106 Sentences With "pocket veto" | Random Sentence Generator

" Legislative leadership, of course, can't execute a "pocket veto.

The silence amounted to a pocket veto of the proposal.

But something very much like a "pocket veto" would serve Pelosi and her party's interests well.

If AOC is OK with a Pelosi "pocket veto," then her massive social media following will follow along.

If Congress has adjourned, failing to sign it is a "pocket veto" that prevents the bill from becoming law.

I was about to stop there but OVAL OFFICE and POCKET VETO interlocked nicely with POLK and FORD, respectively.

If the governor still has not signed or vetoed the bill after 30 days, it would result in a pocket veto.

That option is unlikely: Though the House has already left Washington, the Senate will likely not will formally adjourn, making a pocket veto impossible.

The Constitution also gives Trump the power to pocket veto the bill, which occurs when the president does not sign the measure, but Congress is out of session.

If he doesn't sign within 2150 days of the bills being called up, the clock starts running on a "pocket veto" and the laws would go back to the legislature.

One other possible scenario is the pocket veto, which occurs if the President doesn't sign a piece of legislation passed by both chambers and the House and Senate adjourn, in which case the bill would be essentially vetoed.

The House and Senate versions of the bipartisan bill -- the Civil Rights Cold Case Records Collection Act -- passed late last year, and President Trump signed the bill into law on January 8 -- hours before it would expire in a pocket veto.

I liked the fact that Mr. Kahn managed to squeeze OVAL OFFICE and POCKET VETO into his grid, as well as the addition of a third president (TAFT) in the ladder, although his design put him above the typical 78-word maximum for a daily themed puzzle.

Republicans have also limited the so-called blue-slip privileges of Democrats when it comes to circuit court judges, denying them their previous ability to pocket veto nominees for home-state courts if they did not approve of the administration's choice or were not consulted on the pick.

This, in turn, would have dramatically lowered the stakes of judicial politics for many Republican voters, making an untimely event like Scalia's death less of a crisis moment, a response like the Garland pocket veto less of a necessity and the candidacy of Donald Trump something more easily rejected.

"Nothing on the specific rationale for this bill, other than this with respect to the pocket veto period in general: Having the legislature pass more than 100 bills in such a hasty and scrambled way, praying for them to be rubber stamped, is never a good formula for effectively doing public business," Christie spokeswoman Joelle Farrell said.

Pocket veto. # March 3, 1875 – S. 878. For the relief of Rosa Vertner Jeffreys. Pocket veto.

Pocket veto. # March 3, 1875 – S. 951. For the relief of John Montgomery and Thomas E. Williams. Pocket veto. # March 3, 1875 – H.R. 3170. For the relief of John W. Marsh. Pocket veto.

Pocket veto. # March 3, 1873 – S. 1480. For the relief of W.W. Elliott. Pocket veto. # March 3, 1873 – H.R. 1868. For the relief of Elias C. Boudinot. Pocket veto. # March 3, 1873 – H.R. 2264.

Pocket veto. # July 27, 1868 – S. 491. To provide for the appointment of recorder of deeds in the District of Columbia. Pocket veto.

Pocket veto. # March 3, 1871 – S. 799. For the relief of Anna M. Howard. Pocket veto. # March 3, 1871 – S. 995. For the relief of purchasers of lands sold for taxes in the insurrectionary States. Pocket veto. # March 3, 1871 – S. 1213.

Pocket veto. # To provide for the relief of Joseph F. Wilson. Vetoed July 7, 1884. Pocket veto. # To confirm the title of Benjamin F. Pope to his office of assistant surgeon, in the United States Army. Vetoed July 7, 1884. Pocket veto.

Pocket veto. # March 3, 1873 – S. 245. Amendatory of an act for the construction of a bridge across the Arkansas River, at Little Rock, Arkansas. Pocket veto. # March 3, 1873 – S. 809. To establish an assay-office at Helena, in the Territory of Montana. Pocket veto.

Pocket veto. # June 10, 1872 – H.R. 2622. For the relief of James De Long, late consul at Aux Cayes, Hayti. Pocket veto. # January 6, 1873 – H.R. 2291.

Pocket veto. # March 3, 1871 – H.R. 1831. To confirm the title of the Rancho del Rio Grande, in New Mexico, to the heirs and legal representatives of the original grantees thereof. Pocket veto. # March 3, 1871 – H.R. 2234. Granting a pension to Adam Correll. Pocket veto. # March 3, 1871 – H.R. 2591.

Pocket veto. # To provide for the relief of Brevet Major General William W. Averell, United States Army. Vetoed July 7, 1884. Pocket veto. # Authorizing the appointment and retirement of Samuel Kramer as a chaplain in the Navy of the United States. Vetoed July 7, 1884. Pocket veto. # To provide for the retirement of Colonel Wenry J. Hunt as a major general of the United States Army. Vetoed March 3, 1885. Pocket Veto.

Pocket veto. # March 3, 1873 – H.R. 3857. For the relief of J. George Harris. Pocket veto. # March 3, 1873 – H.R. 3878. For the relief of Mrs. Louisa Eldis. Pocket veto. # April 10, 1874 – H.R. 1224. For the relief of William H. Denniston, late an acting lieutenant, Seventieth New York volunteers. Regular veto.

Thirteen vetoes. Twelve regular. One pocket veto. One veto overridden.

Pocket veto. # March 3, 1873 – H.R. 2902. For the relief of the estates of Abel Gilbert and William Gerrish, late copartners in business under the style of Gilbert and Gerrish. Pocket veto. # March 3, 1873 – H.R. 3369. For the relief of George S. Gustin, late a private of Company D, Seventy- Fourth Regiment Illinois Infantry Volunteers. Pocket veto. # March 3, 1873 – H.R. 3484.

For the relief of George Wright. Pocket veto. # March 3, 1871 – S. 762.

Granting a pension to Asenath Stephenson. Pocket veto. # March 3, 1873 – H.R. 3731.

The pressure on Johnson was so intense that many observers believed the president would pocket veto the bill. President Johnson, however, signed the bill into law on August 24, 1968, just hours before a pocket veto would have taken effect.

Pocket veto. # March 3, 1875 – H.J. Res. 51. In relation to civil service examinations. Pocket veto. # February 3, 1876. – H.R. 1561. Transferring the custody of certain Indian trust funds from the Secretary of the Interior to the Treasurer of the United States.

One pocket veto: # To provide for the distribution, in part, of the Madison Papers, pocket vetoed.

Relating to telegraphic communication between the United States and foreign countries. Pocket veto. # April 20, 1871 – S. 294.

Making an appropriation for deepening the channel over the St. Clair flats, in the State of Michigan. Pocket veto.

For the relief of Alexander Burtch. Pocket veto. # January 30, 1875 – H.R. 4462. For the relief of Alexander Burtch.

For the relief of Mary M. Clark, widow of Leonard Clark, deceased. Pocket veto. # March 3, 1871 – S.J. Res. 295.

To authorize the Cattaraugus and Allegany Indians in New York to lease lands and confirm leases. Pocket veto. # March 3, 1873 – H.R. 2803.

Sanford authored the majority opinion in Okanogan Indians v. United States, commonly called the "Pocket Veto Case," which upheld the power of the President's "pocket veto." Other noteworthy opinions by him are Corrigan v. Buckley, 271 U.S. 323, which upheld the right of property sellers to discriminate based on race, Taylor v. Voss, 271 U.S. 176 (1926) and Fiske v.

This is known as a "pocket veto". This is the most conclusive form of veto, since state lawmakers have no chance to reconsider the vetoed measure.

Pocket veto. # July 19, 1867 – H.R. 123. Supplementary to an act entitled, "An act to provide for more efficient government of the rebel States." Regular veto.

No override attempt. # March 3, 1871 – S. 109. In relation to the Selma, Rome, and Dalton Railroad Company, Alabama. Pocket veto. # March 3, 1871 – S. 493.

No override attempt. # July 28, 1866 – S. 447. For the admission of the State of Nebraska into the Union. Pocket veto. # July 28, 1866 – H.J. Res. 191.

The president can also take no action indefinitely on a bill, sometimes referred to as a pocket veto. The president can refuse to assent, which constitutes an absolute veto.

Relating to the building lately occupied for a national fair in aid of the orphans of soldiers and sailors of the United States. Pocket veto. # January 5, 1867 – S. 1.

For the relief of the inhabitants of the town of Arcata, in Humboldt County, California. Pocket veto. # March 28, 1872 – H.R. 1550. For the relief of the estate of Dr. John F. Hanks.

Also, in 1986 he exercised the Pocket veto with respect to the Indian Post Office (Amendment) Bill, passed by Rajiv Gandhi, imposing restrictions on the freedom of press and hence, was widely criticised.

Override attempt failed in the Senate (0–37). # March 3, 1863 – S. 424. To amend an act entitled, "An act to establish and good the grades of line officers of the U.S. Navy." Pocket veto.

Pocket veto. # January 11, 1870 – S. 273. For the relief of Rollin White. Regular veto. Override attempt passed in the Senate (41–13), but failed in the House (12–168). # July 14, 1870 – S. 476.

Override attempt failed in House, 276–156 ( needed). #: December 20, 1991: Disputed pocket veto of , Morris K. Udall Scholarship and Excellence in National Environmental Policy Act. # March 2, 1992: Vetoed , United States–China Act of 1991.

Singh used a pocket veto to refuse assent to the "Post Office (Amendment) Bill" in 1986 to show his opposition to the bill. The bill was later withdrawn by the V. P. Singh Government in 1990.

In May 2019, Anthony Portantino, chair of the senate appropriations committee, made Senate Bill 50 into a two-year bill with a pocket veto, meaning it would not be eligible for consideration again until the 2020 legislative session.

The bills not approved within that time do not become law. This is known as a "pocket veto". This is the most conclusive form of veto, for the legislature (having adjourned) has no chance to reconsider the vetoed measure.

The President can assent or withhold his assent to a bill or he can return a bill, other than a money bill. If the President gives his assent, the bill is published in The Gazette of India and becomes an Act from the date of his assent. If he withholds his assent, the bill is dropped, which is known as pocket veto. The pocket veto is not written in the constitution and has only been exercised once by President Zail Singh: in 1986, over the postal act where the government wanted to open postal letters without warrant.

Pocket veto. # February 24, 1859 – H.R. 2. Donating public lands to the several States and Territories which may provide colleges for the benefit of agriculture and the mechanic arts. Regular veto. Override attempt failed in the House (105–96). # March 10, 1859 – S. 321.

The bill was presented to the president on August 14, 1964. The pocket veto occurred during a recess from August 21, 1964, until August 31, 1964. # September 1, 1964: Vetoed , A bill for the relief of Wetsel-Oviatt Lumber Co., Inc., Omo Ranch, El Dorado County, California.

The governor can choose to sign or veto the legislation. In the case of the veto, a two-thirds majority can override the veto. If signed or approved by a veto override, the legislation becomes law. Unlike in many states, the governor does not have the power of the pocket veto.

More broadly, it underscored how differently Lincoln and Radical Republicans viewed the Confederates. The President thought they needed to be coaxed back into peaceful coexistence while Wade–Davis treated them as traitors that needed to be punished. Lincoln ended up killing the bill with a pocket veto, and it was not resurrected.

President Clinton, however, employed what is known as a "pocket veto" by waiting for the lame duck congressional session to adjourn without signing the bill, a legislative maneuver tantamount to a veto.H.R.833.EAS - Text of Bankruptcy Reform Act of 2000"Clinton vetoes bankruptcy bill." Associated Press, December 20, 2000. Retrieved on April 11, 2007.

A territorial board of health was created. Licensing requirements for dentists and physicians were enacted. A bill repealing the requirement that outstanding tax assessments be paid before a court appeal could be filed suffered a pocket veto. A 50-year, $100,000 loan to the territorial insane asylum was authorized to allow the facility to make needed improvements.

Bullick176 Ind. 166 established that the Court could invalidate a governor's veto if proper veto procedures were not followed, in effect ruling the pocket-veto as unconstitutional. In 1917, the state was among the first to adopt an Exclusionary rule, established in the case of Callendar v. State, which prevented illegally obtained evidence from be submitted in court.

Unlike the U.S. President, the governor does not have the option of a pocket veto. If the governor does not make a decision to sign or veto a bill, it automatically becomes law after 10 days. In the event that the legislature adjourns to prevent the return of a bill by veto, the bill becomes law three days after the commencement of the next legislative session unless the governor explicitly vetoes it. (With the federal pocket veto, the bill is considered vetoed after ten days if the legislature adjourns.) The 1799 constitution contained, for the first time, the power of the governor to veto legislation; this power was substantially similar to, and probably based upon, that found in the 1792 New Hampshire Constitution and the 1798 Georgia Constitution.

The President may also effectively withhold his assent as per his own discretion, which is known as pocket veto. The pocket veto has only been exercised once by President Zail Singh in 1986, over the Postal Act which allowed the government to open postal letters without warrant by amending the Indian Post Office Act, 1898. If the President returns it for reconsideration, the Parliament must discuss once again, but if it is passed again and returned to the President, he must give his assent to it. If Parliament is not happy with the President for not assenting a bill passed by it under its legislative powers, the bill can be modified as a constitutional amendment bill and passed under its constituent powers for compelling the president to give assent.

Cornell gained insufficient funds to replant the clear-cut areas. A lawsuit was filed, naming the Brooklyn Cooperage Company as defendant with the People of New York State as plaintiff. (See People v. the Brooklyn Cooperage Company.) Although the legislature had adopted the 1903 appropriation without debate, Governor Benjamin B. Odell made a pocket veto of funds for the school.

Two regular vetoes, plus one pocket veto. # To provide for the ascertainment and satisfaction of claims of American citizens for spoliations committed by the French prior to the July 31, 1801, vetoed August 8, 1846. Override failed the Senate by a vote of 27 yeas to 15 nays on August 10, 1846. # Making appropriations for the improvement of certain harbors and rivers, vetoed August 3, 1846.

A few days later, the rest of the shipbuilders would receive their layoff notices, as well. The mass layoff was due to President Gerald Ford's pocket veto of the cargo preference bill. Twenty of the largest shipyards in the U.S. would experience similar layoffs. The cargo preference bill would have required over time 20% of all the oil transported into the U.S. be transported on U.S. Flagged Tankers.

A Doctrinal Advisory Team may report to the Advisory Council on the church's official doctrinal statements, epistemology, or apologetics. The President may pocket veto doctrinal positions he determines to be heretical. However, the President is also a member of the Doctrinal Advisory Team, and so he is aware of and involved in the activities of that committee. Historically, Presidents, as chairmen of the board of directors, have appointed their own successor.

In 2019, a rule change in the Assembly allowed committee chairs to avoid considering bills, which effectively kills the proposal. A proposed amendment to the constitution (ACA-23) was proposed for the 2017–2018 session to require a vote. Across the country, pocket veto powers are not uncommon in legislatures; in Colorado, the power was notably repealed in a citizen initiative constitutional amendment in 1988 driven by various reform groups.

Taking advice from Secretary Delano, Grant chose to pocket-veto the bill, believing that the demise of the buffalo would reduce Indian wars and force tribes to stay on their respected reservations and to adopt an agricultural lifestyle rather than roaming the plains and hunting buffalo. Ranchers wanted the buffalo gone to open pasture land for their cattle herds. With the buffalo food supply lowered, Native Americans were forced to stay on reservations.

At the same time, Republican Senator Alexander Smith of New Jersey introduced a bill for an agency more similar to Bush's vision. The Smith bill passed both houses of United States Congress. Kilgore encouraged his former colleague, now President Harry S. Truman to veto the Smith bill, in large part because of the potential it made for the military to dominate scientific research. Truman followed Kilgore's advice and let the bill expire through a pocket veto.

5 Despite gaining considerable power during the mid-twentieth- century, Indiana's governor remains fairly weak compared to his counterparts in other states. He has no line-item veto authority, and the pocket veto was ruled unconstitutional. If a governor does not sign or reject a bill, it becomes law automatically. This led to a fistfight during the term of Claude Matthews, who was locked out of the House chambers to prevent him from returning a bill in time.

If, however, Congress adjourned during that 10-day period, the bill fails to become law in a procedural device known as the "pocket veto". The bill becomes "mute". The president approves or rejects a bill in its entirety; he is not permitted to veto specific provisions. In 1996, Congress passed, and President Bill Clinton signed, the Line Item Veto Act of 1996, which gave the president the power to veto individual items of budgeted expenditures in appropriations bills.

Since the Indian constitution does not provide any time limit within which the president is to declare his assent or refusal, the president could exercise a "pocket veto" by not taking any action for an indefinite time. The veto was used in 1986 by President Zail Singh over the Postal Bill. The president did not give assent to the bill, arguing that its scope was too sweeping and would give the government arbitrary powers to intercept postal communications indiscriminately.

However, a clause in this constitution that limited suffrage to "free white males" delayed Nebraska's entry into the Union for almost a year. The 1866 enabling act for the state was subject to a pocket veto by President Andrew Johnson. When Congress reconvened in 1867, it passed another bill to create the state of Nebraska, on the condition that Nebraska's constitution be amended to remove the suffrage clause. This bill was also vetoed by President Johnson.

Taking advice from Secretary Delano, Grant chose to pocket-veto the bill, believing that the demise of the buffalo would reduce Indian wars and force tribes to stay on their respected reservations and to adopt an agricultural lifestyle rather than roaming the plains and hunting buffalo.Kennedy (2001), "The Last Buffalo" Ranchers wanted the buffalo gone to open pasture land for their cattle herds. With the buffalo food supply lowered, Native Americans were forced to stay on reservations.

Historically, the Congress has overridden about 7% of presidential vetoes. A bill becomes law without the President's signature if it is not signed within the ten days allotted, unless there are fewer than ten days left in the session before Congress adjourns. If Congress adjourns before the ten days have passed during which the President might have signed the bill, then the bill fails to become law. This procedure, when used informally, is called a pocket veto.

The bill, which also included provisions to eliminate silver from the half dollar and to transfer the rare silver dollars to the GSA, was approved by a conference committee and passed both houses. Nixon had intended to let the bill pass into law without his signature. When aides realized that as Congress had adjourned, not signing the bill would pocket veto it, on December 31, 1970, Nixon hastily signed it only minutes before the midnight deadline.

Twelve vetoes, including one veto whose status is disputed (Bush claimed it was a pocket veto; the Senate considers it to have been a regular veto): # July 19, 2006: Vetoed , Stem Cell Research Enhancement Act of 2005, a bill to ease restrictions on federal funding for embryonic stem cell research. Override attempt failed in House, 235–193 ( needed). # May 1, 2007: Vetoed , U.S. Troop Readiness, Veterans' Care, Katrina Recovery, and Iraq Accountability Appropriations Act, 2007. Override attempt failed in House, 222–203 ( needed).

This is known as a "pocket veto". This is the most conclusive form of veto, for the Legislature (having adjourned) has no chance to reconsider the vetoed measure. Alabama is one of the states in which the governor has the power to accept or reject any particular item of an appropriation bill without vetoing the entire bill. In this event, only the vetoed item of the appropriation bill is returned to the house of origin for reconsideration by the Legislature.

The president exercises a check over Congress through his power to veto bills, but Congress may override any veto (excluding the so-called "pocket veto") by a two-thirds majority in each house. When the two houses of Congress cannot agree on a date for adjournment, the president may settle the dispute. Either house or both houses may be called into emergency session by the president. The Vice President serves as president of the Senate, but he may only vote to break a tie.

113 Crittenden maintained that the tabling of the resolution was a condemnation by the Senate, yet the administration issued the circular only months later, overstepping, as Crittenden saw it, the bounds of the executive branch's authority.Kirwan, p. 114 Crittenden debated the issue at length with Senator Benton, and Congress ultimately passed a bill requiring the government to accept the notes of specie-paying banks for the purchase of government lands, but President Jackson employed his pocket veto to prevent it from becoming law.Kirwan, p.

The legislature can "pocket veto" laws by avoiding consideration and thus avoiding a vote. The Appropriations "Suspense File", which was created in the mid-1980s, is a popular way to avoid a vote. When a committee refuses to vote a bill out of committee, a discharge petition can typically be passed by the broader membership. In California, as of 2019 this was governed by Senate Rule 28 which requires 21 members and Assembly Rule 96(a) which requires 41 members; the procedure was notably used in 1998.

When the president vetoes the bill, it is said that this is Bartlet's first veto. In a previous episode, "In This White House" as Sam debates Ainsley Hayes for the first time, it is made clear that the president has in fact previously vetoed a bill. It has been suggested, however, that what was discussed on that occasion was a pocket veto. At one point in the episode, Josh quotes an interview with one of Buckland's aides in what he calls the Indianapolis Post-Dispatch.

The president has several options when presented with a bill from Congress. If the president agrees with the bill, he can sign it into law within ten days of receipt. If the president opposes the bill, he can veto it and return the bill to Congress with a veto message suggesting changes unless the Congress is out of session then the president may rely on a pocket veto. Presidents are required to approve all of a bill or none of it; selective vetoes have been prohibited.

In 1995, the executive and legislative branches negotiated a reform of the 1987 Sandinista constitution which gave extensive new powers and independence to the National Assembly, including permitting the Assembly to override a presidential veto with a simple majority vote and eliminating the president's ability to pocket veto a bill. Members of the unicameral National Assembly are elected to concurrent five-year terms. In January 2014, the National Assembly approved changes to the constitution, removing presidential term limits. This allowed current President Daniel Ortega to run for a third successive term.

In such a case, the Constitution states that the bill automatically becomes law after five days (excluding Sundays). However, if the Legislature adjourns (ends a legislative session) during the five-day period, then the bill does not become law. Thus, the Governor may veto legislation passed at the end of a legislative session simply by ignoring it; the maneuver is known as a pocket veto, and cannot be overridden by the adjourned Legislature. No bill may become a law after the final adjournment of the Legislature, unless approved by the governor within fifteen days after such adjournment.

The privacy of the conference room also makes it possible for the delegates to deal with each other in a friendly manner. In one early consultation, a new delegate from a Communist nation began a propaganda attack on the United States, only to be told by the Soviet delegate, "We don't talk that way in here." A permanent member can cast a "pocket veto" during the informal consultation by declaring its opposition to a measure. Since a veto would prevent the resolution from being passed, the sponsor will usually refrain from putting the resolution to a vote.

Secretary of Labor William B. Wilson supported its passage. It was the culmination of twenty years of agitation by the Seamen's Union President Andrew Furuseth. President Woodrow Wilson had supported such a bill at the beginning of his Administration, but in late 1913, United States Secretary of State William Jennings Bryan had been negotiating with the British for a Convention on Safety at Sea Treaty which would have established international, rather than national, standards for the treatment of sailors on ships. The Senate ratified the Bryan Conciliation Treaty on August 27, 1914, and the Secretary urged Wilson to pocket-veto the La Follette Bill.

Leslie soon ran afoul of the local press, who labeled him the "Coldwater Governor" for his stands in favor of temperance. The press's opinion of him further dimmed when he pardoned a prostitute convicted of grand larceny because the penitentiary was not equipped to accommodate women. He urged the territorial legislature to enact fiscal reforms and improve facilities for the insane and the incarcerated, but he was no match for the political machinery in Montana Territory. His 1889 pocket veto of an appointment bill supported by the legislature was the final straw; under pressure from Republicans, President Benjamin Harrison replaced Leslie as territorial governor.

Across the country, pocket veto powers are not uncommon in state legislatures, which allows a committee to "kill" a bill, sometimes without even a public vote; in Colorado, the power was notably repealed in a citizen initiative constitutional amendment in 1988 driven by various reform groups. When a committee refuses to vote a bill out of committee, a discharge petition can be passed by the broader membership. The specifics vary from state to state; for example, in 2004, a report found that New York State "places more restrictions than any other state legislature on motions to discharge a bill from a committee", which led to subsequent reforms.

However, their agenda was obstructed by the Republicans and the appointed members of territorial government, especially Governor Sanford B. Dole, the former president of the Republic. In this session, the Home Rulers attempted to decentralize control away from the governor and empower local government by passing a bill creating the first counties in Hawaii. This county bill was defeated by Dole through a pocket veto after the prorogation of the regular session. The legislative assembly was later mockingly dubbed the "Lady Dog Legislature" because of extensive debate on House Bill No. 15, which pertained to the repealing of an 1898 tax on ownership of female dogs.

President Obama issued 12; of which the status of five is disputed. (Obama considered them pocket vetoes, but since he returned the parchments to Congress, the Senate considers them regular vetoes.) They are: # December 30, 2009: Vetoed , a joint resolution making further continuing appropriations for fiscal year 2010, and for other purposes. Override attempt failed in House, 143–245, 1 present (260 needed).Summary of Bills Vetoed, 1789–present , U.S. SenatePresident Obama characterized his veto of this bill as a pocket veto, but since he returned the parchment to Congress, Congress treated it as a regular veto. See Vetoes by President Barack H. Obama # October 7, 2010: Vetoed , the Interstate Recognition of Notarizations Act of 2010.

Though a political novice, Burns had a great deal of name recognition from his previous jobs, and the Republican Party recruited him to run against incumbent Democratic Senator John Melcher, a popular veterinarian. Burns portrayed Melcher as "a liberal who is soft on drugs, soft on defense and very high on social programs." At the time a strong supporter of term limits, Burns said Melcher had been in Washington, D.C. too long. Melcher was also hurt by public opposition to policies in Yellowstone National Park regarding naturally occurring fires and by President Ronald Reagan's pocket veto of Melcher's bill, which would have made 1.4 million acres (5,700 km²) of Montana forest off-limits to logging and mineral development.

Under the United States Constitution, if the president does not return a bill or resolution to Congress with objections before the time limit expires, then the bill automatically becomes an act; however, if the Congress is adjourned at the end of this period, then the bill dies and cannot be reconsidered (see pocket veto). In addition, if the President rejects a bill or resolution while the Congress is in session, a two-thirds vote of both houses of the Congress is needed for reconsideration to be successful. Promulgation in the sense of publishing and proclaiming the law is accomplished by the president, or the relevant presiding officer in the case of an overridden veto, delivering the act to the archivist of the United States., "Promulgation of laws".

Following enactment, the bill goes to the governor, who may sign the bill into law, allow it to become law without signing it (if the governor holds the bill for ten days without taking any action while the legislature is in session, it becomes law without his or her signature), veto it, or return it to the legislature with recommended changes. If the legislature has concluded its yearly session, and the governor does not sign the bill within ten days, it dies. This is referred to as a "pocket veto." This ten-day period includes Sundays and holidays, even if they fall on the tenth day, and it begins the day after the legislation is laid on the governor's desk.

Lincoln appeared before the Military Affairs committee on which Garfield served, demanding a more effective bill; even if it cost him reelection, Lincoln was confident he could win the war before his term expired. After many false starts, Garfield, with Lincoln's support, procured the passage of a conscription bill that excluded commutation. Under Chase's influence, Garfield became a staunch proponent of a dollar backed by a gold standard, and was therefore a strong opponent of the "greenback"; he regretted very much, but understood, the necessity for suspension of payment in gold or silver during the Civil War. Garfield voted with the Radical Republicans in passing the Wade–Davis Bill, designed to give Congress more authority over Reconstruction, but it was defeated by Lincoln's pocket veto.

The veto – or threat of a veto – has thus evolved to make the modern presidency a central part of the American legislative process. Specifically, under the Presentment Clause, once a bill has been presented by Congress, the president has three options: # Sign the legislation within ten days, excluding Sundays—the bill becomes law. # Veto the legislation within the above timeframe and return it to the house of Congress from which it originated, expressing any objections—the bill does not become law, unless both houses of Congress vote to override the veto by a two-thirds vote. # Take no action on the legislation within the above timeframe—the bill becomes law, as if the president had signed it, unless Congress is adjourned at the time, in which case it does not become law (a pocket veto).

President may be of the view that a particular bill passed under the legislative powers of parliament is violating the constitution, he can send back the bill with his recommendation to pass the bill under the constituent powers of parliament following the Article 368 procedure. When, after reconsideration, the bill is passed accordingly and presented to the president, with or without amendments, the president cannot withhold his assent from it. The president can also withhold his assent to a bill when it is initially presented to him (rather than return it to parliament) thereby exercising a pocket veto on the advice of prime minister or council of ministers per Article 74 if it is inconsistent to the constitution. Article 143 gave power to the president to consult the supreme court about the constitutional validity of an issue.

No override attempt made. # December 8, 1967: Vetoed , A bill to grant the masters of certain U.S. vessels a lien on those vessels for their wages and for certain disbursements. No override attempt made. # December 15, 1967: Pocket vetoed , A bill for the relief of Dr. George H. Edler. The bill was presented to the president on December 12, 1967 # September 4, 1968, Pocket vetoed , A bill to amend section 202 of the Agricultural Act of 1956. The bill was presented to the president on July 31, 1968. The pocket veto occurred during a recess from August 2, 1968, until September 4, 1968. # October 14, 1968: Pocket vetoed , A bill to amend Title II of the Merchant Marine Act, 1936, to create an independent Federal Maritime Administration, and for other purposes. The bill was presented to the president on October 18, 1968.

The UNSC "power of veto" is frequently cited as a major problem within the UN. By wielding their veto power (established by Chapter V of the United Nations Charter), any of the UNSC's five permanent members can prevent the adoption of any (non-"procedural") UNSC draft resolution not to their liking. Even the mere threat of a veto may lead to changes in the text of a resolution, or it being withheld altogether (the so-called "pocket veto"). As a result, the power of veto often prevents the Council from acting to address pressing international issues and affords the "P5" great influence within the UN institution as a whole. For example, the Security Council passed no resolutions on most major Cold War conflicts, including the Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia, the Vietnam War, and the Soviet–Afghan War.

In 2013, Portantino began actively campaigning to fill the seat of Senator Liu, who will be forced out of the District 25 position by term limits in 2016. In May 2019, Portantino, as Senate Appropriations Committee Chair, used a pocket veto to temporarily block SB 50, a bill that would enact reforms to address the California housing shortage by reducing local control (such as allowing more apartment construction near public transit and in suburbs), from leaving committee to enter the Senate for debate and voting. Proponents of the bill accused Portantino of abusing his powers to deny Senate Bill 50 a debate and a vote in the Senate. The Los Angeles Times wrote that Portantino's opposition to the bill was expected, but that it was a surprise that he would not allow the bill to advance out of committee.

This notwithstanding that the Court—in decisions issued in the twentieth century—itself has adopted that interpretation of its prior decision in Hollingsworth. Tillman did not suggest that Hollingsworth was wrongly decided, but only that its scope (as originally understood) might have been narrower than commonly thought today. Tillman noted that Justice Chase's statement was not his official opinion, but merely a remark from the bench at oral argument, and therefore the failure of the other justices to contradict him should not elevate the status of Chase's remark to an official opinion by either him or by the Court. Moreover, Tillman argued that there were several other grounds potentially explaining the Court's decision, including: that the proposed Eleventh Amendment was in fact delivered to George Washington, he declined to sign it, and Washington's non-signature did not amount to a pocket veto because Congress remained in session.

The first edition runs to 7,046 pages and features some 10,000 wood-engraved illustrations. It was edited by Sanskrit scholar and linguist William Dwight Whitney, with Benjamin Eli Smith's assistance. Meredith Publishing Company's 1963 edition of The New Century Dictionary. Volume One: A—pocket veto and Volume Two: pock-mark—zymurgy & Supplements In 1895 a 10-volume edition was published, with the first eight volumes containing the dictionary proper, and the last two containing a biographical dictionary and a world atlas. Editions in either the 10 or 8 volume format were published in 1899, 1901, 1902, 1903 and 1904. In 1901 the title and subtitle changed slightly from The Century Dictionary; an encyclopedic lexicon of the English language to The Century Dictionary and Cyclopedia; a work of universal reference in all departments of knowledge, with a new atlas of the world. Further editions were published in 1906, 1909 and 1911, this time in 12 volumes each.S. Padraig Walsh Anglo- American General Encyclopedias 1704–1967 New York: R. R. Baker and Company, 1968 pp.

In the 87th Minnesota Legislature, a total of 258 out of 5,731 bills introduced were passed by the Senate and House of Representatives. All of the bills appearing on the Legislature's Hot List for the 87th Legislature were approved by Governor Mark Dayton, with the notable exceptions of H.F. No. 1467, an act that would have eliminated the duty to retreat with regard to the use of firearms in self-defense and instituted a stand-your-ground law while allowing the use of firearms in self-defense outside the permit holder's home; H.F. No. 2083, the omnibus K-12 bill; H.F. No. 1870, an act that would have authorized school districts to base leave of absence and discharge decisions on teacher evaluation outcomes; H.F. No. 2337, an omnibus tax bill; and H.F. No. 247, another omnibus tax bill, all of which were vetoed, except that H.F. No. 247 was the subject of a pocket veto rather than a regular veto. In total, 55 acts were vetoed—including 23 passed during the 2011 regular session and 32 passed during the 2012 continuation of the regular session. None of the bills passed during either of the special sessions were vetoed.

In an apparent attempt to resolve some of the issues with missing, lost, and sometimes fraudulent paperwork both the United States House of Representatives and the United States Senate passed H.R. 3808 which would force courts to recognize out of state and electronic notarizations. The bill passed the Senate through a verbal vote, and wasn't publicly debated. President Barack Obama, fearing "unintended consequences on consumer protections" utilized his veto powers, at first using a pocket veto by simply not signing the bill, and later by issuing a more formal protective-return veto. The Interstate Recognition of Notarizations (IRON) Act of 2010 would have required “any Federal or State court to recognize any notarization made by a notary public licensed by a State other than the State where the court is located when such notarization occurs in or affects interstate commerce.” The bill, written by U.S. Rep. Robert Aderholt (R-AL) to help court stenographers in his district alleviate issues with getting courts in other states to accept depositions notarized in Alabama, came under criticism in October 2010 from homeowner advocates who said it would have made it easier for mortgage processors to foreclose on homeowners without proper documentation or chain of title.