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31 Sentences With "obviation"

How to use obviation in a sentence? Find typical usage patterns (collocations)/phrases/context for "obviation" and check conjugation/comparative form for "obviation". Mastering all the usages of "obviation" from sentence examples published by news publications.

Obviation has also been attested in the Northeast Caucasian Ingush language in Asia.
Junker, M. (2004). Focus, obviation, and word order in East Cree. Lingua, 114 (3), pp.
The grammar of Munsee is characterized by complex inflectional and derivational morphology. Inflection in Munsee is realized through the use of prefixes and suffixes added to word stems to indicate grammatical information, including number (singular or plural), gender, person, possession, negation, obviation, and others. Nouns use combinations of person prefixes and suffixes to indicate possession, and suffixes to indicate gender, number, diminutive, absentative, and obviation. Verbs use a single set of person prefixes and a series of suffixes in position classes following the verb stem to indicate combinations of person, number, negation, obviation, and others.
Winnipeg: University of Manitoba.Dryer, Matthew S. 1992. "A comparison of the obviation systems of Kutenai and Algonquian." Papers of the 23rd Algonquian Conference.
As mentioned above, a distinctive feature of Kutenai is its use of an obviation system as a way to track which entities and concepts are particularly central/salient to a story being told and as a grammatical way of clarifying the roles of each entity in sentences with two third-person arguments: "Pronouns, nouns, verbs, and adverbs all take obviative markers", making it particularly different from some more well-known obviation systems (like the Algonquian one, which allows for obviation only on third-person animate nouns). Kutenai also makes use of an inverse system."Dryer, Matthew S. 1991. "Subject and Inverse in Kutenai.
Goddard, Ives, 1979, p. 32 Obviation is only marked on Transitive Animate verbs, and there is no obviative marking on inanimate nouns or verbs.
Third person participants are marked for gender (animate versus inanimate), obviation (proximate versus obviative), and presence (nonabsentative versus absentative). Generally, the inanimate, obviative, and absentative categories are more marked than their opposites (i.e. animate, proximate, and nonabsentative), but it is not clear whether animacy or inanimacy is the more marked of the opposition. The first and second persons are not marked for presence or obviation and are always animate.
Verbs use a single set of person prefixes and a series of suffixes in position classes following the verb stem to indicate combinations of person, number, negation, obviation, and others.
Another typological relationship Kutenai could have is the presence of its obviation system.Dryer, Matthew S. 2007. "Kutenai, Algonquian, and the Pacific Northwest from an areal perspective." In H. Wolfart (Ed.), Proceedings of the Thirty-Eighth Algonquian Conference (pp. 155-206).
Munsee (also known as Munsee Delaware, Delaware, Ontario Delaware) is an endangered language of the Eastern Algonquian subgroup of the Algonquian language family, itself a branch of the Algic language family. The grammar of Munsee is characterized by complex inflectional and derivational morphology. Inflection in Munsee is realized through the use of prefixes and suffixes added to word stems to indicate grammatical information, including number (singular or plural), gender, person, possession, negation, obviation, and others. Nouns use combinations of person prefixes and suffixes to indicate possession, and suffixes to indicate gender, number, diminutive, absentative, and obviation.
His concepts of symbolic obviation, figure-ground reversal, analogic kinship, holography and fractality of personhood have been critical in the development of anthropological theory in the last few decades. Anthropologists influenced by Wagner include Marilyn Strathern, Jadran Mimica, James Weiner, and Eduardo Viveiros de Castro.
For a treatment of obviation in (among others) Eskimo languages, see onlineMaria Bittner and Ken Hale: Comparative notes on ergative case systems. Rutgers and MIT. 1993. and in more details (also online)Maria Bittner and Ken HaleErgativity: Towards a theory of a heterogenous class from the same authors.
The direct–inverse dimension subsumes the proximate–obviative dimension. Across languages, obviation almost always involves the third person (although second-person obviation is reported for some Nilo-Saharan languages), and the direct–inverse alternation is usually presented as being a way of marking the proximate–obviative distinction between two (or more) third person arguments of a sentence. However, there are at least two languages with inverse systems, the Mesoamerican languages Zoque and Huastec, in which inverse morphosyntax is never used when both subject and object are third person, but only when one of these arguments is third person and the other is a speech act participant (SAP), the first or second person.
Nouns distinguish plurality, animacy, obviation, and case with suffixes. Animacy is only overtly marked on plural nouns. There are no core cases to distinguish categories such as "subject" or "object", but rather various oblique cases, including a locative (e.g., wiisiniwigamig, "restaurant", wiisiniwigamigong, "in the restaurant") and a vocative plural (e.g.
Obviate/proximate distinctions are common in some indigenous language families in northern North America. Algonquian languages are perhaps best known for obviation, but the feature occurs also in some Salishan languages and in the language isolate Kutenai as well as in the more southern Keresan languages.Mithun, Marianne. The languages of Native North America. 76-68.
There are two sets of demonstrative pronouns, proximal ('close by') and distal ('farther away'). Demonstratives are distinguished for gender, number, and obviation. In a phrase they agree with the head of the noun phrase or the noun they refer to. The proximal demonstrative pronouns include: wá 'this one (animate),' yó·k 'these ones (animate),' yə́ 'this one (inanimate),' yó·l 'these ones (inanimate).
Innu-aimun is a polysynthetic, head-marking language with relatively free word order. Its three basic parts of speech are nouns, verbs, and particles. Nouns are grouped into two genders, animate and inanimate, and may carry affixes indicating plurality, possession, obviation, and location. Verbs are divided into four classes based on their transitivity: animate intransitive (AI), inanimate intransitive (II), transitive inanimate (TI), and transitive animate (TA).
Examples (1) and (2) below show the grammatical interaction of obviation and inverse. The narrative begins in (1) in which grandfather is the grammatical subject [+AGENT] in discourse-focus [+PROXIMATE]. In (2), grandfather remains in discourse-focus [+PROXIMATE], but he is now the grammatical object [+OBJECT]. To align grammatical relations properly in (2), the inverse marker /-ekw-/ is used in the verb stem to signal that the governor is affecting grandfather.
The grammar of the Massachusett language shares similarities with the grammars of related Algonquian languages. Nouns have gender based on animacy, based on the world-view of the Indians on what has spirit versus what does not. A body would be animate, but the parts of the body are inanimate. Nouns are also marked for obviation, with nouns subject to the topic marked apart from nouns less relevant to the discourse.
The Massachusett language shared several features in common with other Algonquian languages. Nouns have gender based on animacy, based on the world-view of the Indians on what has spirit versus what does not. A body would be animate, but the parts of the body are inanimate. Nouns are also marked for obviation, with nouns subject to the topic marked apart from nouns less relevant to the discourse.
Transitive verbs inflect for subject and object, agreeing in person, number, and gender of both subject and object. Transitive Animate verbs also agree for obviation. Certain Animate Intransitive verbs inflect for a secondary object making Transitivized Animate Intransitive verbs: náh ntəlá·he·n 'I threw it over there.' Morphologically, the verb stem /əla·he·-/ 'throw something in a certain direction or manner' has the structure of an Animate Intransitive verb, but is inflected for a third-person object.
The language distinguishes four persons (1st, 2nd, 3rd and 4th or 3rd reflexive (see Obviation and switch-reference); two numbers (singular and plural but no dual, unlike Inuktitut); eight moods (indicative, interrogative, imperative, optative, conditional, causative, contemporative and participial) and eight cases (absolutive, ergative, equative, instrumental, locative, allative, ablative and prolative). Verbs carry a bipersonal inflection for subject and object. Possessive noun phrases inflect for both possessor and case case.Bjørnum (2003) pp.
Dahlstrom, introduction Obviation is also a key aspect of the Cree language(s). In a sense, the obviative can be defined as any third-person ranked lower on a hierarchy of discourse salience than some other (proximate) discourse-participant. "Obviative animate nouns, [in the Plains Cree dialect for instance], are marked by [a suffix] ending , and are used to refer to third persons who are more peripheral in the discourse than the proximate third person".Dahlstrom pp.
Because Plains Cree does not have a true case marking system, it has to instead rely on direction, obviation, and the locative suffix. This suffix, /ehk/ or its variant /ena:hk/, has the basic meanings of at, in, on, etc. The simple locative suffix /ehk/ can be used with stems or possessed themes, such as the stem skāt "leg". The personal pronoun /ni-/ can be added to the stem to make niskāt "my leg" and the addition of the plural suffix /-a/ makes niskāta "my legs".
Scientific drilling of continental deep subsurface has been promoted by the International Continental Scientific Drilling Program (ICDP). To allow continuous underground sampling, various kinds of observatories have been developed. On the ocean floor, the Circulation Obviation Retrofit Kit (CORK) seals a borehole to cut off the influx of seawater. An advanced version of CORK is able to seal off multiple sections of a drill hole using packers, rubber tubes that inflate to seal the space between the drill string and the wall of the borehole.
There is no suffixal marking for proximate. Although the exact significance of the proximate versus obviative distinction has been disputed, a general view is that the proximate noun phrase is more in focus, while the obviative is less in focus or backgrounded.Goddard, Ives, 1990 In the following sentence the first word 'woman' is the grammatical object and is marked obviative with the suffix /-al/: oxkwé·wal wə̆ne·wá·wal lénəw 'the man sees the woman' (woman-obviative third-sees-third man-proximate). Obviation is also marked on the verb with the suffix /-al/.
When these are combined with case markings, the order of suffixes is as follows: # Noun stem # Feminine suffix # Diminutive suffix # Locative, absentative, or vocative ending # Number/gender/obviation ending Some nouns cannot appear in an unpossessed form—that is, they must appear with one of the personal pronoun prefixes. All body parts and kinship terms are in this class. For each of these words there is a corresponding word that can appear unpossessed. For example, 'temisol "dog" must appear in a possessed form, but olomuss "dog" is usually never possessed.
Aissen began to study Mayan languages in 1972 as a graduate student at Harvard University, conducting field research in San Cristobal de las Casas, Chiapas. Her 1974 Harvard dissertation on The Syntax of Causative Constructions was published by Garland in 1979. She joined the faculty of the University of California, Santa Cruz, in 1983. Aissen is particularly known for her analysis of Tzotzil and other Mayan languages having abstract obviation systems akin to those described in Algonquian languages as well as for her work on differential object marking.
Project cancellation is the termination of a project prior to its completion, and generally includes the cessation of access to funding and other project resources. Project cancellation may result from cost overruns, schedule overruns, changes in budget, change or obviation of the goal of the project, political factors, or any combination of these and other factors. Contracts often stipulate the time and manner in which a project may be cancelled. Contracted projects typically have a specified end date, at which point the contract may or may not be renewed; non-renewal often has the same effect as cancellation, but carries different legal ramifications.
The Cascadia Basin site is placed in the vicinity of several circulation obviation retrofit kit (CORK) borehole observatories, which are designed to study the hydrology, geochemistry and microbiology of the upper oceanic crust. CORKs are also being used to investigate changes in regional plate strain that are caused by earthquakes on the plate boundaries. The seafloor pressure measurements of the CORK borehole observatories constitute the center of a “tsunami-meter”, a network of several high precision, rapid sampling bottom pressure recorders (BPRs), that allows precise determination of deep water tsunami amplitude, direction of propagation, and speed.
The same is true of metal bar stock. The most common shapes are round bar (also called rod), rectangular bar (including square bar, the special case of equal sides), and hexagonal bar (usually called hex bar for short). Tube and pipe are similar, but have hollow centers and are traditionally not called "bar" in industrial usage. (However, a product called hollow bar, essentially tube but with custom-orderable OD and ID and thus custom wall thickness, is marketed for lathe bar work which can benefit from obviation of drilling and rough boring.) Also similar in concept, but not called "bar", are the common structural shapes such as angle stock and channel stock.

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