He's less stridently anti–welfare state, and less socially conservative than most paleoconservatives.
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The division was first evident in the battle between the neoconservatives and paleoconservatives.
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The term emerged several years ago to describe paleoconservatives who disagreed with mainstream conservatism.
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His ability to distinguish himself from the non-paleoconservatives was enhanced by the end of the Cold War.
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The neoreactionaries drew inspiration from earlier paleoconservatives like Pat Buchanan and Joseph Sobran but with a tech-y twist.
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There are liberals, neoliberals, democratic socialists, leftists, conservatives, neoconservatives, centrists, paleoconservatives, libertarians, and New Democrats, to name just a few.
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I don't mean the extreme right, the nationalists, paleoconservatives, and fringe groups that the media relentlessly tie to the President.
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It includes paleoconservatives, isolationists who were frequently anti-Semitic and were generally forced out of the conservative movement in the 1990s.
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While many paleoconservatives like Pat Buchanan lamented the destruction of U.S. culture due to the lack of assimilation by immigrants, the paleoconservative movement wasn't racist.
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The paleoconservatives were a major voice in the Republican Party for many years, with Pat Buchanan as their most recent leader, and pushed a line that is very reminiscent of Trumpism.
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Republicans could start to follow the lead of some paleoconservatives, like Pat Buchanan, in seeing Putin as a kind of ideological ally — a social conservative leading the fight against godlessness and secular values.
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The Iraq war was fiercely opposed by paleoconservatives and antiwar libertarians as well as by the antiwar left, and the strongest skeptics of the Russiagate narrative have been left-wing journalists — Taibbi, Glenn Greenwald, Michael Tracey and others.
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This piece is particularly helpful to disabuse the notion that Trump represents a complete aberration within conservative politics: The paleoconservatives were a major voice in the Republican Party for many years, with Pat Buchanan as their most recent leader, and pushed a line that is very reminiscent of Trumpism.
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In March, First Things published "Against the Dead Consensus," an open letter signed by a number of prominent conservatives that served as a broadside against "fusionism," which brought together libertarians, social conservatives, paleoconservatives, and "conservatarians" in a big tent of sorts united by opposing liberalism and the left.
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It passed through various esoteric journals and hard-right think tanks and was picked up by paleoconservatives such as Pat Buchanan (author of The Death of the West), William S. Lind, and Paul Weyrich, and over the last decade has spread feverishly through the murkier, more hyper-masculinist and libidinally challenged corners of the web.
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Paleoconservatives also claimed the Southern Agrarians as forebearers in this regard.
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Paleoconservatives stress tradition, paternalism, Judeo-Christian ethics, regionalism, and nationalism. Paleoconservatives tend towards both social and cultural conservatism and as such oppose abortion, affirmative action, same-sex marriage, and civil unions. They are skeptical of modern political ideologies and critical of multiculturalism, generally favoring tight restrictions on legal immigration. Paleoconservatives are generally economically nationalist, favoring a protectionist policy on international trade.
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Paleoconservatives support restrictions on immigration; decentralization; trade tariffs and protectionism; economic nationalism; isolationism and a return to traditional conservative ideals relating to gender, culture, and society. Paleoconservatism differs from neoconservatism in opposing free trade and promoting Republicanism in the United States. Paleoconservatives see neoconservatives as empire-builders and themselves as defenders of the republic. As with other conservatives, paleoconservatives oppose abortion, gay marriage and LGBTQ rights.
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The Constitution Party and the Reform Party of the United States of America had much support from the paleoconservatives.
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The alt-right also exhibited similarities with the paleoconservative movement which emerged in the U.S. during the 1980s. Both opposed neoconservatism and expressed similar positions on restricting immigration and supporting an openly nationalistic foreign policy, although unlike the alt-right, the paleoconservatives were typically closely aligned to traditional Christianity and wanted to reform the conservative movement rather than destroy it. Certain paleoconservatives, such as Samuel T. Francis, moved far closer to the white nationalist position of the alt-right. There were also links between the American libertarian movement and the alt-right, despite libertarianism's general repudiation of identity politics.
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Starting during the 1980s, disputes concerning Israel and public policy contributed to a conflict with paleoconservatives. Pat Buchanan terms neoconservatism "a globalist, interventionist, open borders ideology".Tolson 2003. Paul Gottfried has written that the neocons' call for "permanent revolution" exists independently of their beliefs about Israel,"Fatuous and Malicious" by Paul Gottfried. LewRockwell.
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The name Taki's Top Drawer also refers to a section which appeared in the New York Press. Edited by Theodoracopulos and Sam Schulman, it featured Taki's regular newspaper column, as well as contributions from other notable paleoconservatives, such as Alexander Boot, and libertarians, including George Szamuely. Scott McConnell has also contributed, and the site carries syndicated columns by Pat Buchanan and Michelle Malkin.
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Libertarian conservatism describes certain political ideologies most prominently within the United States which combine libertarian economic issues with aspects of conservatism. Its four main branches are constitutionalism, paleolibertarianism, small government conservatism and Christian libertarianism. They generally differ from paleoconservatives, in that they favor more personal and economic freedom. Agorists such as Samuel Edward Konkin III labeled libertarian conservatism right-libertarianism.
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In the 2004 United States presidential election, he was the Constitution Party's candidate. His campaign theme was "God, Family, Republic" and he emphasized the Bible, the traditional family, and the need for constitutionally limited government. His running mate was independent Baptist minister Chuck Baldwin. He gained support from many paleoconservatives, and was also endorsed by the America First Party and Alaskan Independence Party.
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While emphasizing that this was relevant as a matter of strategy, Rothbard argued that the failure to pitch the libertarian message to Middle America might result in the loss of "the tight-assed majority".Murray Rothbard, letter to David Bergland, June 5, 1986, qtd. Raimondo 263-4. Jeffrey Tucker At least partly reflective of some of the social and cultural concerns that lay beneath Rothbard's outreach to paleoconservatives is paleolibertarianism.
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Samuel T. Francis, Thomas Fleming and some other paleoconservatives de-emphasized the conservative part of the paleoconservative label, saying that they do not want the status quo preserved. Fleming and Paul Gottfried called such thinking "stupid tenacity" and described it as "a series of trenches dug in defense of last year's revolution". Francis defined authentic conservatism as "the survival and enhancement of a particular people and its institutionalized cultural expressions".
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The alt-right movement emerged out of the younger generation of paleoconservatives. The movement was founded in 2010 by former paleoconservative and American white nationalist Richard B. Spencer, who launched Alternative Right to disseminate his ideas after working as an editor for a number of paleoconservative outlets. The alt-right was influenced by paleoconservatism, the Dark Enlightenment, and the Nouvelle Droite. Unlike paleoconservatism, it is a white supremacist movement.
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The prefix paleo derives from the Greek root παλαιός, meaning "ancient" or "old". It is somewhat tongue-in-cheek and refers to the paleoconservatives' claim to represent a more historic, authentic conservative tradition than that found in neoconservatism. Adherents of paleoconservatism often describe themselves simply as "paleo". Rich Lowry of National Review claims the prefix "is designed to obscure the fact that it is a recent ideological creation of post- Cold War politics".
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In contrast to paleoconservatives, libertarian conservatives support strict laissez-faire policies such as free trade, opposition to any national bank and opposition to business regulations. They are vehemently opposed to environmental regulations, corporate welfare, subsidies and other areas of economic intervention. Many conservatives, especially in the United States, believe that the government should not play a major role in regulating business and managing the economy. They typically oppose efforts to charge high tax rates and to redistribute income to assist the poor.
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Burnham’s early work The Managerial Revolution sought to express the movement of all functional power into the hands of managers rather than politicians or businessmen—separating ownership and control. Many of these ideas were adapted by paleoconservatives Samuel T. Francis and Paul Gottfried in their theories of the managerial state. Burnham described his thoughts on elite theory more specifically in his book, The Machiavellians, which discusses, among others, Pareto, Mosca, and Michels. Burnham attempts a scientific analysis of both elites and politics generally.
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On the right, Beard's foreign policy views have become popular with "paleoconservatives" such as Pat Buchanan. Certain elements of his views, especially his advocacy of a non- interventionist foreign policy, have enjoyed a minor revival among a few scholars of liberty since 2001. For example, Andrew Bacevich, a diplomatic historian at Boston University, has cited Beardian skepticism towards armed overseas intervention as a starting point for a critique of US foreign policy after the Cold War in his American Empire (2004).
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A "High Tory" bears some resemblance to traditionalist conservatives in the United States, particularly paleoconservatives. In Canada the term Red Tory used to mean something like a High Tory, although it is nowadays associated with the moderate wing of the Conservative Party of Canada. It is difficult and unreliable to make comparisons between High Toryism and other political dispositions internationally. "High Tory" has been more than just a political term, it is also used to describe a culture and a way of life.
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Neoconservative author Michael Ledeen argued in his 2002 book The War Against the Terror Masters that America is a revolutionary nation, undoing traditional societies: "Creative destruction is our middle name, both within our own society and abroad. We tear down the old order every day, from business to science, literature, art, architecture, and cinema to politics and the law." His characterization of creative destruction as a model for social development has met with fierce opposition from paleoconservatives. Creative destruction has also been linked to sustainable development.
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Morris P. Fiorina, Samuel J. Abrams, and Jeremy C. Pope, Culture war? (2005) This theme of "culture war" was the basis of Patrick Buchanan's keynote speech at the 1992 Republican National Convention.see August 17, 1992 Buchanan Speech By 2004, the term was in common use in the United States by both liberals and conservatives. Throughout the 1980s, there were battles in Congress and the media regarding federal support for the National Endowment for the Arts and the National Endowment for the Humanities that amounted to a war over high culture between neoconservatives and paleoconservatives.
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As "alternative right" became associated increasingly with white nationalism in subsequent years, Gottfried distanced himself from it. After The American Conservative fired Spencer, in 2008 he became managing director of Taki Theodoracopulos's right-wing website Taki's Magazine. The website initially contained contributions largely from paleoconservatives and libertarians, but under Spencer also gave space to white nationalists like Taylor. In 2009, Spencer used the term "alternative right" in the title of an article by white nationalist Kevin DeAnna; by 2010, Spencer had moved fully from paleoconservatism to white nationalism.
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Still others, such as the Democrat Southern Agrarians, were traditionalists who dreamed of restoring a pre-modern communal society.Allitt, Patrick. The Conservatives: Ideas and Personalities Throughout American History (2009), chapter 6 The Old Right's devotion to anti-imperialism was at odds with the interventionist goal of global democracy, the top-down transformation of local heritage, social and institutional engineering of the political left and some from the modern right-wing. The Old Right per se has faded as an organized movement, but many similar ideas are found among paleoconservatives and paleolibertarians.
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In 1981 President Reagan appointed Bennett to chair the National Endowment for the Humanities (NEH), where he served until Reagan appointed him Secretary of Education in 1985. Reagan originally nominated Mel Bradford to the position, but due to Bradford's pro- Confederate views Bennett was appointed in his place. This event was later marked as the watershed in the divergence between paleoconservatives, who backed Bradford, and neoconservatives, led by Irving Kristol, who supported Bennett. While at NEH, Bennett published "To Reclaim a Legacy: A Report on the Humanities in Higher Education", a 63-page report.
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Peroutka was also endorsed by many paleoconservatives, the Alaskan Independence Party, the League of the South (accepted by Peroutka at its 2004 national convention), the Southern Party of Georgia, Samuel T. Francis, Alex Jones, Howard Phillips, and Taki Theodoracopulos. Pat Buchanan also stated there was a chance he would vote for Peroutka, counting them as "a Buchananite party", but eventually endorsed Bush. The ticket came in fifth with 143,630 votes (0.12%) and spent $728,221, somewhat less per vote than either George W. Bush or John Kerry. It was the only third party to increase its share of the vote in 2004.
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However, he split the difference. Brooks' offer to Frum to continue at the think tank without pay did support Frum's contention that donors had expressed frustration with having to continue funding his increasing divergence from the conservative movement's steadfast opposition to the administration's healthcare reform efforts. Other commentators from outside mainstream conservatism, and on the left, were not entirely sympathetic to Frum. The American Conservative, an organ associated with the paleoconservatives whom Frum had denounced in National Review five years earlier, noted the irony of "[Frum] himself, now being purged", as did liberal commentator Matthew Yglesias.
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Many right-libertarians are political allies with neoliberals on social issues like the public role of religion (which they seek to minimize at least in government) and nontraditional lifestyles (which they generally defend). Others, including Murray Rothbard's followers like Lew Rockwell, call themselves paleolibertarians and consider the traditionally religious and protectionist paleoconservatives to be their natural allies despite a sharp disagreement on trade issues. Paleolibertarians accuse other libertarians (whom they call "neo", "left", "lifestyle" and "beltway libertarians") of surrendering libertarian values to the political left in order to gain traction in Washington, D.C. and of undermining morality by opposing or denying religion.Rockwell, Lew.
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According to historian Paul V. Murphy, paleoconservatives developed a focus on localism and states' rights. From the mid-1980s onward, Chronicles promoted a Southern traditionalist worldview focused on national identity, regional particularity, and skepticism of abstract theory and centralized power. According to Hague, Beirich, and Sebesta (2009), the antimodernism of the paleoconservative movement defined the neo-Confederate movement of the 1980s and 1990s. During this time, notable paleoconservative argued that desegregation, welfare, tolerance of gay rights, and church-state separation had been damaging to local communities, and that these issues had been imposed by federal legislatures and think tanks.
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Paul Gottfried first coined the term paleoconservatism in the 1980s. These conservatives stressed (post-Cold War) non-interventionist foreign policy, strict immigration law, anti-consumerism and traditional values and opposed the neoconservatives, who had more liberal views on these issues. The paleoconservatives used the surge in right-wing populism during the early 1990s to propel the presidential campaigns of Pat Buchanan in 1992, 1996 and 2000. They diminished in number after the September 11 attacks, where they found themselves at odds with the vast majority of American conservatives on how to respond to the threat of terrorism.
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Until fairly recently, American libertarians have allied politically with modern conservatives over economic issues and gun laws while they are more prone to ally with liberals on other civil liberties issues and non-interventionism. As conservatives increasingly favor protectionism over free and open trade and progressives censorship over free speech, the popular characterization of libertarian policy as economically conservative and socially liberal has been rendered less meaningful. Libertarians may choose to vote for candidates of other parties depending on the individual and the issues they promote. Paleolibertarians have a long-standing affinity with paleoconservatives in opposing United States interventions and promoting decentralization and cultural conservatism.
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In a lengthy response to "Waterloo" in his blog on The Daily Beast, Tunku Varadarajan, another former Wall Street Journal editorial page editor, sounded many of the same themes as Frum's other conservative critics. "I especially don't want lectures about excessive rhetoric from the man who wrote An End to Evil" he wrote, also citing Frum's 2003 attack on paleoconservatives as the sort of rhetoric he was now critical of. "Passionate 'extremism' is part of any political debate, and the more of it the better." He derided Frum as a "polite-company conservative" who attacked his ideological compatriots to curry favor with Washington liberals; in that context he called Frum's post "paradigmatic".
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In 2018, Gallup polling found that 69% of Republicans described themselves as "conservative", while 25% opted for the term "moderate", and another 5% self-identified as "liberal". When ideology is separated into social and economic issues, a 2020 Gallup poll found that 61% of Republicans and Republican-leaning independents called themselves "socially conservative", 28% chose the label "socially moderate", and 10% called themselves "socially liberal". On economic issues, the same 2020 poll revealed that 65% of Republicans (and Republican leaners) chose the label "economic conservative" to describe their views on fiscal policy, while 26% selected the label "economic moderate", and 7% opted for the "economic liberal" label. The modern Republican Party includes conservatives, centrists, fiscal conservatives, libertarians, neoconservatives, paleoconservatives, right-wing populists, and social conservatives.
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The terms neoconservative and paleoconservative were coined following the outbreak of the Vietnam War and a divide in American conservatism between the interventionists and the isolationists. Those in favor of the Vietnam War then became known as the neoconservatives (interventionists) as they marked a decisive split from the nationalist- isolationism that the traditionalist conservatives (isolationists) had subscribed to up until this point. According to the international relations scholar Michael Foley, "paleoconservatives press for restrictions on immigration, a rollback of multicultural programs and large-scale demographic change, the decentralization of federal policy, the restoration of controls upon free trade, a greater emphasis upon economic nationalism and non- interventionism in the conduct of American foreign policy". Historian George Hawley states that although influenced by paleoconservatism, Donald Trump is not a paleoconservative, but rather a right-wing nationalist and populist.
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Mitchell also distinguishes between left-wing anarchists and right-wing anarchists, whom Mitchell renames "akratists" for their opposition to the government's use of force. Mitchell's Eight Ways In addition to the four main traditions, Mitchell identifies eight distinct political perspectives represented in contemporary American politics: # communitarian: ambivalent toward archy, pro kratos # progressive: anti archy, pro kratos (democratic progressivism) # radical: anti archy, ambivalent toward kratos # individualist: anti archy, anti kratos (libertarian individualism) # paleolibertarian: ambivalent toward archy, anti kratos # paleoconservative: pro archy, anti kratos (republican constitutionalism) # theoconservative: pro archy, ambivalent toward kratos # neoconservative: pro archy, pro kratos (plutocratic nationalism) A potential ninth perspective, in the midst of the eight, is populism, which Mitchell says is vaguely defined and situation dependent, having no fixed character other than opposition to the prevailing power. Eight Ways was largely ignored by the political mainstream but received favorable reviews from libertarians and paleoconservatives, who welcomed the attention and the critique.Raimondo, Justin, "Chuck Hagel and the Return of the Old Right", Antiwar.
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Some other critics called Frum's complaints about extremist rhetoric and efforts to enforce ideological orthodoxy among conservatives hypocritical in light of his own writings earlier in the decade, particularly a 2003 National Review cover story that attacked paleoconservatives, including many by name, as "unpatriotic" for, among other things, their refusal to support the Iraq War. After winning control of the House that fall, and the Senate in 2014, Republicans passed bills repealing the ACA, which eventually became popularly known as Obamacare, many times, none of which ever had the votes to overcome a veto. In 2017, after the election of Republican Donald Trump, the House passed the American Health Care Act, a bill intended to "repeal and replace" Obamacare, but the Senate never considered it. Almost seven years after his original post, Frum wrote that even though it was "my suicide note in the organized conservative world" he stood firm in his prediction, and urged Republicans to take a more cooperative role in health care reform.
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In a 1991 article in The American Spectator, he attacked Patrick Buchanan, a former Reagan speechwriter who would later challenge incumbent president George H.W. Bush for the Republican nomination, along these lines. After a stint as a speechwriter in the George W. Bush administration, he wrote another, broader critique of paleoconservatives in National Review, excoriating them for their eagerness to blame American Mideast policy for the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks and opposition to the Iraq War, as well as the faults he had previously identified. In 2003, Frum accepted a fellowship at the American Enterprise Institute (AEI), a leading conservative think tank, and continued to write for National Review and other conservative publications. Four years later, after some disagreements with NRs other writers over the direction conservatism was taking, he began planning to leave to start a new website to reassert moderate Republicanism, which he hoped could be appealing to younger readers who were "often repelled by today's mainstream conservatism".
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According to Reason, Rothbard advocated right-wing populism in part because he was frustrated that mainstream thinkers were not adopting the libertarian view and suggested that former KKK Grand Wizard David Duke and Wisconsin Senator Joseph McCarthy were models for an "Outreach to the Rednecks" effort that could be used by a broad libertarian/paleoconservative coalition. Working together, the coalition would expose the "unholy alliance of 'corporate liberal' Big Business and media elites, who, through big government, have privileged and caused to rise up a parasitic Underclass". Rothbard blamed this "Underclass" for "looting and oppressing the bulk of the middle and working classes in America". Rothbard noted that Duke's substantive political program in a Louisiana governor's race had "nothing" in it that "could not also be embraced by paleoconservatives or paleolibertarians; lower taxes, dismantling the bureaucracy, slashing the welfare system, attacking affirmative action and racial set-asides, calling for equal rights for all Americans, including whites". Originally published in the January 1992 Rothbard-Rockwell Report.
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While distancing himself from the paleolibertarian alliance strategy, Rockwell affirmed paleoconservatives for their "work on the immigration issue", maintaining that "porous borders in Texas and California" could be seen as "reducing liberty, not increasing it, through a form of publicly subsidized right to trespass". In 2001, Edward Feser emphasized that libertarianism does not require individuals to reject traditional conservative values. Libertarianism supports the ideas of liberty, privacy and ending the war on marijuana at the legal level without changing personal values. Defending the fusion of traditionalist conservatism with libertarianism and rejecting the view that libertarianism means support for a liberal culture, Feser implied that a central issue for those who share his viewpoint is "the preservation of traditional morality—particularly traditional sexual morality, with its idealization of marriage and its insistence that sexual activity be confined within the bounds of that institution, but also a general emphasis on dignity and temperance over self-indulgence and dissolute living". Hans-Hermann Hoppe is a libertarian conservative, whose belief in rights of property owners to establish private covenant communities, from which homosexuals and political dissidents may be "physically removed",Hoppe, Hans-Hermann (2011).
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