"I don't want to claim a general truth from this yet," Morral said.
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"In many cases, we've been having arguments about factual matters for decades," Mr. Morral said.
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Heated though the argument may be, Morral believes both sides equally value the same goals.
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But Morral and RAND weren't comfortable reaching the conclusions that I've made after seeing their findings.
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One caveat to the survey results: "These are really back-of-the-envelope calculations," Morral said.
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"We have not been collecting some of the right data to do these analyses well," Morral said.
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"The N.R.A. has argued that such laws make it tough for people to defend themselves in a crisis," Mr. Morral said.
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And Morral agreed that the evidence is stronger on background checks and prohibitions associated with mental illness than other gun policies.
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Morral and his colleagues also conducted a survey of gun policy experts to understand where there are key disagreements on factual matters.
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"Most of the kinds of facts that people care about in these gun policy debates have not been well-studied," said Morral.
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"We don't call it strong evidence, we call it supportive evidence," said Andrew Morral, the project's leader and a behavioral scientist at Rand.
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"The studies that have been done often reach opposite conclusions to each other," Andrew Morral, the head of RAND's gun policy initiative, told me.
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"The studies that have been done often reach opposite conclusions to each other," Andrew Morral, the head of RAND's gun policy initiative, previously told me.
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The series "El Morral de la Revolución" (2016) presents the belongings of twelve members: toothbrushes, photographs, perfume, and guns make up some of the contents.
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"Many of the matters that people disagree on when they disagree on gun policy have not been rigorously studied in ways that produce reasonably unambiguous results," Morral said.
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Andrew R. Morral, a senior behavioral scientist at the RAND Corporation, directed a recent study that found moderate evidence that background checks do reduce both firearm suicides and homicides.
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"You can see some areas where there is very big differences in belief," said Morral, pointing to stand-your-ground laws, which have been passed in more than half the states.
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And Morral said there's no reason to believe an assault weapons ban would have any effect on suicides, which have in recent years made up around 60 percent of all gun deaths.
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Morral, meanwhile, pointed to a 2017 analysis from the gun control advocacy group Everytown, which suggested that assault weapons weren't used in a majority of mass shootings but did make these events deadlier.
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Then, there are some experts "who have suggested that dedicated research funding is not inconsistent with retaining the Dickey Amendment," Andrew Morral, a senior behavioral scientist at the RAND Corporation, said in Thursday's hearing.
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Those records, Mr. Morral and other experts say, are crucial to analyze the flow of guns used in crimes over state borders, from places where guns are easy to buy to places where it is tougher.
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At a recent hearing before a House appropriation subcommittee, Andrew Morral, a senior behavioral scientist at RAND, said there were some research tasks, like collecting and disseminating national statistics on gun injuries, that required government involvement.
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If there's been an impasse for decades and the impasse "turns on matters of fact that could be resolved," said Morral, then it makes sense to do more research, find the facts and resolve the issue.
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"Given that there's a fair amount that's not been studied but matters in these gun policy debates, we believed that policymakers and the public tend to turn to experts — researchers, but also policy analysts at advocacy organizations," Morral said.
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To find reliable information about the effects of different gun laws, Morral and his colleagues looked at thousands of studies and then winnowed it down to those that actually say something about what a specific gun policy may cause once it is enacted.
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Experts who favor what Morral calls "permissive" gun laws -- those aligned with the National Rifle Association -- believe stand-your-ground laws, if turned on in all 50 states, would result in a 4% reduction in firearm homicides -- about 500 fewer homicides per year.
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This month, RAND researchers Andrew Morral and Rosanna Smart published a brief follow-up with some of the new evidence — and "stand your ground" laws now look even worse: Since publication of RAND's report, at least four additional studies meeting RAND's standards of rigor have reinforced the finding that "stand your ground" laws increase homicides.
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" Morral and Smart explained the root of the problem: "Although approximately 40,000 Americans die annually from gunshot injuries, and two or three times this number sustain non-fatal gunshot injuries, the federal government currently spends a fraction as much on gun violence prevention research as it does on other causes of death that kill similar numbers of people.
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A post office called Morral has been in operation since 1877. The village was named after Samuel Morral, the original owner of the town site.
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Morral is a village in Marion County, Ohio, United States. The population was 399 at the 2010 census. Morral is served by Ridgedale Local School District.
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He hid Morral at the press while arranging lodging for Morral, and returned 90 minutes later to transport him to a friend's house for the night. But Morral grew distrustful during the night and was gone by morning. Morral was discovered two days after the attack at a Madridian railroad station, whereupon he shot a police officer and killed himself. He first arrived in Torrejón de Ardoz for food and shelter.
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Nakens was hesitant but agreed to help. He hid Morral at the press while arranging lodging for Morral, and returned 90 minutes later to transport him to a friend's house for the night. But Morral grew distrustful during the night and was gone by morning. The fugitive died a day later.
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Additionally, Morral had access to the school's vast collection of revolutionary propaganda. "Barring the discovery of conclusive evidence," historian Paul Avrich wrote, "Ferrer's role in the Morral affair must remain an open question." Ferrer's school was a casualty of the Morral affair, closed by the government within weeks of his arrest. Multiple conservative deputies of the Spanish parliament additionally petitioned to close all secular schools but were denied.
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The bombing on May 31, 1906 The Morral affair was the attempted regicide of Spanish King Alfonso XIII and his bride, Victoria Eugenie, on their wedding day, May 31, 1906. The attacker, Mateu Morral, acting on a desire to spur revolution, threw a bomb concealed in a flower bouquet from his hotel window as the King's procession passed, killing 24 bystanders and soldiers, wounding over 100 others, and leaving the royals unscathed. Morral sought refuge from republican journalist José Nakens but fled in the night to Torrejón de Ardoz, whose villagers reported the interloper. Two days after the attack, militiamen accosted Morral, who killed one before killing himself.
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Morral was captivated with Ferrer's Escuela Moderna, a school for rationalist workers' education, and offered the project 10,000 pesetas. Ferrer, in his telling of the story, declined and instead offered Morral a job in the school's library. An unrequited love interest and a desire for infamy spurred the attempted regicide. While working at Ferrer's school, Morral became infatuated with the director of elementary studies, Soledad Villafranca, but she did not return his private admission of love.
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The assassin, Mateo Morral, was a 25-year-old anarchist, well-educated and from a wealthy family, who worked at the school's press. While the attempt itself—the second in two years—was unsuccessful, it was successful as the pretense for deposing Ferrer. He was arrested in June 1906 on charges of planning the attempt and persuading Morral to perform it. Within two weeks, state authorities closed the school due to its association with Morral and Ferrer.
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Morral was likely involved in a similar attack on the king a year prior. The affair became a pretext to stop Francisco Ferrer, an anarchist pedagogue who ran Escuela Moderna, the influential, rationalist, antigovernment, anticlerical, antimilitary, Barcelonean school in whose library Morral worked. An unrequited love interest from the school might also have influenced Morral. Ferrer was charged with masterminding the attack, and though he was acquitted for lack of evidence, he remained a target of the government and church.
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He would later offer a 25,000 peseta bounty for information in the hunt for the attacker, which went to the widow of the villager Morral shot. Morral appears to have been involved with other anarchists in the 1906 attempt on Alfonso XIII, though he had not been named in conjunction.
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On the day of Morral's death, the republican journalist José Nakens had published a denunciation of the regicide attempt and terrorism writ large in his journal, El Motín, without mentioning Morral or Nakens' own harboring of the fugitive. He was arrested within the week and the next day published a full accounting of his actions in two newspapers, in which he reaffirmed his opposition to anarchism, described Morral's attack as cowardly, and recanted his brief support of Morral as misguided but driven by his desire to help his fellow man. The judgement in Nakens' case came easily. While the court believed that Nakens had no prior connection with Morral, they found that his planning for Morral was more deliberate than a brief lapse of judgement.
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In reply, Ferrer insisted that Nakens keep the money, perhaps intended as a bribe. The court was not convinced of conspiracy by this evidence. For his part, Ferrer proclaimed his innocence. He told the investigation that he and Morral had limited interaction and that he did not know Morral was a revolutionary or even in Madrid.
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Morral is located at (40.689435, -83.212985). According to the United States Census Bureau, the village has a total area of , all land.
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Former monument to victims of the attack against Alfonso XIII On the day of Morral's death, the republican journalist José Nakens had published a denunciation of the regicide attempt and terrorism writ large in his journal, El Motín, without mentioning Morral or Nakens' own harboring of the fugitive. He was arrested within the week and the next day published a full accounting of his actions in two newspapers, in which he reaffirmed his opposition to anarchism, described Morral's attack as cowardly, and recanted his brief support of Morral as misguided but driven by his desire to help his fellow man. The judgement in Nakens' case came easily. While the court believed that Nakens had no prior connection with Morral, they found that his planning for Morral was more deliberate than a brief lapse of judgement.
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Ridgedale Local School District is a public school district serving students in and around the village of Morral in Marion County, Ohio, United States. The superintendent is Bob Britton. As of October 2019, the school district enrolls 623 students and has an average class size of 48. In addition to Morral, the school district includes the communities of Big Island, Brush Ridge, Kirkpatrick, Meeker, and northwestern Marion.
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Following his attempted bombing of Spanish King Alfonso XIII's vehicle on return from his wedding in May 1906, which killed 24 bystanders and military, wounded over 100, and left the royals unscathed, the anarchist fugitive Mateo Morral sought refuge from Nakens. Nakens was a vocal opponent of anarchism, but his anticlerical leadership attracted such radicals. Historians have disagreed as to whether Morral's choice of approaching Nakens was premeditated, but Morral was likely introduced to Nakens through Ferrer's school, which purchased the journalist's anticlerical writings. Morral introduced himself as the assassin upon entering Nakens' printing press and recounted how Nakens had previously helped Michele Angiolillo, the Italian anarchist who had assassinated the Spanish Prime Minister in 1897.
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The hotel from which Morral threw the bomb, pictured in 2011 On May 31, 1906, Mateo Morral threw a bomb at King Alfonso XIII's car as he returned with Victoria Eugenie from their wedding in Madrid. It was a year to the date following a similar attack on his carriage. The bomb was concealed in a bouquet of flowers. While the King and Queen emerged unscathed, 24 bystanders and soldiers were killed and over 100 more wounded.
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Morral was out of place between his Catalan accent, handsome face, and dirty clothes, for which the locals quickly recognized him. In lieu of a direct confrontation, they sent someone to notify Madrid of their suspicions. On the second day, village militiamen attempted to detain Morral, who countered by using his revolver to fire two fatal shots: one villager in the face and himself in the chest. Morral's body was returned to Madrid, where it was identified.
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Salt Rock Township is one of the fifteen townships of Marion County, Ohio, United States. The 2010 census found 673 people in the township, 399 of whom lived in the village of Morral.
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Morral. Nevada looking south near the Norfolk Southern Railway. State Route 231 (SR 231) is a long north-south state highway in the northwestern quadrant of the U.S. state of Ohio. SR 231 has its southern terminus at a CSX railroad crossing in the village of Morral. Its northern terminus is in downtown Tiffin at a signalized intersection with SR 18 and SR 101, following a long concurrency with SR 100, which continues north as a solo route north of this point.
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In this case, the police had already proven their opposition to Ferrer by twice attempting to implicate Ferrer prior to the Alfonso XIII bombings, both times unsuccessfully. And Romero Maura's same documents (and others since lost) had been insufficient at Ferrer's trial. Ferrer had, however, introduced Morral to Barcelonean radicals, such as Lerroux. Some evidence suggests that Ferrer introduced Morral to a bombs expert, and that both Ferrer and Lerroux plotted a regicide to destabilize the administration and cause a revolution.
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Nakens was a vocal opponent of anarchism, but his anticlerical leadership attracted such radicals. Historians have disagreed as to whether Morral's choice of approaching Nakens was premeditated, but Morral was likely introduced to Nakens through Ferrer's school, which purchased the journalist's anticlerical writings. Morral introduced himself as the assassin upon entering Nakens' printing press and recounted how Nakens had previously helped Michele Angiolillo, the Italian anarchist who had assassinated the Prime Minister of Spain in 1897. Nakens was hesitant but agreed to help.
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Morral de Cabrafeixet is one of the highest mountains of the Cardó Massif, Catalan Pre-Coastal Range, Catalonia, Spain. Its NW side has an impressive escarpment visible from Highway N-340 approaching El Perelló from the north. This mountain has an elevation of 753 metres above sea level.. Balma de Cabrafeixet is a prehistoric site with cave paintings located right below the Morral de Cabrafeixet escarpment. The entrance to the cave has been closed with an iron bar door to prevent vandalism.enciclopèdia.
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Ridgedale Junior/Senior High School is a public high school in Morral, Ohio. It is the only high school in the Ridgedale Local School District. In 2019, the average class size was 45 students.
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Tobias is an unincorporated community in Scott Township, Marion County, Ohio, United States. It is located northeast of Marion at the intersection of Tobias Road and Morral-Kirkpatrick Road, at .Rand McNally. The Road Atlas '06.
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Brush Ridge is located north of Marion and east of Morral at the interchange of U.S. Route 23 and Ohio State Routes 231 and 423, at .Rand McNally. The Road Atlas '06. Chicago: Rand McNally, 2006, 78.
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Shortly afterwards, on May 20, 1906, he told Ferrer that he would be traveling to recuperate from illness. He went to Madrid, where he walked the streets, attended tertulia roundtables, and sent postcards to Villafranca professing his undying love and his feelings of alienation. Villafranca resided with Ferrer and they were likely lovers, though it is possible that this uncertainty was just as opaque to Morral. One week before the regicide attempt, a watchman at Parque del Buen Retiro found threats against the king carved into tree bark, which he later attributed to Morral.
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At Waldo, US 23 again becomes a freeway. It continues as a freeway throughout most of Marion County, then resumes at-grade crossings with a mix of some freeway-style junctions which are otherwise signalized after the Morral interchange.
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Wedding portrait of Alfonso XIII and Victoria Eugenie, 1906 After a falling-out over politics, Mateo Morral's father gave his son a monetary parting gift, which he took to Barcelona in 1905. Morral's father was a textiles industrialist in the town of Sabadell, and Morral had traveled widely for his father's company, in addition to his prior studies abroad. He broke with his father over his support of a radicalized group of freethinkers, republicans, and freemasons—the Librepensadores. In Barcelona, Morral grew close to the anarchist pedagogue Francisco Ferrer, whom he had befriended two years earlier.
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Kirkpatrick is located at 40°68'868" North, 83°00'852" West (40.68868, -83.00852), at the junction of State Route 98 and Morral-Kirkpatrick Road in Marion County, Ohio. Kirkpatrick is assigned to Range 15 of Scott Township according to the Congress Lands Survey of Ohio.
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His advocacy for more humane prison conditions, through regular reports in a republican daily newspaper, improved his standing with those previously upset by his harboring of Morral. Following a multifaceted campaign of letters, press, and testimony from prison officials, Nakens and his friends were pardoned in May 1908.
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A British colonel observer compared the scene to that of war. The bride's wedding gown was splattered with horse blood. The King and Queen were escorted to the Royal Palace. The fugitive Morral absconded to Malasaña in the ensuing chaos and sought help from the republican journalist José Nakens.
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Doubly Robust Internal Bench- marking and False Discovery Rates for Detecting Racial Bias in Police Stops. Journal of the American Statistical Association 104: 661-668. MacDonald, John M., Andrew Morral, Barbara Raymond, and Christine Eibner. 2007. The Efficacy of the Rio Hondo DUI Court: A 2-Year Field Experiment.
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Morral used his real name to check into a pension on Calle Mayor, 88. He paid upfront and requested a room facing the street and a daily bouquet of flowers. On the day of the regicide attempt, he requested sodium bicarbonate from the pension's attendant to treat his stomach issues and requested privacy.
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Authorities used the 1906 regicide attempt as a pretext to stop Ferrer. He was arrested within a week of the attack and charged with both its organization and recruiting of Morral. Ferrer was imprisoned for a year while prosecutors pursued evidence for his trial. The anarchist and pseudonymous writer Juan Montseny led Ferrer's legal defense.
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This mountain chain rises abruptly from a plain and looks quite impressive from certain angles. It extends in a roughly SW-NE direction between Atzeneta del Maestrat and Albocàsser. Its highest point is 1087 m high Esparreguera; another important summit is Morral Blanc (1060 m). These mountains are frequently covered in snow in the winter.
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The journalist Nakens and two friends, however, received prison sentences, held partially responsible for the murder Morral committed after fleeing the city. Following a prominent campaign for royal pardon, the three were released within a year of sentencing. Nakens' role in the affair spotlighted fissures in the Spanish republican movement between gradualism and near-term revolution that would later become an identity crisis.
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The Dutch version goes: :Pak al je zorgen in je plunjezak en fluit, fluit, fluit! :Aan alle moeilijkheden heb je lak, fluit man en 't is uit! :Waarom zou je treuren, het helpt je niet vooruit, :Dus: pak al je zorgen in je plunjezak en fluit, fluit, fluit. The Spanish version :¡Guarda tus penas en el fondo del morral y ríe ya.
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Soledad Villafranca los Arcos was born in the Spanish Navarre town of Agoitz in 1880. Her wealthy family moved to Barcelona in 1902. Villafranca became the director of the elementary program as Francisco Ferrer's Barcelonean Escuela Moderna. The school's librarian, Mateu Morral, might have attempted to kill the king in 1906 as an expression of his frustrated love for her.
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Hunter SB, Ramchand R, Griffin BA, Suttorp MJ, McCaffrey D, Morral A. J Subst Abuse Treat. 2012 Sep;43(2):211-20The Relationship Between Urban Sprawl and Coronary Heart Disease in Women. Beth Ann Griffin, Christine Eibner, Chloe E. Bird, Adria D. Jewell, Karen L Margolis, Regina A. Shih, Mary Ellen Slaughter, Eric A Whitsel, Matthew Allison, Jose J. Escarce. Health & Place, v.
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Conservative members of lower house of Spain's legislature unsuccessfully proposed that all secular schools be closed for their promotion of antisocial behaviors. For a year Ferrer awaited trial, where he was acquitted for lack of proof. Ferrer's role in the Morral affair remains indeterminate, as of 1985. Ferrer was a militant anarchist, contrary to his proclamations otherwise, who believed in direct action and the usefulness of violence.
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He defended Francisco Ferrer in the Morral affair and wrote books for Ferrer's Escuela Moderna, including the Castilian novel, Sembrando Flores (1906). In the Primo de Rivera administration, Montseny settled in Barcelona and restarted La Revista Blanca, which he ran between 1923 and 1936. He campaigned for social revolution by starting the weekly magazine El Luchador (1931–1933). Montseny also wrote under the pseudonym Federica Urales.
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The Boquer Valley () is a scenic valley running north-east from the town of Port de Pollença, Majorca, to the sea at Cala Boquer. It is popular with bird- watchers for its migratory birds and resident Blue Rock Thrushes. The ridge to the north-west, the , drops, on the other side, to the sea. The ridge on the south-east side includes a peak called El Morral, which reaches .
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The wedding was marked by an assassination attempt on Alfonso and Victoria by Catalan anarchist Mateu Morral. As the wedding procession returned to the palace, he threw a bomb from a window which killed 30 bystanders and members of the procession, while 100 others were wounded. On 10 May 1907, the couple's first child, Alfonso, Prince of Asturias, was born. However, Victoria was in fact a haemophilia carrier, and Alfonso inherited the condition.
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Todd Gibson (born December 23, 1936) is an American former racing driver from Morral, Ohio. An accomplished Modified stock car racer, Gibson made his USAC Championship Car debut on in 1969 at the Milwaukee Mile.Todd Gibson, ChampCarStats.com He competed in one other race that year and failed to qualify for two more. He was away from Championship Cars until 1976 when he returned to compete in 8 races, mostly on the large speedways and finished 23rd in the national championship.
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The fossils of Ibersosuchus excavated in Spain includes a mandibular element, a snout fragment, teeth and osteoderms. The mandibular element was found in Caenes, Salamanca Province in Spain; it from the Bartonian age in MP 16 (mammal Paleogene zone), which is roughly 44 to 39 million years ago. The other is snout fragment Tosalet del Morral of Lerida province in Spain, from the Lutetian age. The teeth and osteoderms are from Cuenca del Duero, Spain from Lutetian age, MP13-14 which is in the mid-Eocene.
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In Madrid's Cárcel Modelo prison, Nakens became an advocate for prison reform. He received unlimited space in a republican daily newspaper, El País, where he wrote about sordid prison conditions and, in turn, improved his standing with those previously upset by his harboring of Morral. Nakens wrote about prisoner malnourishment, disease, lack of heating, neglect from underpaid guards, and uncomforting clergy. He renewed calls for a more secular and humane prison system as a platform that combined his anticlericalism with the issue of prison reform.
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The Spanish authorities attempted to connect Ferrer with two assassination attempts prior to Morral's. The Oxford historian Joaquín Romero Maura credits Ferrer with coordinating the Morral assassination attempt and a similar attempt a year earlier. Based on papers from French and Spanish authorities, Maura argues that Ferrer supplied the bombs and funds for the attempt to provoke insurrection. These types of official records from this period, however, were famous for their partiality and, even before some evidence from the case went missing, were altogether insufficient for conviction in Ferrer's time.
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Highway N-340 crosses the eastern side of the massif and Autopista AP-7 skirts the easternmost foothills by the seashore. All the ranges are part of the Catalan Pre-Coastal Range. The main peak is Xàquera, also known as La Creu de Santos (942 m) in the Serra de Cardó, another important summit is Buinaca (764 m), located in the Serra del Boix.Mapa Topogràfic de Catalunya - Institut Cartogràfic de Catalunya Balma de Cabrafeixet is a prehistoric site below the Morral de Cabrafeixet escarpment (753 m) with cave paintings.
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Two Chilean anarchists who had been tried and acquitted in Chile were later arrested in Spain, and charged with planting a bomb in a church in Zaragoza in 2013, an attack claimed by a group named after Mateu Morral, a Spanish anarchist who attempted to assassinate the King of Spain in 1906. In 2010 a letter bomb was addressed to the Chilean embassy in Athens. An opinion poll in 2014 found that about two-thirds of Chileans feared the attacks and felt that the problem was escalating, with nearly 30 bombs in 2014 by August.
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A horse eating from a feedbag in Florence, Italy An early 1930s horse's nose bag, made of reeds, from the island of Ibiza in the Mediterranean. Dimensions: height 26 cm; base diameter 36 cm; top diameter 28 cm. A horse with a bag feeder during the harvest in Cappadocia, Turkey A feedbag, feed bag, feeding bag, nosebag, or morral, is a bag, filled with fodder, and attached to the head of a horse, enabling it to eat. The main advantages are that only a small amount of the feed is wasted, and it prevents one animal consuming the ration of another.
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146 They passed through Egypt both ways and on the way back stopped in Greece. The tour was almost immediately followed by a trip to Spain for the wedding of King Alfonso XIII to Victoria Eugenie of Battenberg, at which the bride and groom narrowly avoided assassination.The driver of their coach and over a dozen spectators were killed by a bomb thrown by an anarchist, Mateo Morral. Only a week after returning to Britain, May and George went to Norway for the coronation of George's brother-in-law and sister, King Haakon VII and Queen Maud.
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He attempted to recruit the jurist Gumersindo de Azcárate, who declined upon reviewing the preliminary evidence and concluding that Ferrer was guilty. Prosecutors had no easy case against Ferrer. In casting him as the bombing's mastermind, they relied on his ties to anarchism and revolutionary propaganda and proposed that Ferrer both fostered Morral's insurrectionism and suggested that Morral approach Nakens based on Ferrer's high regard for the journalist's works. However, in correspondence between the pedagogue and the antianarchist journalist just days before the bombing, the latter declined an offer from the former to write books for his school—while the two were cordial, Nakens regarded himself an outspoken enemy of anarchism.
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Current monument to victims of the attack against Alfonso XIII Episodes such as the Morral affair showcased Spanish republican ability to galvanize popular support through political drama in an age of lethargy towards formal politics. It also spotlighted Spanish republican fissures that would become an identity crisis, as Nakens impatiently broke from the gradualist philosophy of the old generation of republicans and both republican factions showed intransigence towards cooperation. The affair appeared even to favor the republican moderates (Azcárate, Nicolás Salmerón), who condemned the radical, young republicans (Lerroux, Vicente Blasco Ibáñez) and made Nakens appear, by juxtaposition, to be unstable. This schism appeared to hasten the coming revolution.
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Despite Ferrer's acquittal, the police continued to believe he was guilty. Ferrer continued his advocacy for rational education and syndicalist causes following his release in June 1907, but was arrested and charged in August 1909 with leading the week of protest and insurrection known as Tragic Week. Though he likely participated in its events, he was not its mastermind. The ensuing trial, which would culminate in his death by firing squad, is remembered as a show trial by a kangaroo court, or as the historian Paul Avrich later summarized the case, "judicial murder": a successful attempt to quell an agitator whose ideas were dangerous to the status quo, as retribution for not convicting him in the Morral affair.
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Wellsboro signage for the PA 287 and PA 660 concurrency Meanwhile, PA 660 crosses through Dexter and continues in a general eastward manner until reaching Morral Road, where it proceeds northeastward once again. At this stretch, some residences appear along the side of the road and soon PA 660 intersects with the western terminus of PA 362, east of the Grand Canyon State Airport in Delmar Township. Like before, PA 660 turns along the right-of-way formerly used by PA 362, and begins crossing through a more developed portion of Delmar Township. Passing to the north of Tioga Country Club, PA 660 gains the moniker of Pinecreek Road before entering the borough of Wellsboro.
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A 1903 track map of the Hocking Valley Railway system The right-of-way that it known today as the Columbus Subdivision began construction in August 1875, once the newly founded Columbus & Toledo Railroad company raised enough funds to construct a rail line from Columbus north to Toledo through the villages of Linworth, Powell, Delaware, Prospect, Morral, and Fostoria. The primary purpose of the line was to forward coal from the Appalachian region to markets beyond Columbus. Nonetheless, the line also carried passenger traffic and reported 25M passenger-miles and 2.6B freight ton-miles per year. The Columbus & Toledo was later consolidated into the Hocking Valley Railway, along with another connected route extending south of Columbus.
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SR 231 was applied in 1923. The highway was originally a short connector route in the Nevada vicinity, running between the former SR 182, now County Road 182, CR 182, in Nevada and the old two-lane alignment of U.S. Route 30 (US 30), now designated as CR 330, north of the village. In 1932, SR 231 was extended south along the routing that it presently utilizes south of Nevada to its current southern terminus in Morral. Five years after being extended on the south ended, SR 231 was lengthened on the north end, following its present alignment along a previously county-maintained roadway to a new northern terminus at its present eastern junction with SR 103 east of Sycamore.
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In hindsight, historian Enrique Sanabria proposes Nakens as a tragic parable: that Nakens' decision to hide Morral reflected a willingness to work with revolutionaries that, when pronounced, would ostracize him from his more moderate republican colleagues. Nakens was shortsighted to believe that his messages of egalitarianism, democracy, and cultural revolution would not appeal to the leftists he sought to avoid, and his popularity within anarchist and radical circles reflected anticlericalism's status as a uniting force across the left. But whereas anticlericalism was attached to nationalism for republicans like Nakens, it was not necessarily attached for anarchists and socialists. Nakens "became political roadkill" in the aftermath of the affair for his inability to draw an audience of workers while tolerating their revolutionary politics.
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Fallout from the affair appeared to favor the republican moderates (Gumersindo de Azcárate, Nicolás Salmerón), who condemned the radical, young republicans (Alejandro Lerroux, Vicente Blasco Ibáñez) and made Nakens appear, by juxtaposition, to be unstable. This schism appeared to hasten the coming revolution. In hindsight, historian Enrique Sanabria proposes Nakens as a tragic parable: that Nakens' decision to hide Morral reflected a willingness to work with revolutionaries that, when pronounced, would ostracize him from his more moderate republican colleagues. Nakens was shortsighted to believe that his messages of egalitarianism, democracy, and cultural revolution would not appeal to the leftists he sought to avoid, and his popularity within anarchist and radical circles reflected anticlericalism's status as a uniting force across the left.
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The first population in Graus is dated from the Paleolithic as is evidenced by the remains found at the site of "Las Forcas" close to the Morral Rock. Being one the northernmost points of the Islam in Spain, Graus was reconquered by the Christians in 1083 by Sancho Ramirez in the Battle of Graus, after the death of Ramiro I in 1064 in the siege of Graus. After this battle, Graus was ceded to the monastery of St. Victorian of Asan, being responsible for rebuilding and repopulate the town, giving important privileges to those who populate Graus. In 1223, Peter II of Aragon granted the town with the title of "Very Noble and Very Old Village of Graus", which retains today.
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During the "Football" War (La guerra del fútbol, in Spanish), also known as the 100-hours War, a five-day war fought by El Salvador and Honduras in 1969. waged against Honduras, the National Guard, commanded by General Jose Alberto Medrano, had an outstanding participation in the Northern Theater of Operations (TON), and covering the flanks of the axis of advancing 1st and 8th Infantry Battalions. The National Guard advanced successfully in Morral, El Portillo, Llano Largo, San Marcos Ocotepeque, La Labor, and Plan of Rancho Santa Lucia, and also was charged with defending the "Presa 5 November ". A very significant change within the National Guard, was the replacement of the old khaki uniform with an olive-green one in May 1971.
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The party has its roots in the "Together for the Republic" () internal current within the Together for Catalonia (JxCat) parliamentary group in the Parliament of Catalonia, which had been established in March 2018 by unaligned deputies Elsa Artadi, Eduard Pujol, Josep Riera, Aurora Madaula and Antoni Morral. Among the current's political initiatives was a proposal in March 2019 for both JxCat and Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC) to form a single, unitary parliamentary group in both chambers of the Cortes Generales. The transformation of the Together for the Republic current into a political party was announced on 25 July 2019, with its founding process starting in November 2019. The party has explicitly rejected the reorganization of the post-Democratic Convergence of Catalonia's space around the Catalan European Democratic Party (PDeCAT), instead defending former Catalan president Carles Puigdemont's "legitimacy" to take over the leadership of the Catalan pro-independence cause, with many AxR members having also joined Puigdemont's National Call for the Republic (CNxR).
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