberty to the emperor, and led to an increase in executions and corporal punishment.

255 The majority of the fourth letter is devoted to an argument revolving around the political liberty of the Irish people. It is for this argument that the Drapier was persecuted, because his words were seen as a call to challenge British authority and possibly to declare independence from the king. The Drapier walks a fine line between loyalty and disloyalty, because he charges that the Irish are loyal only to their king, who had the title "King of Ireland", but not to England. To this the Drapier states: In defence of his nation, the Drapier turns around claims of treason and papal loyalty against Wood and his defenders (especially Walpole), calling them as treasonous as the Jacobite rebels and the Parliamentary rebels.

Using his authority as a religious leader, Shaykh Mahmud called for a jihad against the British in 1919 and thus acquired the support of many Kurds indifferent to the nationalist struggle. Although the intensity of their struggle was motivated by religion, Kurdish peasantry seized the idea of "national and political liberty for all" and strove for "an improvement in their social standing". Despite opposition by other regional tribes, possibly fearful of the shaykh's growing power, Shaykh Mahmud's fighters continued to oppose British rule after the shaykh's arrest. Although no longer organized under one leader, this intertribal force was "actively anti-British", engaging in hit-and-run attacks, killing British military officers, and participating in another – left the Turkish ranks to join the Kurdish army.

He remained at the College of New Jersey to study Hebrew and political philosophy under President John Witherspoon before returning home to Montpelier in early 1772.. His ideas on philosophy and morality were strongly shaped by Witherspoon, who converted Madison to the philosophy, values, and modes of thinking of the Age of Enlightenment. Biographer Terence Ball says that at the College of New Jersey: :He was immersed in the liberalism of the Enlightenment, and converted to eighteenth-century political radicalism. From then on James Madison's theories would advance the rights of happiness of man, and his most active efforts would serve devotedly the cause of civil and political liberty. After returning to Montpelier, without a chosen career, Madison served as a tutor to his younger siblings.

Roman men were free to have sex with males of lower status without a perceived loss of masculinity, or even as an enhancement of it. However, those who took the receiving role in sex acts, sometimes referred to as the "passive" or "submissive" role, were disparaged as weak and effeminate, regardless of the sex of their partner (see the section below on cunnilungus and fellatio), while having sex with males in the active position was proof of one's masculinity. Mastery of one's own body was an aspect of the citizen's libertas, political liberty,For an explanation of this principle in a military setting, see Phang (2008), p. 93. while the use of one's body to give pleasure to others, whether in homosexual or heterosexual relations, was servile.

This meant instead of the troops be directly in the city they would be in houses on the outskirts of the city on farms where they could potentially have more space. Governor Denny attended this Pennsylvania meeting and bluntly answered that the commander in chief, Lord Loudoun, had requested quartering for the troops in Philadelphia and if anybody had a problem with this then they should talk to him. The committeemen brought to light that they felt Denny was siding with the British military when instead as governor he should work to protect the rights of the colonists. The ongoing quarrel between State Assembly, governor, and Lord Loudoun wasn't a dispute between legislature and executive powers; but a contest for political liberty.

With the revival of the movement for repeal in 1787, Russell threw himself zealously into the cause of political liberty. Though this was not always their effect in practice, the Test and Corporation Acts were intended to limit public office to practising Anglicans, and came to be seen as an essential bulwark of the union between church and state. Writing to the Warwickshire M.P. Sir Robert Lawley, to solicit his support on the Dissenters' behalf, Russell tried to assure him that the Dissenters' object was 'entirely of a civil nature, and ... can neither diminish, nor interfere with, the provision which the legislature has made for the established church.' 'We are not attacking the rights of others,' he added, 'but merely endeavouring to recover our own.

The film contains numerous subtle allusions to the realities of the communist-bloc society, particularly to that of the People's Republic of Poland just before the fall of communism, perhaps in the anticipation of the major events to come; the fall of communism and the rise of political liberty. When Max and Albert escape, they jump through the wall, which then starts to shake (often associated with later Lech Wałęsa's jumping over the wall of the Gdańsk shipyard, and also with the subsequent fall of the Berlin wall). The secret meeting of the Women's League apparatchiks and their lies to the women parallels the communist government of Poland. This dimension of the movie appears to typically escape the viewer more removed from the context.

In a political point of view, involuntary slavery > had the advantage, since all who enjoy political liberty are then, in fact, > free. Not long after Governor Miller's speech, the general defense of involuntary servitude drifted towards a position where a "proper social order and foundation of social welfare played a major role" in the pro-enslavement debate.Eugene D. Genovese, The World the Slaveholders Made: Two Essays in Interpretation, New York, NY, Vintage Books, 1971, p. 135 Another economic defense of enslaved labor came from economist Thomas Roderick Dew, professor at and then president of the College of William and Mary, who downplayed the evil of owning humans after the Virginia House of Burgesses almost passed legislation for the emancipation of enslaved people in 1832.

On April 13, 1827, he was promoted to the diocese of Linz, where he remained until his death. Although the Church throughout Austria at this date was still dependent to a very great degree on the government in ecclesiastical matters, the bishop knew how to revive and strengthen the ecclesiastical spirit in his clergy and people. Of great importance was the introduction of the Jesuits and their settlement on the Freinberg near Linz, which was accomplished by means of the vigorous and generous aid of Archduke Maximilian of Este, and the foundation of numerous other religious establishments (Franciscans, Salesians, Sisters of Mercy, etc.). The Revolution of 1848 not only increased political liberty, but also gave to the Church greater independence in its own province.

The presentation of the FACE award is destined to honour an artistic or documentary film that raises the profile of human rights in accordance with the values of the Council of Europe and the principles it stands for: individual freedom, political liberty and the rule of law. The philosophy underlying the award's creation is the belief in the ability of film to transport its own message of human rights, tolerance and social inclusion to a wide audience. Cinema is not only an important expression of European culture, but it is also a compass that can help to map out a route towards the Europe of the future – one that celebrates diversity and difference, that promotes equal opportunities for all its citizens, and that challenges abuse and intolerance.

Hungarian society, affected by western Liberalism, but without any direct help from abroad, was preparing for the future emancipation. Writers, savants, poets, artists, noble and plebeian, layman and cleric, without any previous concert, or obvious connection, were working towards that ideal of political liberty which was to unite all the Magyars. Mihály Vörösmarty, Ferenc Kölcsey, Ferencz Kazinczy and his associates, to mention but a few of many great names, were, consciously or unconsciously, as the representatives of the renascent national literature, accomplishing a political mission, and their pens proved no less efficacious than the swords of their ancestors. In 1825 Emperor Francis II convened the Diet in response to growing concerns amongst the Hungarian nobility about taxes and the diminishing economy, after the Napoleonic wars.

Like Beethoven's Fidelio, the libretto of L'amor coniugale is based on Jean- Nicolas Bouilly's French libretto for Pierre Gaveaux's 1798 opera Léonore, ou l'amour conjugal.Bouilly's libretto also formed the basis for Paer's Leonora ossia L'amor coniugale which premiered at the Dresden Hoftheater in 1804 Unlike Fidelio which focuses on the struggle for political liberty, Mayr's opera, also known as Il custode di buon cuore (The Good-hearted Jailer) and described in its libretto as a farsa sentimentale, focuses more on the interpersonal relationships between the protagonists and contains comic elements.Lindner, Thomas, Liner notes: L'amor coniugale (English version by Neil Coleman), Naxos Records 8660198. Rossi condensed Bouilly's two-act libretto into one act containing 19 scenes and changed the setting from the Napoleonic Wars to 17th century Poland.

In 1946, Smith went to London for CBS with the title of chief European correspondent. In 1947, he made a long broadcasting tour of most of the nations of Europe, including behind the Iron Curtain. In 1949, Knopf published his The State of Europe, a 408-page country- by-country survey of Europe that drew on these experiences and that argued "both the American and the Russian policies are mistaken"; he advocated more "social reform" for Western Europe and more "political liberty" for Eastern Europe. Despite these criticisms of Soviet policies, Smith was one of 151 alleged Communist sympathizers named in the Red Channels report issued in June 1950 at the beginning of the Red Scare, effectively placing him on the Hollywood blacklist.

Gandhi also started a new magazine, Indian Opinion, that advocated for political liberty and equal rights in South Africa. The magazine, which initially included several young women from Europe, expanded its staff around the country, increasing both Gandhi's popularity and the public support for his ideas. At round same time, Gandhi read John Ruskin's book Unto This Last, which maintained that the life of manual labor was superior to all other ways of living. As he adopted this belief, Gandhi chose to abandon Western dress and habits, and he moved his family and staff to a Transvaal farm called the Phoenix, where he even gave renounced the use of an oil-powered engine and printed Indian Opinion by hand- wheel, and performed agriculture labor using old, manual farming equipment.

Zelaya's leftward drift during his presidency (which included raising the minimum wage by 60%) culminated in a plan to hold a Constitutional Assembly to write a new constitution. A publicity document produced for the fourth ballot box initiative that outlined the goals of a constitutional convention was inserted in an Armed Forces timeline document. Some of the topics of a constitutional convention include social order; the establishment of a recall mechanism for politicians; actual freedom of the press through equitable access; economic liberty with social responsibility; authentic political liberty resulting in a representative democracy where politicians are responsible to their electorate instead of their party; more consultation of the populace; and other suggested topics. Notably absent in the flyer was any mention of extending the term of the president.

José Antonio Echeverría Bianchi The DRE was founded in 1954 as a Catholic student group opposed to the Cuban dictator Fulgencio Batista, defining its principles as political liberty, economic independence, and social justice. For a student group, the DRE made military contributions to the Cuban Revolution by focusing on targeted plans. In 1957, the group coordinated an attack on Batista's Presidential Palace organised by DRE leader José Antonio Echeverría, who died the same day in a related incident, and the opening of a second front in the Escambray Mountains, which was taken over by Che Guevara. The death of Echeverría and other leaders led to the virtual collapse of the group, and its remaining membership largely joined the Escambray front under the leadership of the 26th of July Movement.

As the year 1829 drew to a close, a meeting of "mechanics and other workingmen" was held in New York City on December 29 to set the future policy of the party. The meeting was chaired by prominent local politician and Skidmore foe Henry G. Guyon, who refused to allow Skidmore to speak. When Skidmore attempted to address the meeting without official sanction, he was howled down. Skidmore's agrarianism-oriented program was defeated and the communal education policies given primacy in the revised Working Men's Party program, with class differentiation and the denial of political liberty to working people directly connected to the current pedagogical model. Denied access to the floor at the December 29, 1829, meeting and thereby effectively "read out" of the party,Edward Pessen, Most Uncommon Jacksonians: The Radical Leaders of the Early Labor Movement.

While unity brought the Arab world together and liberty provided the Arab people with freedom, socialism was the cornerstone which made unity and liberty possible as no socialism meant no revolution. In Aflaq's view, a constitutional democratic system would not succeed in a country such as Syria that was dominated by a "pseudo-feudalist" economic system in which the repression of the peasant nullified the people's political liberty. Liberty meant little to nothing to the general poverty-stricken populace of Syria and Aflaq saw socialism as the solution to their plight. According to Aflaq, the ultimate goal of socialism was not to answer the question of how much state control was necessary or economic equality, but instead socialism was "a means to satisfy the animal needs of man so he can be free to pursue his duties as a human being".

Starting with this work, Cooper's message on America became ominous as he continued to argue that although "political liberty is greater [in the U.S.] than in nearly every other civilized nation, [it is the country] in which men have the least individuality and personal liberty."Grossman (1949), p. 113. However, some have argued that in The American Democrat, he never quite unites the dilemma concerning the rising class society, which "politically ... threatens majority rule, because a minority of wealth and talent can always subvert democratic institutions ... [but] socially ... assures 'the utmost practicable personal liberty' by recognizing the right of association of men of like interests and tastes." Still, others have argued that The American Democrat could have been more influential had it not been overshadowed by Alexis de Tocqueville's Democracy in America, whose first volume had been published internationally in 1835.

Hamish Macleod, Financial Secretary of Hong Kong between 1991 and 95, coined the term "consensus capitalism", suggesting that the community had reached a consensus on the merits of Hong Kong's brand of capitalism, which was to "encourage free enterprise and competition, while promoting equity and assistance for those who need it......because the community righty expects a fair deal for everyone, and in particular that raw competition be tempered by help for those less able to compete." To Macleod, capitalism "provides the greater likelihood of maximising economic performance and defending political liberty while securing something approaching equality of opportunity." Donald Tsang, Macleod's successor as Financial Secretary also coined the term "caring capitalism" in 1996, which describe the governments's approach of giving priority to economic growth and then using the new-found wealth to develop social infrastructure and welfare services.

Without the political liberty of nations, Chaput claims, the construction of large supranational political ensembles is not an enterprise of internationalism, but one of imperialism. The political immaturity of French Canadians, evoked by detractors of Quebec nationalism in general and separatism in particular, tend to refer specifically to the era of Quebec Premier Maurice Duplessis, in power during 15 years, from 1944 to 1959. Chaput says he stands together with Cité libre's editorial team when they wish for French Canadians to assume responsibility over themselves, and agrees in principle with Pierre Trudeau when he writes that it is more urgent to rehabilitate democracy, attack the ideologies of the clerical-bourgeois elite, denounce the indolence of French Canadians, than to search for the culprits among the English.Pierre Trudeau, "L'aliénation nationaliste", in Cité libre, March 1961 However, he believes the particular definition Trudeau gives to the word nationalism to be a source of confusion.

The youth then took to the streets to display his injuries, and an outcry among the people led the consuls to convene the senate. The political process eventually led to the Lex Poetelia Papiria, which prohibited holding debtors in bondage for their debt and required instead that the debtor's property be used as collateral. The law thus established that the integrity of a Roman citizen's body was fundamental to the concept of libertas, political liberty, in contrast to the uses to which a slave's body was subject.The abolition of debt bondage was facilitated by the spread of chattel slavery for agricultural labor; thus during the period of Roman conquest and expansionism on the Italian peninsula, the distinction arises between a Roman citizen with rights and an "Italian" who might be enslaved; see John W. Rich, "Tiberius Gracchus, Land and Manpower," in Crises and the Roman Empire. Proceedings of the Seventh Workshop of the International Network Impact of Empire (Nijmegen, June 20–24, 2006) (Brill, 2007), p. 160.

Traditional leaders were eliminated, coopted, or made irrelevant, and the traditional educational system was largely dismantled; social structures were stressed to the breaking point. From 1856, native Muslims and Jews were viewed as French subjects not citizens. However, in 1865, Napoleon III allowed them to apply for full French citizenship, a measure that few took, since it involved renouncing the right to be governed by sharia law in personal matters, and was considered a kind of apostasy; in 1870, the Crémieux Decree made French citizenship automatic for Jewish natives, a move which largely angered many Muslims, which resulted in the Jews being seen as the accomplices of the colonial power by anti-colonial Algerians. Nonetheless, this period saw progress in health, some infrastructures, and the overall expansion of the economy of Algeria, as well as the formation of new social classes, which, after exposure to ideas of equality and political liberty, would help propel the country to independence.

Presented as a warning for tyrannical kings, the longer lyric poem 'Gwin, King of Norway' represents Blake's first engagement with revolution, a theme which would become increasingly important in his later verse, such as America a Prophecy (1793), Europe a Prophecy (1794), The Song of Los (1795) and The Book of Ahania (1795). In 'Gwin', Blake points out how the ordinary man must become a revolutionary to suppress political tyranny; For Frye, "Gordred the giant leads a workers' revolution [...] the rebellion seems to be largely a middle class one in which the stronghold of political liberty is the independent yeoman."Frye (1947: 181) David V. Erdman sees the poem as a direct antecedent of America and thus containing allusions to the American Revolution; England's actions prior to and during the war received widespread condemnation from the majority of the people, especially in London, where numerous protests were held against it. Blake was very much of the popular opinion that England was the oppressor and that the American people were fighting a righteous battle for their freedom.

Guided by this hope, Article 41 ("The State shall, within the limits of its economic capacity and development, make effective provision for securing the right to work, to education and to public assistance in cases of unemployment, old age, sickness and disablement, and in other cases of underserved want") and Article 45 ("The State shall endeavour to provide, within a period of ten years from the commencement of this Constitution, for free and compulsory education for all children until they complete the age of fourteen years") were included in the Chapter IV of the constitution. The court referred to the various provisions in the Constitution of India and reminded that the 'Preamble' has promised to secure to all citizens of India "Justice, social, economic and political", "Liberty of thought, expression, belief, faith, and worship". It further provided "Equality of status and of opportunity" and assured dignity of the individual. The objectives flowing from the 'Preamble' cannot be achieved and shall remain on paper unless the people in this country were educated.

I > see the morality, the philosophy, the taste of Europe, beginning to produce > a salutary effect on the hearts and understandings of our subjects. I see > the public mind of India, that public mind which we found debased and > contracted by the worst forms of political and religious tyranny, expanding > itself to just and noble views of the ends of government and of the social > duties of man. Finishing with a peroration holding it a moral imperative to educate the Indians in English ways, not to keep them submissive but to give them the potential eventually to claim the same rights as the English: > What is that power worth which is founded on vice, on ignorance, and on > misery—which we can hold only by violating the most sacred duties which as > governors we owe to the governed—which as a people blessed with far more > than an ordinary measure of political liberty and of intellectual light—we > owe to a race debased by three thousand years of despotism and priest craft? > We are free, we are civilized, to little purpose, if we grudge to any > portion of the human race an equal measure of freedom and civilization.