134 Sentences With "motion of confidence" | Random Sentence Generator

The hope was that it would reunify institutions such as the central bank and the LIA, but opposition to the GNA continues with the parliament in the east of Libya voting on Monday against a motion of confidence in the Tripoli-based administration.

Fearful of a rebellion by left-wingers in his own party, his prime minister, Manuel Valls, decided to ram the measures through the National Assembly using executive powers that allow a law to be approved by a motion of confidence, rather than voted on directly.

KEY RATING DRIVERS Political Tension Unresolved Political uncertainty continues to prevail over the region, after the President of Catalonia called for a motion of confidence next September, following the rejection by CUP, a far left wing party, of the budget presented by the new ruling party Junts Pel Si (JxS, centre-right wing).

He passed a Motion of Confidence on 11 March 2018 with 208 votes.

The Constitution of Albania (1998 as amended in 2008 and 2012) stipulates also that only constructive vote of no confidence may be adopted by the absolute majority of the unicameral Assembly (parliament) deputies. :Article 104 [Motion of confidence] 1\. The Prime Minister has the right to submit to the Assembly a motion of confidence in the Council of Ministers. If the motion of confidence is voted by fewer than half of all the members of the Assembly, within 48 hours from the voting on the motion, the Prime Minister asks the President of the Republic to dissolve the Assembly. 2\.

On 10 June 2009, a motion of confidence in the government proposed by Taoiseach Brian Cowen was approved with 85 votes in favour and 79 against. On 17 February 2010, a motion of confidence in Minister for Defence Willie O'Dea proposed by Taoiseach Brian Cowen was approved with 80 votes in favour and 69 against. Nevertheless, Willie O'Dea did resign the following day.

He also obtained a large majority on the debate the secret funds, which worked as an unofficial motion of confidence (256 voices against 129).

In June 2010, she supported Richard Bruton's leadership challenge to Enda Kenny. Following Kenny's victory in a motion of confidence, Enright was not reappointed to the front bench.

On 12 June, a motion of confidence was passed by the lower house's ruling coalition to counter the censure.Boost for Japan's beleaguered PM, bbc.co.uk; accessed 18 June 2015.

On 15 February 2017, a motion of confidence in the government proposed by Taoiseach Enda Kenny was approved with 57 votes in favour to 52 against and 44 registered abstentions.

He took the fourth seat in the 5-seat constituency, defeating Fine Gael TD Michael O'Higgins. His former party leader Seán MacBride was also elected in the same constituency. Taking his seat in the 14th Dáil, he supported the Fianna Fáil government on most issues.See, for example, the debate on a Motion of Confidence in the Fianna Fáil government at Dáil Éireann - Volume 140 - 2 July 1953: Motion of Confidence and at Dáil Éireann - Volume 140 - 2 July 1953: Motion of No Confidence(Resumed) In 1953 he joined Fianna Fáil together with Noël Browne.

Police and goons (disguised as police) clashed with each other. In midst of all these problems, the speaker announced unilaterally that the cabinet had won motion of confidence, and then ordered everyone to leave the hall, and he himself left the hall. But the Central Government under Rajiv Gandhi, refused to accept this motion of confidence, and used Article 356 of the Constitution of India to dismiss her government in February the same year. Her party was subsequently defeated in the next elections that were held in 1989.

The meaning of 49.1 is sometimes imprecise, and therefore its interpretation is disputed, particularly as to whether the commitment of responsibility is optional or compulsory. In practice it is viewed as optional, and the president retains a clear supremacy. Thus, the motion of confidence is a weapon at the disposal of the government alone. The political benefit which it can provide remains limited, however, even though the motion of confidence still remains an important parliamentary tradition that can sometimes give an administration some advantages in its relations with parliament, as well as with public opinion.

However, as the government was no longer backed by a majority in parliament, on 22 September, Chancellor Brandt proposed a Motion of confidence to the Bundestag. He lost intentionally to make way for the 1972 West German federal election.

Following Kenny's victory in a motion of confidence, O'Dowd was appointed as party Spokesperson on Education and Skills. On 10 March 2011, he was appointed as Minister of State for the NewEra Project. He was dropped as a Minister of State in a reshuffle in July 2014.

Following the failure of the party's deputy leader Richard Bruton to support him, he was dismissed by Kenny on 14 June 2010. He also tabled a motion of confidence in his leadership, to be held on 17 June 2010. On the following day it was revealed that nine members of the Fine Gael frontbench did not have confidence in Kenny to lead their party – composed of Simon Coveney, Denis Naughten, Olwyn Enright, Olivia Mitchell, Fergus O'Dowd, Michael Creed, Billy Timmins, Leo Varadkar and Brian Hayes. Denis Naughten said frontbench members did not have Kenny's support and would like him to withdraw his motion of confidence and stand down in the interest of the party.

On 22 May 2005, after the SPD lost to the Christian Democrats (CDU) in the state (land) elections in North Rhine-Westphalia, Chancellor Gerhard Schröder announced he would call federal elections "as soon as possible". Constructive vote of no confidence were not used (Article 67), instead a motion of confidence (Article 68) in Chancellor Schröder was subsequently defeated in the Bundestag on 1 July 2005 by 151 to 296 (with 148 abstaining), after Schröder urged members not to vote for his government in order to trigger new elections. The Federal Constitutional Court, once again, allowed such motion of confidence, and the Federal President dissolved the Bundestag according to the Article 68, Par. 2 of the Basic Law.

2 1982 In order to garner legislative support in the Bundestag, the chancellor can also ask for a motion of confidence (Vertrauensfrage, literally "question of trust"), either combined with a legislative proposal or as a standalone vote. Only if such a vote fails may the Federal President dissolve the Bundestag.

In Enda Kenny's reshuffle in 2004 she took on the Transport portfolio. From 2007 to 2010 she was spokesperson on Arts, Sport and Tourism. In June 2010, she supported Richard Bruton's leadership challenge to Enda Kenny. Following Kenny's victory in a motion of confidence, Mitchell was not re-appointed to the front bench.

In December 2008, Vincent Browne criticised Kenny in The Irish Times for not having a grasp of the issues, notably of economic issues. The motion of confidence in Kenny was passed. He announced a major reshuffle of his party's front bench on 1 July 2010, re-appointing Bruton, Coveney, O'Dowd, and Varadkar.

Italian constitutional regulations, related to the confidential relationship, foresee two possibilities: the motion of no confidence and the Motion of Confidence. The first was practically applied only once in the Italian parliament history (the Prodi II Cabinet crisis in 2008, as a consequence of a positive outcome of the motion of confidence), while the latter had more significance in the Italian history. It foresees that each government should, within ten days from the moment of the line-up, present itself to the chambers to obtain (via Constructive vote of no confidence or by a secret ballot) the approval of their own political course. Lamberto Dini, was the officer in chief in the first government of experts of the Italian Republic formed in 1995.

In Enda Kenny's front bench reshuffle in 2004 he received the Defence spokesperson portfolio. He was party spokesperson on Foreign Affairs from 2007 to 2010. In June 2010 he supported Richard Bruton's leadership challenge to Enda Kenny. Following Kenny's victory in a motion of confidence, Timmins was not re-appointed to the front bench.

Lee interpreted the meeting as one between "British lions and Communist bears", and also as an act of party disobedience. He dramatically tabled a motion of confidence in the government. 13 PAP assembly members abstained from the vote, and were expelled. Around two thirds of the party membership - including Chin Siong - left with them.

Akselsen was first elected to the Norwegian Parliament in 1989, as the 14th representative from Hordaland county. He was re-elected in 1993 and 1997. Three years into his third term, the Centrist first cabinet Bondevik fell due to a failed motion of confidence. Jens Stoltenberg took over as Prime Minister, and selected Akselsen to his cabinet as Minister of Petroleum and Energy.

The President dissolves the Assembly within 10 days from receipt of the request. A request for a motion of confidence may not be submitted during the period when a motion of no confidence according to article 105 is being examined. 3\. The motion may not be voted on unless three days have passed from its submission. :Article 105 [Motion of no confidence] 1\.

Two days after the Anson result, Lee assumed full responsibility for the two election setbacks and resigned as prime minister to PAP chairman Toh Chin Chye, only for Toh to reject it. On 21 July 1961, Lee then moved a motion of confidence in his own government five days after the Anson by-election. The motion was agreed to with 27 "Ayes", 8 "Noes" and 16 abstentions.

However, Kerin stated that since the Liberals had won the two-party vote on 50.9 percent, he would stay in office until Labor demonstrated it had support on the floor of the legislature. The House of Assembly reassembled earlier than normal after an election. With Lewis in the speaker's chair, Kerin moved a motion of confidence in his government. He lost, confirming Rann as premier.

At the subsequent Arms Trial Gibbons would be the chief prosecutorial witness and his evidence would contradict Haughey's. Haughey was found not guilty, therefore Gibbons was alleged to have been the dishonest one, an allegation that affected him deeply. He was never charged with any offence himself and was angry that a Dáil motion of confidence in the government effectively turned into a debate about him personally.

The first subparagraph of Article 49 allows the prime minister to commit the responsibility of his government before the National Assembly. This is sometimes described as a ' (motion of confidence). As provided in Article 50, a simple majority vote against the motion leads to the resignation of the administration. This contrasts with the two following paragraphs, which protect the executive to a greater extent.

In June Mara moved a motion of confidence in his government. The NFP proposed an amendment that the Governor-General should ignore any request from Mara to dissolve parliament if the motion was defeated, and instead appoint Koya as Prime Minister. House Leader Jonati Mavoa claimed that the Governor-General had no legal right to ignore such a request. The NFP amendment passed after Butadroka voted in favour.

The president appoints as prime minister the nominee of the winning party in the legislative election, the one that holds the largest number of seats in the assembly. The prime minister-designate has a month to form a cabinet and submit to parliament for a motion of confidence. If obtained, the cabinet is sworn-in by the president and is accountable to him. Fifteen people have held the office since 1969.

With the move of the SPD into opposition to the cabinet in early November, the government's period in office was now limited to the time before the Reichstag was next in session. The president of the chamber scheduled a session for 20 November. Motions of no confidence against the cabinet were to be expected on that day. Stresemann decided to go on the offensive and the bourgeois parties introduced a motion of confidence.

Tensions between the coalition partners reached the summit in 2011, when two parties, DeSUS in April and Zares in July, left the government. The opposition has accused the government of corruption and mishandling the economy. Faced with the loss of several ministers and falling public support, Pahor asked the Parliament for a motion of confidence. On 20 September, the Parliament voted 51–36 against the motion, resulting in the fall of the government.

On 15 July, the CDU announced it would end the coalition with the SPD and request the dissolution of the Landtag. The SPD unanimously rejected this in the Landtag in 20 July, causing the vote to fail. The next day, Minister-President Carstensen dismissed all members of the SPD from cabinet and called a motion of confidence in the Landtag on 23 July; the government was defeated, allowing Carstensen to call new elections.

Alarmed, all the ministers decided to resign, three days later, without even advising , whose government became known as the "Three Days Ministry." On 18 November 1834, called Marshal , duke of , to the Presidency, and the latter formed exactly the same government as . This crisis made the ridiculous while the triumphed. On 1 December 1834, 's government decided to submit a motion of confidence to the Parliament, obtaining a clear majority (184 votes to 117).

At Italian general election, the White Rose was in alliance with UDC and other Christian democrats movements into the Union of the Centre, and Baccini was elected to the Chamber of Deputies: he didn't join White Rose's parliamentary group, but rather he adhered to the mixed group. On 14 May, during the parliament discussion about the motion of confidence to Berlusconi IV Cabinet, he announced to vote the confidence to the cabinet, leaving the project of the White Rose.

In December 2009, O'Dea settled the case out of court and apologised to Quinlivan for making "false and defamatory statements" during the interview, after a tape recording of the interview emerged. O'Dea also paid an undisclosed sum in damages to Quinlivan. A settlement agreement was read out in the High Court. On 16 February 2010, Fine Gael announced it intended to table a motion of no confidence in O'Dea, however, the government responded with a motion of confidence.

Convention would normally have required Jenkins to resign as Speaker, but the House of Representatives immediately thereafter approved a motion of confidence in the Speaker and he remained in the position. He resigned as the Speaker of the House of Representatives on 24 November 2011, stating, "My desire is to be able to participate in policy and parliamentary debate, and this would be incompatible with continuing in the role of Speaker." Jenkins retired from politics at the 2013 election.

In October 2007, O'Donnell was appointed party Deputy Spokesperson on Finance, with special responsibility for Freedom of Information, Procurement Reform and the Office of Public Works. As Deputy Spokesperson, O'Donnell was given the full Finance portfolio on an acting basis by Enda Kenny on 14 June 2010, when Kenny sacked Richard Bruton. O'Donnell subsequently supported Richard Bruton's leadership challenge to Enda Kenny. Following Kenny's victory in a motion of confidence, O'Donnell was not appointed to the front bench.

By invoking the ' (motion of confidence) in the National Assembly, the prime minister generally takes the opportunity to make an important political statement. This parliamentary ritual gives the motion some formality, which will be widely commented upon by the media. For many years, it was the best format for making political policy speeches, that is, before the television interview appeared in its various forms, offering alternatives. It is a mark of courtesy and deference to parliament.

The right to dissolve shall lapse as soon as the Bundestag with the majority of its members elects another Federal Chancellor. : (2) Forty-eight hours must elapse between the motion and the vote thereon. As a result, the failure of a motion of confidence does not automatically force either the resignation of the cabinet or a new election. Rather, the cabinet may continue as a minority government if there is not a positive majority for a prospective successor.

For a successful motion of no confidence, a majority of the members of Bundestag is needed to elect a new chancellor. This means that not participating in the vote or abstaining has the same effect as voting no. This was of specific importance in the first (unsuccessful) use of this instrument. Also, the Federal President may dissolve the legislature only after the failure of a motion of confidence, and the legislature may not dissolve itself either.

When Fausto Bertinotti, secretary of the party, voted against a motion of confidence to the 1996 government of Romano Prodi, Cossutta opposed his stance, and left the party along with Oliviero Diliberto and others to found the Party of Italian Communists. Afterwards, Cossutta was president of the Party of Italian Communists, and Member of Parliament. He also served as Member of the European Parliament during the 5th European term (1999–2004). He died on 14 December 2015 in Rome.

On 26 September 2007, a motion of confidence in the Taoiseach and the government proposed by Taoiseach Bertie Ahern was approved with 81 votes in favour and 76 against. On 28 November 2007, a motion of no confidence in the Minister for Health and Children Mary Harney was proposed by Jan O'Sullivan for the Labour Party. The motion was amended by the Minister, and the amended motion (now a vote of confidence) was carried, with 83 votes in favour to 73 votes against.

Had he done so, it would have meant a clear win without a reliance being placed on the Speaker. On the next day (Friday) the government tabled a reworded motion to its predecessor, seeking the confidence of the House in their policy on the Social Chapter instead of merely "taking note" thereof. As a result, the Government easily won the substantive question by 339–299. Had the government lost this motion of confidence, a dissolution would have been requested and probably granted.

The majority won by the "motion of confidence" is the "political" majority. The other type of majority is the "arithmetic" majority, foreseen by the Constitution (art. 64.3) for approving the particular resolutions. During the phases of peculiar political turmoil, it may happen that the political parties decide not to ally by affirming one with confidence transitional government, whose members can reconcile when the time is right, even about the possible new elections, and form the majority able to follow one clear political course.

The British military efforts were marked by bungling, and in 1855 a restive Parliament considered a resolution to establish a committee on the conduct of the war. The Aberdeen government chose to make this a motion of confidence; Disraeli led the Opposition to defeat the government, 305 to 148. Aberdeen resigned, and the Queen sent for Derby, who to Disraeli's frustration refused to take office. Palmerston was deemed essential to any Whig ministry, and he would not join any he did not head.

" Gorton called a Liberal caucus meeting for 10 March 1971 to settle the matter. A motion of confidence in his leadership was tied. Under Liberal caucus rules of the time, a tied vote meant the motion was passed and hence Gorton could have remained as party leader and Prime Minister without further ado. However, he took it upon himself to resign, saying "Well, that is not a vote of confidence, so the party will have to elect a new leader.

A motion of confidence caused the fall of numerous governments under the Third Republic. One reason for this was that it was often raised by a single minister without the prior agreement of the government as a whole, and thus the coalition that he represented . The other partners in the coalition could refuse to see their hand forced in this way, and the government fell. Under the Fourth Republic, the question of a vote of confidence was organized under the constitution, article 49.

He was the founding secretary of the Doncaster Labour Representation Committee (LRC), although he decided against advocating that the RCA affiliate to the national LRC. He stood for Doncaster Council in 1903 and 1904, although he was not elected, and he was also prominent on Doncaster Trades Council. By 1905, issues with the RCA's finances had emerged. The union's 1905 conference supported a motion criticising Challener for financial mismanagement, although it also supported a motion of confidence in his overall leadership.

After a parliamentary debate that lasted until one o'clock in the morning of the following day, 83 congressmen (from the opposing blocs of Popular Force, Alianza para el Progreso, Partido Aprista Peruano and Acción Popular, voted in favor of the motion of confidence). as of the official Peruanos Por el Kambio) and against 17 (of Frente Amplio and the nascent New Peru bench). The next step for the Executive will be to request legislative powers from the Congress, set for December 7, 2017.

Although the House of Lords may scrutinise the executive through Question Time and through its committees, it cannot bring down the Government. A ministry must always retain the confidence and support of the House of Commons. The Lower House may indicate its lack of support by rejecting a Motion of Confidence or by passing a Motion of No Confidence. Confidence Motions are generally originated by the Government to reinforce its support in the House, whilst No Confidence Motions are introduced by the Opposition.

The Commons may indicate its lack of support for the government by rejecting a motion of confidence or by passing a motion of no confidence. Confidence and no confidence motions are phrased explicitly: for instance, "That this House has no confidence in Her Majesty's Government." Many other motions were until recent decades considered confidence issues, even though not explicitly phrased as such: in particular, important bills that were part of the government's agenda. The annual Budget is still considered a matter of confidence.

The members of the Federal Government are answerable to the Chamber of Representatives, in accordance with Article 101 of the Constitution. On taking office, the Federal Government must have the confidence of the majority of the representatives. The Chamber of Representatives is also exclusively responsible for the political control of the Federal Government. The confidence in the Federal Government may be revoked by the Chamber at any time by the adoption of a motion of no confidence or by the rejection of a motion of confidence.

Lord Grey (painted by George Hayter) headed the Whig ministry that ushered the Reform Bill through Parliament. After the Reform Bill was rejected in the Lords, the House of Commons immediately passed a motion of confidence affirming their support for Lord Grey's administration. Because parliamentary rules prohibited the introduction of the same bill twice during the same session, the ministry advised the new king, William IV, to prorogue Parliament. As soon as the new session began in December 1831, the Third Reform Bill was brought forward.

In response, Kerin announced that in accordance with precedent set by Don Dunstan three decades earlier, he would stay in office until Labor demonstrated it had support on the floor of the House of Assembly. He argued that since the Liberals had won a bare majority of the two-party vote, he still had a mandate to govern. Three weeks of deadlock ended when the new legislature met for the first time. With Lewis presiding, Kerin proposed a motion of confidence in his government.

At the 1944 CAHA general meeting in Montreal, a motion was passed to sever relations with the LIHG. Another a motion of confidence was passed in the International Ice Hockey Association, and closer relationships between the CAHA, AHAUS and the BIHA. In April 1945, Hardy envisioned an amateur hockey World Series after World War II, involving teams from Canada, the United States, England and Scotland. The proposed series would be an annual event between the North American and European champion to begin in 1947 or 1948.

This provision is intended to limit the power of the President. One consequence of this is that in contrast to many other parliamentary democracies, the Chancellor does not petition the President to dissolve the legislature. Rather, a Chancellor needs to (deliberately) lose a motion of confidence in order to force a snap election. While Carlo Schmid is generally considered to be the main contributor to this constitutional innovation, the concept was actually first introduced after World War I in the Free State of Prussia.

When the Address in Reply is eventually voted on, the poll is held to constitute a motion of confidence in the government, which, if lost, would result in the end of that government's mandate. This discussion and vote follows a symbolic raising of other matters, designed to highlight the independence of parliament from the Crown; a practice that originated after King Charles I was tried and executed by the Parliament of England. In the Senate, it is Bill S-1, an Act Relating to Railways.

While representatives of the left-wing of the Social Democratic Party opposed reduction of the state expenditures, the FDP began proposing a monetarist economic policy. In February 1982, Schmidt won a motion of confidence; however on 17 September 1982, the coalition broke apart, with the four FDP ministers leaving his cabinet. Schmidt continued to lead a minority government composed only of SPD members, while the FDP negotiated a coalition with the CDU/CSU. During this time, Schmidt also headed the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

Presenting a motion of confidence to parliament, he won relatively easily in the lower house of the Parliament, the Chamber of Deputies, where the coalition's majority was substantial. Yet a win in the upper house – or Senate – seemed unlikely, and President Giorgio Napolitano was said to have warned against going through with the vote. The vote, held between 3pm and 9pm (CET), was heated and dramatic. During its course the UDEUR party Senator Stefano Cusumano decided to confirm the confidence and to support the prime minister, even against the orders of his party's leader.

He would also "work aggressively on the world society to protect small countries" from the effects of climate change. On 21 December 2010, Toafa and his government were toppled by a parliamentary motion of confidence, by eight votes to seven. His Minister of Home Affairs, Willy Telavi, crossed the floor and enabled the Opposition to bring down the government. The motion was reportedly initiated due to MPs' concerns over certain aspects of the budget, in particular the prospect that the government may no longer fully fund patients' medical costs abroad.

The president may appoint ambassadors, appoints civil and military personnel, dissolve the National Assembly, and declare a state of emergency for 15 days, that can be extended with the consent of the National Assembly. The Government is instead headed by the Prime Minister, whose duty is to coordinate the government and provide for the administration of the country. Following his designation by the President, he must present himself before the Parliament to pass a motion of Confidence. He can replace the President in the Council of Ministers, but only on his former mandate.

Following his party's victory in the 2006 parliamentary election, he formed the first Fico Cabinet. After the 2010 parliamentary election, Fico sat as an opposition member of parliament, effectively as leader of the opposition. Following a motion of confidence against the Iveta Radičová cabinet, Fico was re-appointed as Prime Minister after leading SMER-SD to a landslide election victory in the 2012 parliamentary election, winning 83 seats and forming a government with an absolute majority in Parliament, the first such since 1989. In 2013, Fico officially declared his candidacy for the 2014 presidential election.

On September 8, parliament began to debate a motion of confidence in Dr Banda and his policies. Chipembere arrived back from Canada that evening, having been joined at Dar es Salaam by Qabaniso Chibambo, the Regional Minister for northern Malawi, who urged him to make a last attempt at reconciling Banda and the ministers. As soon as he reached Zomba, he contacted Glyn Jones to assist him in persuading Banda to delay the second stage of the parliamentary debate and to meet the ministers who had been sacked or resigned to discuss a reconciliation.

On 12 December 2018 117 MPs, including 14 from the TNA, supported a motion of confidence in Wickremesinghe. A seven- bench Supreme Court unanimously ruled on 13 December 2018 that Sirisena's dissolution of parliament on 9 November 2018 was unconstitutional and null, void ab initio and without force or effect in law. The following day a three- bench Supreme Court refused to vacate the Court of Appeal's interim order but allowed for a full appeal to be heard in mid January 2019. Rajapaksa resigned as Prime Minister on 15 December 2018.

During this period, Akselsen's seat in parliament was taken by Sigurd Grytten and Rita Tveiten, the latter for two weeks in 2001. The position of Minister of Petroleum and Energy was central in the first cabinet Stoltenberg, partly because the first cabinet Bondevik lost the motion of confidence because of unwillingness to build fossil fuel power plants. The parliamentary opposition, including the Labour Party, held this to be necessary, and Akselsen had marked himself as a strong supporter of natural gas power plants. He views the power plant at Mongstad as especially important.

On 11 June 2008, a non- binding censure motion was passed by parliament's opposition-controlled House of Councillors against then Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda. Filed by the DPJ and two other parties, it was the first censure motion against a prime minister under Japan's post-war constitution. Ahead of the G8 summit, it attacked his handling of domestic issues including an unpopular medical plan and called for a snap election or his resignation. On 12 June a motion of confidence was passed by the lower house's ruling coalition to counter the censure.

On 20 July 1961, left-wing members of the PAP defected from the PAP after Lee Kuan Yew's call for a motion of confidence in the government. Most of these members later formed the Barisan Sosialis (Barisan) on 30 July 1961, led by Lim Chin Siong. As many of the members who defected to the Barisan were prominent grassroots leaders, the Barisan had a strong support base and became a strong opposition party to the PAP. Given the Barisan's large support base, political onlookers speculated that the Barisan could potentially win the 1963 General Election.

A Liberal, Peters won election to the House of Assembly in 1890. He was asked to form a government in 1891 after the Conservative government lost a motion of confidence in the house. The Peters government abolished both the Legislative Council and the House of Assembly and brought in a new legislative assembly to create a unicameral form of government. Peters served as Premier until resigning in 1897 to move to British Columbia though he retained his seat in the legislature until 1899 despite no longer residing in the province.

After the landslide victory of the opposition candidate Danilo Türk in the 2007 presidential election, Janša filed a Motion of Confidence in the government on 15 November 2007, stating that the opposition's criticism was interfering with the government's work during Slovenia's presidency over the European Union."Slovenian PM seeks confidence vote after opposition candidate became president", Associated Press (International Herald Tribune), 16 November 2007. The government won the vote, held on 19 November, with 51 votes supporting it and 33 opposing it."A Slovenian government crisis averted", Courrier International, 21 November 2007.

Nevertheless, in 1996 he joined the Communist Refoundation Party led by Fausto Bertinotti and was elected to the Parliament. As a member of the Parliament, in 1998 he voted for the motion of confidence to Romano Prodi's center-leftist government, despite the decision of the Bertinotti to vote against it (a decision that would eventually cause Prodi's resignation). After the failure of Prodi's government, Pisapia volunteered for a while in a refugee camp on the border of Albania. In 2001 he was re-elected to the Parliament, again for Communist Refoundation.

Following Kenny's victory in a motion of confidence, Creed was not re-appointed to the front bench. Upon Fine Gael forming a coalition government with the Labour Party in March 2011, to the surprise of many Creed remained as a backbench TD. He remained as a backbencher during the entire duration of the 31st Dáil. He was again elected to the Dáil at the 2016 general election. Following the formation of a Fine Gael minority government in May 2016, Creed was appointed to the cabinet as Minister for Agriculture, Food and the Marine.

Dormoy was backed by Léon Blum, and a motion of confidence was passed in the Parliament on 23 March. In November 1937, Dormoy ordered the arrest of 70 members of La Cagoule after the police infiltrated the far-right organization. It had been planning the violent overthrow of the government that month and the installation of a fascist government. The French police seized 2 tons of high explosives, several anti-tank or anti-aircraft guns, 500 machine guns, 65 submachine guns, 134 rifles and 17 sawed-off shotguns.

Prodi's appointment was somewhat delayed, as the outgoing President of the Republic, Carlo Azeglio Ciampi, ended his mandate in May, not having enough time for the usual procedure (consultations made by the President, appointment of a Prime Minister, the motion of confidence and oath of office). After the acrimonious election of Giorgio Napolitano to replace Ciampi, Prodi could proceed with his transition to government. On 16 May he was invited by Napolitano to form a government. The following day, 17 May 2006, Prodi and his second cabinet were sworn into office.

The government was sworn in on 11 October 2014, taking the oath of office before King Filip of Belgium. The four parties had a majority in the Chamber of Representatives with 85 members out of 150. On 16 October 2014, the motion of confidence from the Chamber of Representatives was approved by a vote of 84 in favour, 58 against and one abstention (by Aldo Carcaci, the People's Party MP). The government's number of seats was reduced to 83 when two N-VA members, Hendrik Vuye and Veerle Wouters, left the party in September 2016.

Rupert Allason contested Kettering in 1979 and Battersea in 1983 before being elected as Conservative MP for Torbay in 1987. He was opposed to ceding greater power to Brussels; in 1993 he was the only Tory who refused to vote for the Maastricht Treaty when it was made into a motion of confidence. The vote was narrowly won but Allason's abstention caused him to have the party whip withdrawn for a year. He left parliament after the landslide 1997 general election, when he lost his seat to Liberal Democrat Adrian Sanders.

At Llanelli, Davies openly challenged Conservative candidate Henry Puxley at a disorderly meeting. Following Puxley;s departure, Davies together with other nonconformist ministers from the town, mounted the platform and passed a motion of confidence in the Liberal candidate. Like many Victorian nonconformist ministers, Davies was awarded a doctorate in theology; in his case by Iowa College in the United States. Edwards speculates that this was probably an honorary degree but also suggests that it may have been awarded for some academic research given Davies's interest in scientific subjects.

Speaker Bakeer Markar refused to let Amirthalingam speak at which point the TULF MPs walked out. The SLFP and Communist Party also tried to object to the motion but were over-ruled by the Speaker on technicalities. They too walked out, leaving no opposition MPs in the chamber to discuss the motion of confidence against the opposition leader. UNP backbencher MPs rose up one after another to verbally abuse Amirthalingam and other TULF MPs, threatening to horsewhip, lynch, shoot and even tear their bodies apart up using an ancient form of punishment.

André Boisclair announced his resignation as Parti Québécois leader on May 8, 2007, the same day Quebec's National Assembly was resuming sitting after the 2007 general election. The announcement came as a shock to many Parti Québécois caucus members, some of whom expressed "sadness" at the decision. Boisclair's leadership was questioned immediately after the election and petitions for a motion of confidence within the party came far and wide from regional PQ presidents and major sovereigntist groups. Boisclair's resignation followed a dispute with Gilles Duceppe, leader of the Bloc Québécois, the sovereigntist party on the federal scene.

As soon as he was elected President of the Republic, Belaunde appointed Ulloa Prime Minister and Minister of Finance. From 1980 to 1982 Ulloa worked to restore the country's credibility with the international financial community ensuring a healthy inflow of foreign loans and carrying out Peru's first ever thoroughgoing tax reform. In August 1982, the Prime Minister and his cabinet were interpellated for almost 50 hours and, despite Ulloa obtained a motion of confidence, he resigned four months later. Ulloa returned to his seat and was elected President of the Senate for the 1984-1985 term.

Parliament can be dissolved and an extraordinary general election held, before the expiration of the four-year term. The Chief Secretary, once appointed continues in office as the head of the devolved Tobago House of Assembly until either he or she resigns, is dismissed or dies in office. Resignation can be triggered off by the passage of a Motion of No Confidence in the Chief Secretary or the Tobagonian Government or by rejecting a Motion of Confidence in the Tobago House of Assembly. In those situations, the Chief Secretary must tender their resignation and the resignation of their government to the president.

He then went to the Legislative Assembly and put down a motion of confidence in his government which endorsed all its policies for the full term of the Assembly. The Liberal Party, sensing a trap, agreed to the principle of fusion of the two parties but insisted that it be on the basis of Liberal Party policy. When the vote of confidence debate was concluded on 6 February, Huggins accepted an amendment moved by the Rhodesia Labour Party, and the confidence motion then passed without a division. Huggins had lost his chance for an election but gained endorsement of his government.

The March elections had seen the NFP win 26 seats, the Alliance 24, the Fijian Nationalist Party one and an independent one. With divisions apparent in the NFP, Governor- General George Cakobau asked Alliance Party leader and incumbent Prime Minister Kamisese Mara to form a government, claiming that Mara was able to command a majority. However, in June the Alliance Party attempted to pass a motion of confidence in the government but lost as the sole Fijian Nationalist Party MP voted against. At the end of June Cakobau dissolved parliament, resulting in fresh elections being held.

120 A few days after the attempted murder, Cairoli's government was strongly accused of inability to maintain public order, and, after a rejected motion of confidence presented by the minister Guido Baccelli, Cairoli resigned. Passannante's family was jailed; only his brother was able to escape. Giovanni Parrella, mayor of Salvia di Lucania, went to Naples to apologize and ask for a pardon from Umberto I. In a sign of forgiveness, on order of the monarch's counselors, Passannante's hometown was forced to change its name to Savoia di Lucania, by a royal decree on July 3, 1879.

However, its scope is limited and unless the prime minister's speech is particularly effective, will do little to change the popularity of the administration and its majority. As for the reluctant coalition partners, they may vote to pass the motion of confidence while voicing reservations and criticisms. However, where the measure is narrowly focused they are especially tied to their assenting vote, as opposed to a broad statement of administration support, which does not prevent disavowal of certain of its aspects. Finally, the vote of confidence does not strengthen the prime minister's position with respect to the president.

The action may also be framed by the constitution, generally in a way favorable to the government. In Germany. article 68 of the Fundamental Law of the Federal Republic of Germany provides that if a motion of confidence, which may include adoption of a text, is not adopted by an absolute majority, the Chancellor may ask the President for the dissolution of the Bundestag or the proclamation of a "state of legislative necessity", which for a limited time allows the adoption of laws with assent of a single upper chamber, the Bundesrat. The president is free to accept this request, or not.

A co-ordinated protest by left-wing Labour MPs over spending on defence forced the debate set for 7 December to be postponed; however on 13 December an anti-sanctions amendment was passed by 285 to 279. The substantive motion as amended was then passed by 285 to 283. James Callaghan put down a further motion of confidence for the next day, which the government won by ten votes (300 to 290), but accepted that his government could not use sanctions. In effect this deprived the government of any means of enforcing the 5 per cent limit on private industry.

Still, the vote succeeded by a majority of only seven votes. To obtain a clearer majority in the Bundestag (which seemed to be in reach according to the polls), after the vote, Helmut Kohl put up a motion of confidence in which the new CDU-FDP coalition intentionally voted against the Chancellor that it just put into power. This trick allowed for the dissolution of the Bundestag according to Article 68 Grundgesetz (see above). Still, the action triggered an appeal to the Federal Constitutional Court, which, in a somewhat helpless ruling, upheld the move but set criteria for such motions in future.

If the Mayor resigns, dies, lose a motion of confidence, or a majority of the municipal councillors step down at the same time, an early election (for the Mayor and for all municipal councillors) is called. The City Council is elected at the same time as the mayor. Voters can vote for a list of candidates and can express up to two preferences for candidates of said list, provided they are selecting candidates of both genders. Seats are then attributed to parties proportionally, and for each party the candidates with the highest number of preferences are elected.

Unlike the Commonwealth Parliament, the Premier and Governor of Victoria have very little discretion in dissolving the Parliament of Victoria. Both the Legislative Assembly and the Legislative Council are dissolved automatically twenty-five days before the last Saturday in November every four years. However, the Governor can dissolve the Legislative Assembly if a motion of no confidence in the Premier and the other Ministers of State is passed and no motion of confidence is passed within the next week. Finally, the Premier can advise the Governor to dissolve both houses in the case of a deadlocked bill.

He announced a more independent foreign policy, attempting to enhance relations with the Soviet Union, U.S., Japan and China. He lost a motion of confidence in July 1988 with changes in the shifting coalition and was succeeded by Rabbie Namaliu, the new leader of the Pangu Party, but Wingti returned for a further two-year stint in 1992. His second term was marked by an escalation of unrest in Bougainville and he was ousted by Julius Chan in August 1994. Wingti continued to represent the Western Highlands in the National Parliament of Papua New Guinea, although he switched from the local Hagen constituency to the provincial-level electorate in 1995.

The prime minister may only stay in office as long as he or she retains the confidence of the House of Commons. The lower house may indicate its lack of support for the government by rejecting a motion of confidence, or by passing a motion of no confidence. Important bills that form a part of the government's agenda are generally considered matters of confidence, as is any taxation or spending bill and the annual budget. When a government has lost the confidence of the House of Commons, the prime minister is obliged to either resign or request the governor general to dissolve parliament, thereby precipitating a general election.

Article 81 makes it possible to enact a law without the approval of the Bundestag: if the Bundestag rejects a motion of confidence, but a new chancellor is not elected nor is the Bundestag dissolved, the chancellor can declare a draft law to be "urgent". If the Bundestag refuses to approve the draft, the cabinet can ask the federal president to declare a "legislative state of emergency" (Gesetzgebungsnotstand) with regard to that specific law proposal. After the declaration of the president, the Bundestag has four weeks to discuss the draft law. If it does not approve it the cabinet can ask the Federal Council for approval.

On 22 May 2005, after the SPD lost to the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) in North Rhine-Westphalia, Gerhard Schröder announced he would call federal elections "as soon as possible". A motion of confidence was subsequently defeated in the Bundestag on 1 July 2005 by 151 to 296 (with 148 abstaining), after Schröder urged members not to vote for his government in order to trigger new elections. In response, a grouping of left-wing SPD dissidents and the neo-communist Party of Democratic Socialism agreed to run on a joint ticket in the general election, with Schröder's rival Oskar Lafontaine leading the new group.

Prime Minister Suhrawardy found extremely difficult to govern effectively due to the issue of One Unit, alleviating the national economy, and President Mirza's constant unconstitutional interference in Suhrawardy administration. President Mirza demanded the resignation of Prime Minister Suhrawardy and turned down his request to seek motion of confidence at the National Assembly. Threatened by President Mirza's dismissal, Prime Minister Suhrawardy tendered his resignation on 17 October 1957 and was succeeded by I. I. Chundrigar but he too was forced to resigned in mere two months. President Mirza had widely lacked the parliamentary spirit, distrusting the civilians to ensure the integrity and sovereignty of country.

IDF soldier at voting booth Israel's electoral system operates within the parameters of a Basic Law (The Knesset) and of the 1969 Knesset Elections Law. The Knesset's 120 members are elected by secret ballot to 4-year terms, although the Knesset may decide to call for new elections before the end of the 4-year term, and a government can change without a general election; since the 1988 election, no Knesset has finished its 4-year term. In addition a motion of confidence may be called. Voting in general elections takes place using the highest averages method of party-list proportional representation, using the d'Hondt formula.

In 1947, he again contested in the party elections in the Muslim League against Suhrawardy's platform and securing his nomination as the party chairman for the Muslim League's East Bengal chapter. His success in the party election eventually led him to the appointed as the first Chief Minister of East Bengal after the Partition of India in 1947 and effectively gained controlled of the Muslim League in the province. As the Chief Minister, he led the motion of confidence that ultimately voted in favor of joining the Federation of Pakistan and reorganized the Government of East Pakistan by delegating conservative members in his administration.

Ture Lennart Bodström (20 April 1928 – 30 April 2015) was a Swedish politician born in Gothenburg, who served as the Minister for Foreign Affairs in Olof Palme's Social Democratic cabinet from 1982-85. His refusal, without further evidence, to participate in the accusations against the Soviet Union regarding its possible submarine operations in Swedish waters led to a motion of confidence against him in the Riksdag, which failed. This is still the only time such a motion has been raised against a single member of a Swedish government (although some have resigned facing the threat of one). Following the 1985 election, Bodström was reassigned to the post of Minister for Education.

Aontacht Éireann (; ) was an Irish political party founded by Kevin Boland, a former Fianna Fáil government minister and advocate of Irish republicanism. The party mainly operated within the Republic of Ireland. Boland resigned from Dáil Éireann on 3 November 1970 rather than support a motion of confidence in Taoiseach Jack Lynch, who had sacked ministers Neil Blaney and Charles Haughey for their refusal to support Government policy on Northern Ireland amid allegations of misuse of aid to Northern Ireland during the Arms Crisis. In May 1971, Boland resigned from Fianna Fáil; on 19 September 1971, he launched the new party before an audience of over one thousand delegates.

It allows the new prime minister to put forward his positions and pledge the soundness of his government. The refusal to make commitments is seen as an admission of the majority's weakness. Apart from the prime minister's nomination, the motion of confidence allows the government to deliver a new declaration on matters and events that may impose themselves or to which the government wishes to give importance. On the other hand, under the Fifth Republic, it is no longer possible, as under previous Republics, to attach motions of confidence to votes of law to force the assembly to vote on the combined motion and the proposed law.

Romano Prodi led his coalition to the electoral campaign preceding the election, eventually won by a very narrow margin of 25,000 votes, and a final majority of two seats in the Senate, on 10 April. Prodi's appointment was somewhat delayed, as the outgoing President of the Republic, Carlo Azeglio Ciampi, ended his mandate in May, not having enough time for the usual procedure (consultations made by the President, appointment of a Prime Minister, motion of confidence and oath of office). After the acrimonious election of Giorgio Napolitano to replace Ciampi, Prodi could proceed with his transition to government. On 16 May he was invited by Napolitano to form a government.

In many parliamentary democracies, there are strict time limits for no confidence motions: they may only be allowed once every three, four or six months. Thus, the timing of a motion of no confidence is a matter of political judgement; a motion of no confidence on a relatively trivial matter may prove counterproductive if a more important issue suddenly arises which actually warrants a motion of no confidence, because such a motion cannot be proposed if one has been voted on recently. Sometimes, the government will choose to declare that one of its bills is a "motion of confidence" in order to prevent dissident members of their own party voting against it.

The Constitution of Nepal set the maximum numbers of ministers including State Ministers to 25, however, Oli first decided to have 17 ministries under him, which is less than the previous cabinets with each around 30 ministries. It was later expanded to 22 ministries and the addition of 3 state ministers has bought the number of cabinet members to 25. The first expansion to the cabinet was made on 26 February 2018, when seven more ministers were sworn in, while the second expansion took place on 16 March 2018. On 11 March 2018, Oli won a Motion of Confidence with 208 out of 268 votes in the 275-member House of Representatives.

The Government of Poland takes place in the framework of a unitary semi- presidential representative democratic republic, whereby the President is the head of state and the Prime Minister is the head of government. Executive power is exercised, within the framework of a multi-party system, by the President and the Government, which consists of the Council of Ministers led by the Prime Minister. Its members are typically chosen from the majority party or coalition, in the lower house of parliament (the Sejm), although exceptions to this rule are not uncommon. The government is formally announced by the President, and must pass a motion of confidence in the Sejm within two weeks.

He was instrumental in warding these off for Baldwin and then Neville Chamberlain. However, a well of discontent with the government's foreign policy grew, especially after Britain entered World War II. Eight months into the conflict, severe reverses in the Norwegian campaign led to the two-day "Norway Debate" of 7 and 8 May 1940 in which the government came under severe criticism from its own supporters and witnessed a massive rebellion on a motion of confidence. The government maintained a majority, but Margesson's soundings revealed that that majority was imperilled unless the political composition of the government was widened. When Chamberlain realised that he was unable to do so, he resigned and was succeeded by Churchill.

Le Marchant contested the London safe seat occupied by the Labour Party's George Strauss since its 1950 creation, Vauxhall, at the 1966 general election. He was elected to the House of Commons as Member of Parliament for High Peak at the 1970 general election, and held the seat until he retired from Parliament at the 1983 general election. He was appointed Comptroller of the Household when Margaret Thatcher came to power in 1979. Le Marchant received note in Thatcher's memoirs as "famous for his intake of champagne", 6 foot and 6 inches tall, and "could be heard booming out the result" when the then Labour government lost a motion of confidence by one vote, causing the 1979 general election.

In most parliamentary democracies, members of a parliament can propose a motion of confidenceOtherwise, when it is proposed by the Government itself upon a piece of legislation, "the Chambers are enslaved in the exercise of their principal function just because it was thought that their being master of the fiduciary relationship were to be reaffirmed on each bill": or of no confidence in the government or executive. The results of such motions show how much support the government currently has in parliament. Should a motion of confidence fail, or a motion of no confidence pass, the government will usually either resign and allow other politicians to form a new government, or call an election.

On 3 March 2009, amidst a strong police presence, Sivakumar attempted to convene the emergency session of the assembly, but Pakatan Rakyat assemblypersons were barred from entering the State Secretariat. Sivakumar, wearing his full speaker robes and a songkok declared a tree in the parking lot of the State Secretariat as the meeting place. The session was witnessed by curious onlookers defying police warnings to stay away a motion of confidence in Mohammad Nizar Jamaluddin's government, a motion to affirm the suspension of Zambry Abdul Kadir's Barisan Nasional state exco and a motion to dissolve the assembly for snap polls were passed unanimously, 27-0. Barisan Nasional protested the legitimacy of the emergency session and none of their assembly members attended.

Speaker Mohamad Ariff Md Yusof announced that he had received a letter on 1 May from Warisan leader Shafie Apdal seeking to table a motion of confidence in Dr Mahathir to show that he could command a majority in the Dewan Rakyat. The Speaker replied in a letter to Shafie that it was not in line with Article 43 of the Federal Constitution because it questioned the power of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong to appoint the prime minister. On the other hand, Mahathir seeks a motion of no confidence against Muhyiddin as prime minister through a letter addressed to Ariff on 4 May. On 8 May, the Speaker accepted Dr Mahathir's motion and it will be debated when Parliament resumed on 18 May.

The new parliamentary session is marked by the State Opening of Parliament, during which the sovereign reads the Speech from the throne in the Chamber of the House of Lords, outlining the Government's legislative agenda. Prorogation usually occurs about one year after a session begins, and formally concludes the session. Dissolution ends a parliamentary term, and is followed by a general election for all seats in the House of Commons. A general election is normally held five years after the previous one under the Fixed-term Parliaments Act 2011, but can be held sooner if the prime minister loses a motion of confidence, or if two-thirds of the members of the House of Commons vote to hold an early election.

The Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina had a similar crisis due to the fact that the Bosniak-majority coalition had unilaterally formed a government without the necessary support of Croat representatives. Among Serb and Bosniak Club as well, at least one third of the votes in 17-member Croatian Club in the Parliament's upper house is necessary to elect the president of the Federation (and his deputies) in order to pass a motion of confidence and form a cabinet.Federation's Constitution, Amendment XLII (1) This provision is supposed to ensure Croats, Serbs and others with checks on government, as Bosniaks form 70% of Federation's population. Despite receiving only 5 votes in the Croatian Club, SDP elected the President and formed the government.

If a simple majority of MSPs voted a no-confidence motion in the First Minister/Government, that would trigger a 28-day period for the nomination of a replacement; should that time period expire without the nomination of a new First Minister, then an extraordinary election would have to be called. The First Minister, once appointed continues in office as the head of the devolved Scottish Government until either he or she resigns, is dismissed or dies in office. Resignation can be triggered off by the passage of a Motion of No Confidence in the First Minister or the Scottish Government or by rejecting a Motion of Confidence in the Scottish Parliament. In those situations, the First Minister must tender their resignation and the resignation of their government to the monarch.

The following year, six more parties were incorporated (Radical Democratic Party, Green Party of Bulgaria, Democratic Party, New Social Democratic Party, United Democratic Centre, Democratic Front).Coordinating Council of the Union of Democratic Forces. Demokratsiya Newspaper, 27 April 1990. The SDS lost the 1990 elections to the Bulgarian Socialist Party but still participated in the joint cabinet of Dimitar Iliev Popov. On 15 May 1991 39 members left the SDS because of disagreements with the draft of the new constitution and founded the new organizations SDS-Center and SDS-Liberals. Later the remnants of the SDS formed their own cabinet with Prime Minister Filip Dimitrov in November 1991, though the cabinet lasted only a little over a year when the government failed a motion of confidence in September 1992.

In the same speech, Smith also attacked the Conservatives' broken election promises (in particular Lamont's recent Budget decision to impose VAT on domestic energy bills) – claiming he possessed the last copy of a 1992 policy document "to escape the Central Office shredder". He also performed very well in the July 1993 motion of confidence debate on the Conservative government. Despite his dispatch box successes (Smith was always more effective in the House of Commons than on platforms or at Prime Minister's Questions, though he began to improve at the latter towards the end of his life), Tony Blair and Gordon Brown were, under Smith's leadership, restless and privately anxious that the party had adopted a "One more heave" approach and had become over-cautious in tackling the legacy of "tax and spend".

In 1926, King, facing a House of Commons vote connected to the customs scandal that could force his government to resign, advised the Governor General, Lord Byng, to dissolve Parliament and call another election. Byng, however, declined the Prime Minister's request – the first time in Canadian history that a request for dissolution was refused; and, to date, the only time the governor general of Canada has done so. (The most recent refusal of dissolution in Canada was in 2017 when the lieutenant governor of British Columbia declined a request by the premier.) Byng instead asked Leader of the Opposition, Arthur Meighen, to form government. Although the Conservatives held the most seats within parliament, they did not control a majority and were soon themselves defeated on a motion of confidence.

During his first year in the leadership, Rio faced big internal opposition and, in January 2019, Rio won a motion of confidence presented by Luís Montenegro. In the EP 2019 elections, the PSD achieved their worst result ever in a national election, winning just 22% of the votes. However, the party recovered a lot of ground in the October 2019 general elections, achieving 28% of the votes, against the 36% of the PS. Nonetheless, Rio's leadership was, once again, challenged and he faced, in a two round leadership contest in January 2020, Luís Montenegro and Miguel Pinto Luz. Rio won the 1st round with 49% of the votes and defeated Luís Montenegro in the 2nd round by 53% to 47% margin, thus being re-elected as party leader.

Maatia Toafa OBE (born 1 May 1954) is a Tuvaluan politician, representing Nanumea, who served two non-consecutive terms as Prime Minister of Tuvalu. He first served as Prime Minister from 2004 to 2006, from the resignation of his predecessor, Saufatu Sopoanga, until the defeat of his Cabinet in the 2006 general election. He was re-elected to parliament in the 2010 general election; and regained the premiership on 29 September 2010;"Interview with New Prime Minister of Tuvalu", Tuvalu News, 23 November 2010 however he lost the support of the parliament following a motion of confidence on 21 December of the same year."Nominations open for new Tuvalu PM", Radio New Zealand International, 22 December 2010 On 5 August 2013 Toafa became the Minister of Finance and Economic Development in the government of Prime Minister Enele Sopoaga.

The Chancellor is the chief executive leader. Therefore, the whole cabinet's tenure is linked to the Chancellor's tenure: The Chancellor's (and the cabinet's) term automatically ends, if a newly elected Bundestag sits for the first time, or if they are replaced by a constructive vote of no confidence, resigns or dies. Nevertheless, apart from the case of a constructive vote of no confidence, which by nature instantly invests a new Chancellor (and a new cabinet), the Chancellor and their ministers stay in office as an acting cabinet on the President's request, until the Bundestag has elected a new Chancellor. An acting cabinet and its members have (theoretically) the same powers as an ordinary cabinet, but the Chancellor may not ask the Bundestag for a motion of confidence or ask the President for the appointment of new ministers.

On January 30, 2008, the Senate produced warrants of arrest to Neri and Rodolfo "Jun" Lozada, Jr., former chief executive officer of the government-run Philippine Forest Corporation and a consultant of the NEDA. Neri then went into hiding while Lozada skipped the Senate hearing and went to Hong Kong.Arrest order out for ZTE witnesses Neri, Lozada , GMA News Meanwhile, House Speaker de Venecia lost a motion of confidence vote on February 5, which unseated him as House Speaker; his partymate at Lakas-CMD, Prospero Nograles of Davao City, succeeded him as speaker. On February 5, as the Senate arresting team waited on the Ninoy Aquino International Airport (NAIA) on Lozada's arrival,Senate arresting team awaits Lozada's arrival at NAIA , GMA News Lozada was taken by unidentified people "out of town" and Lozada's kin appealed for help on his whereabouts.

In the United States, the unwritten convention calls for the heads of the executive departments to resign on their own initiative when called to do so. ::Example 1 (parliamentary monarchy): Article 96 of the Constitution of Belgium: :::The King appoints and dismisses his ministers. The Federal Government offers its resignation to the King if the House of Representatives, by an absolute majority of its members, adopts a motion of no confidence proposing a successor to the prime minister for appointment by the King or proposes a successor to the prime minister for appointment by the King within three days of the rejection of a motion of confidence. The King appoints the proposed successor as prime minister, who takes office when the new Federal Government is sworn in.THE BELGIAN CONSTITUTION , Legal Department, Belgian House of Representatives (August 2012).

The term for the House of Assembly is a fixed 4-year term but the state Constitution does allow the Governor to dissolve the House early and call for a fresh general election under certain circumstances. These are: If the House passes a motion of no confidence in the government, the House defeats a motion of confidence in the government, or if a bill that has been designated by the House as a "bill of special importance" is passed by the House of Assembly but is rejected by the Legislative Council.South Australian Constitution Act 1934 Section 28A The House of Assembly can also be dissolved early together with the full Legislative Council in what is knows as a double dissolution in order to resolve deadlocks between the two Houses. The circumstances for such a double dissolution are outlined below.

Harper briefly mused about giving up the leadership following the election defeat but carried forward with considerable optimism despite trailing the Liberals significantly in the polls. The Gomery Commission, which was appointed by Martin to investigate the sponsorship scandal, gave new fuel to the Conservatives. In the spring of 2005, it projected the Conservatives back into the lead in the polls and Martin held a rare live address on television to ask Canadians to give him 10 more months to govern, in which time the Gomery Commission would finish its work and release a report on its investigation, and then he would call an election. The Conservatives moved forward to defeat the government but their efforts to defeat a motion of confidence in the government were prevented by the high- profile crossing of the floor by Belinda Stronach.

The British House of Commons can be dissolved and an election held before the expiry of its 5-year term by a vote of two-thirds of the membership of the House of Commons since 2011 under the Fixed-term Parliaments Act 2011. This is the only supermajority required in the British Constitution. However, Parliament can also be dissolved if the House of Commons passes a motion of no-confidence in the government and no new government wins a motion of confidence within two weeks of the original vote of no-confidence. A government with a majority that wanted to bypass the requirement for a two-thirds vote could pass an act that stated, "Notwithstanding the Fixed-term Parliaments Act 2011, a general election will be called on DATE", as was done for the election in 2019.

A public meeting in support of Lionel Cohen heard a derisive mention made of Joseph Chamberlain's promise of "three acres and a cow" for the working-class, and some cheered Chamberlain wildly. When the meeting concluded the chairman put a motion of confidence in their candidate, but on hearing that few present supported it, did not ask for people to show their opposition: the crowd demanded it and voted strongly against Cohen. On Monday 7 November 1885, a 2,000-strong crowd of working men gathered in Harrow Road to march to a meeting which denounced Cohen for supporting protectionism, although Cohen had declared his support for free trade in his election address. At the end of the campaign, an issue was made in the Jewish Chronicle of Cohen's support for the Marquess of Salisbury, who had opposed the removal of legal disabilities affecting Jews in the 1850s.

If no party holds a majority, it is customary for the Governor General to summon a minority government or coalition government, depending on which the commons will support. The lower house may attempt to bring down the government by either rejecting a motion of confidence—generally initiated by a minister to reinforce the Cabinet's support in the commons—or by passing a motion of no confidence—introduced by the opposition to display its distrust of the Cabinet. Important bills that form part of the government's agenda will usually be considered matters of confidence; the budget is always a matter of confidence. Where a government has lost the confidence of the House of Commons, the prime minister is obliged to either resign (allowing the Governor General to appoint the Leader of the Opposition to the office) or seek the dissolution of Parliament and the call of a general election.

Under the act, a passing of a motion of no confidence is one of only two ways in which an early election can occur (the other is a motion to hold an early election passed by at least two-thirds of MPs). Following a successful motion, Parliament must dissolve, unless the motion is overturned within 14 days by the passing of an explicit motion of confidence. This procedure is designed to allow a minority government time to seek the support of other parties (as a formal coalition or with a confidence and supply arrangement) to avoid having to face re-election, or to allow an alternative government to be formed. In principle, the alternative government could be led by any MP who can draw together enough support for a legislative programme that secures a vote of confidence and, by convention, a request from the Queen to form such a government.

Oli was appointed Prime Minister for a second time on 15 February 2018 after CPN (UML) became the largest party in the House of Representatives following the 2017 legislative elections with support from Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist Centre), the same party whose withdrawal of support had led to resignation in his first term. He passed a motion of confidence with on 11 March 2018 with 208 out of 268 votes in the 275-member House of Representatives. He has been criticized for poor investigation in searching the murderers of Nirmala Panta leading to nationwide protests. In May 2020, the Oli government unveiled new maps of the country including the disputed territories of Kalapani, Lipulekh and Limpiyadhura in response to the inauguration of a road across the Lipulekh pass by the Indian government, which has led to a "cartographic war" between the two countries.

He became the oldest and wealthiest person ever to become Prime Minister, as well as the first Prime Minister in the history of the Czech Republic to be from a different party than ODS or ČSSD. On 16 January 2018, his government lost motion of confidence in the Chamber of Deputies, requiring Babiš to form a second government, which became the first since the fall of Communism in 1989 to rely on support from the Communist Party. Babiš had been under investigation by both Czech Police and the European Anti-Fraud Office (OLAF) from 2015 to 2017, amid allegations that an anonymous company he controlled unlawfully received a €2m subsidy from the European Regional Development Fund. In September 2017, he was stripped of his parliamentary immunity after a police request in connection with the case and Babiš was formally charged on 9 October 2017.

Liberal MP Dan McTeague tabled a Private Member's Bill that proposed to give parents substantial tax breaks for saving education money; taxpayers who deposited $5,000 into a RESP for their children's post-secondary education would earn a $5,000 tax deduction, similar to the deduction allowed for contributions to a RRSP. Under the Tax-Free Savings Account, introduced in Conservative Finance Minister Jim Flaherty's 2008 budget, there was no deduction for annual contributions. Though McTeague's bill passed through the House of Commons of Canada on March 5, 2008, after Speaker of the House, Liberal Peter Milliken, approved the bill for debate, it is constitutionally decreed that any money measure that does not have royal recommendation, that is, if it doesn't originate from the Crown, is to be considered unlawful.Constitution Act, 1867; IV.54Reynolds, Neil; The Globe and Mail: MP's ruse defeated; God save the Queen; March 19, 2008 So, any private member's money bill must be regarded as a Motion of Confidence.

The Kingdom of Belgium adopted constructive vote of no confidence in the Constitution of Belgium (1994 coordinated text) article considering the dissolution of parliament. :Article 46 [Reasons for Dissolution] (1) The King has only the right to dissolve the Chamber of Representatives if the latter, with the absolute majority of its members: 1) either rejects a motion of confidence in the federal Government and does not propose to the King, within three days from the day of the rejection of the motion, the nomination of a successor to the Prime Minister; 2) or adopts a motion of disapproval (no confidence) with regard to the federal Government and does not simultaneously propose to the King the nomination of a successor to the Prime Minister. (2) The motions of confidence and disapproval can only be voted on after a delay of forty-eight hours after the introduction of the motion. (3) Moreover, the King may, in the event of the resignation of the federal Government, dissolve the Chamber of Representatives after having received its agreement expressed by the absolute majority of its members.

The Segni I Cabinet was the 11th cabinet of the Italian government which held office from 6 July 1955 until 20 May 1957, for a total of 683 days, or 1 year, 10 months and 13 days.Composizione del Governo Segni I Following the resignation of the previous government, chaired by Mario Scelba and caused by internal clashes with the DC and by the PRI's refusal to return to the government, the President of the Republic Gronchi, on 26 June 1955, instructed Antonio Segni to start consultations with the parties to explore the possibilities of the formation of a new government and, having obtained the approval of the DC, PSDI and PLI and external support from the PRI, on 2 July, he was entrusted with the task of forming the new government. The program was presented first to the Chamber which, on 18 July, approved the motion of confidence with 293 votes in favor and 265 against while, in the Senate, it was approved on 22 July with 121 votes in favor and 100 against. Following the departure of the PSDI from the government, Segni presented his resignation to Gronchi on 6 May 1957.

Federal elections results After the crushing defeat of his SPD in the state elections in North Rhine-Westphalia, Federal Chancellor Schröder declared the intention of going for a general election as soon as possible, avoiding the completion of the regular term – which was to run until September 2006 – by the device of failing a Motion of Confidence vote, which took place on 1 July 2005. However, there are major constitutional issues which are to be settled by the Federal Constitutional Court of Germany. According to the Basic Law for the Federal Republic of Germany, which incorporates lessons learned from the failed Weimar Republic, the Bundestag cannot dissolve itself or be dissolved by a political representative ahead of schedule, except under very rare circumstances. While the WASG hoped to gain a large enough membership and to raise enough money for an election campaign by the originally scheduled election date (some time in September 2006), it now faced the difficulty of an early election one year ahead of schedule – occurring on the date of 18 September 2005. Polls predicted an election result of at most 3% for the new party, well below the electoral threshold of 5%.