94 Sentences With "more socialist" | Random Sentence Generator

It appears May seeks to supplant conservative principle with political expediency and more socialist ideology.

During college in Beirut, Mr. Ghani was more socialist-leaning, and Mr. Khalilzad more capitalist.

They've become more centralized, more dictatorial, more control, more central planning, if you will, more socialist.

For people who live in more socialist countries, it's another obstacle to understanding American gun culture.

Others with more socialist ambitions turned to Eastern European architects from the likes of Yugoslavia and Hungary.

A majority will even be mostly satisfied with a nominee who thinks the country should be more socialist.

That's because Democrats "will be fighting over who is more socialist, Bernie Sanders or Hillary Clinton," Scalise added.

Ocasio-Cortez is a proud member of the Democratic Socialists of America, whose platform, like hers, is more Socialist than Democratic.

I'd rather have a more socialist kind of society, as we did in various periods of the 20th century in Britain.

Presidential candidates have been slow to endorse Medicare for All in its entirety as Republicans criticize the party for embracing more socialist ideals.

Considering that Trump despises Obamacare (and taxes, for that matter), it's ironic he'd have a kind word to say about a more socialist system.

The constituent assembly would also be able to take on one piece of work left unfinished by Mr. Chávez: creating a more Socialist Constitution.

For Bernie Sanders, this means restoring the New Deal and the middle class, and cycling back to a more socialist and more equal nation.

The SWF idea takes boring welfare state liberalism (tax the rich to pay for programs) and transmogrifies it into something that seems more socialist.

Instead, it's all going down in Ghana, where Prime Minister Nkrumah has decided to shirk the monarchy in favor of the Russians, striving towards a more socialist Africa.

About 28500 percent of all respondents would disapprove of a contender who thinks the U.S. should be more socialist, while only 6900 percent would support such a candidate.

Bernie Sanders, a potential 2020 contender, wants the party to reinvent itself in his image by adopting more socialist (or socialist-ish) policies on issues like healthcare and education.

Yet one of his political heroes remains Lazaro Cardenas, a key figure in PRI history who nationalized the oil industry in 1938 during the party's early, more socialist days.

Third, Senator Sanders, do you believe the free enterprise system is the best means for growing jobs, the economy and opportunity — or do you believe in more socialist central planning?

But it is definitely an example of the government doing more to help its citizens, which is the general idea behind a lot of the more socialist tendencies the President has attacked.

"On a bigger scale the feeling (is) that there was a rejection of the more socialist end of the Democratic party," said Rick Meckler, a partner at Cherry Lane Investments in New Vernon, New Jersey.

The group found that 19% of those surveyed were open to transforming to a socialist economy, and 48% said they would be less likely to support a candidate who supports transitioning to a more socialist system.

As Blum notes, another reason for this divide lay in the States' continued reliance on capitalist, as opposed to more socialist, modes of thinking, and the government's often uneasy balancing act between supporting American business and protecting American citizens.

It gives Mr. Modi a significant advantage in the national elections in 2019, which in turn would bring him closer to his long-term goal of becoming a leader of historic significance, steering India away from its more socialist, secular past.

Or, for that matter, the new political regime might turn out to be more socialist in an increasingly multicultural America and more right-wing-nationalist in a mass-migration-troubled Europe, with the continents drifting apart ideologically instead of imitating each other.

In some ways I want to say I don't blame him, but I think that as a culture, we have moved far away from the more socialist or democratic socialist policies that we had in New York in the beginning and the middle of the 20th century.

Seven in 10 say they would be dissatisfied if the party's eventual nominee turned out to be one who held fundraisers with wealthy individuals and corporate lobbyists (71%), though most would be satisfied with a candidate who preferred a more socialist version of the country (56%).

Socialism is clearly having something of a moment in the US political discussion thanks to Democrats like Ocasio-Cortez, the main spokeswoman for the Green New Deal and for a more socialist Democratic party that would re-imagine the US economy as a way of combating climate change.

On the more socialist end of the spectrum, Free Financial Counseling for All, Free Marriage Counseling for All, Early Childhood Education for All, Increase Assistance for Single Parents, and Life-Skills Education in All High Schools are some imaginative proposals about how government could be a force for good in everyday life.

And obviously I wish that were so, but we've seen the narrative around Biden and others about electability, and the reality is that too many Wall Street Democrats are completely out of touch with millions of people in this country," Svart said, adding that Sanders' "central argument needs to be that socialism works for the 99%, socialism works for the many, and we should be more socialist.

They recognize that the Democratic Party of the past has faded away, so Campbell would have to decide whether he'll cling to the ways of the Obama-Clinton Democrats or join the Bernie SandersBernie SandersJoe Biden faces an uncertain path Bernie Sanders vows to go to 'war with white nationalism and racism' as president Biden: 'There's an awful lot of really good Republicans out there' MORE socialist movement.

Prohibition of alcohol The Forssa Program was more socialist than the previous program of the Labour Party which was based on the thoughts of Viktor Julius von Wright.

In 1960 Brendan Corish became the new Labour leader. As leader he advocated and introduced more socialist policies to the party. Between 1973 and 1977 the Labour Party formed a coalition government with Fine Gael. The coalition partners lost the subsequent election in 1977.

Brendan Corish became the new Labour leader in 1960. As leader he advocated more socialist policies, and introduced them to the party. In 1972, the party campaigned against membership of the European Economic Community (EEC). Between 1973 and 1977, the Labour Party formed a coalition government with Fine Gael.

By 1948, the land belonged to the Arab village of Hittin, which was depopulated in the 1948 Arab–Israeli War. Arbel was established in 1949 by demobilized soldiers.Khalidi, 1992, p. 523 Initially a moshav shitufi (a more socialist- type moshav, closer to the kibbutz model), Arbel became a moshav ovdim in 1959.

During this period the party also stood for elections in Northern Ireland, after a split in the Northern Ireland Labour Party. In 1960 Brendan Corish became the new Labour leader. As leader he advocated and introduced more socialist policies to the party. Between 1973 and 1987 Labour three times more went into coalition governments with Fine Gael.

The Times, obituary, 'Lord Geddes of Epsom: Force for Moderation within the TUC', 4 May 1983. Being a Keynesian he verged on a strongly unionised planned economy that was more socialist than mixed. He proposed round table negotiations with employers as a way of reducing unemployment. This new approach presaged the Wilsonian bureaucracy that attempted to modernise and improve productivity.

210 The CA-affiliated BPS had evolved out of the Senegalese Democratic Bloc just before the elections. In the run-up to the elections the BPS leader Léopold Sédar Senghor had a more socialist and nationalist discourse, attracting various trade unionists and leftwing intellectuals to join the BPS leadership.Boone, Catherine. Merchant Capital and the Roots of State Power in Senegal, 1930-1985.

Het Volk and De Notenkraker chiefly criticized the close relationship between the monarchy and the capitalist bourgeoisie. The monarchy was attacked as a supported of the ruling class, which did little to help the working classes. As more socialist splinter groups appeared, such as the Communist Party of the Netherlands and the Independent Socialist Party, the periodicals also criticised groups on the left.

Towards the end of its publication and the Russian Revolution of 1905, Varpas became more socialist, including co-editor Vincas Mickevičius- Kapsukas, future leader of the Lithuanian Soviet Socialist Republic (1918–1919). Overall, the content of Varpas was extremely varied. In an attempt to unite various political fractions, efforts were made to include liberal, socialist, Catholic, and other articles. One column could contradict another.

When the Second Inter-party Government was formed after the 1954 general election, Corish was appointed Minister for Social Welfare. In 1960 Corish succeeded William Norton as Labour Party leader. He introduced new policies which made the party more socialist in outlook and described the party program as Christian socialist. However, the party moved carefully because 'socialism' was still considered a dirty word in 1960s Ireland.

Each team consisted of five pupils, and an experimental competition was added. The decision was made to invite more socialist countries to future competitions and to limit the number of pupils to four. The third Olympiad in 1970 was organized in Hungary with the GDR, Romania and the Soviet Union as new countries. In this competition, more than three prizes were distributed for the first time.

A new anthem of the USSR was made, and the lyrics of the anthem were translated to the languages of the USSR republics. The original plan was to use the translated anthem as the temporary anthem, until a new, more socialist anthem was made. During the translation process, Antanas Venclova as the translator, have some worries on the lyrics. The lyrics mentioned Великая Русь (), which he translated to Didžiosios Rusios.

Charles Gagnon and Pierre Vallières combined their "Popular Liberation Movement" with the FLQ in July 1965. This also combined several other pro-sovereignty groups. This may have led to a more socialist FLQ attitude. This new group robbed a New Democratic Party office and a radio station for supplies, many of which were used to write La Cognée, the revolutionary paper published by the FLQ during the many years of activity.

He describes his political philosophy as "definitely more socialist Democrat than centrist politician". In an interview in 2016, Cross praised Senator Bernie Sanders and said he admired Sanders "way before he ran for President". On September 26, 2013, Kickstarter co-founder Yancey Strickler revealed that Cross was the first investor in the crowdfunding platform. Strickler included Cross among the "friends and family" who first financed Kickstarter in 2006.

The federation's origins lay in the International Textile Congress, held in Manchester, in England, in 1894. The congress was organised on the initiative of James Mawdsley and David Holmes, and of the 179,000 workers represented, 150,000 were covered by the British unions. Other representatives came from Austria, Belgium, Denmark, France, the Netherlands, and the United States. The European delegates pushed a more socialist approach, focusing on political action.

In Europe, pasokification described the loss of vote share experienced by traditional center-left or social democratic parties. In France, specifically, the collapse of traditional parties was especially notable, with Emmanuel Macron's La République En Marche! winning a majority in its first election in 2017. Center-left, neoliberal and traditional social democratic parties often lost their vote share to more socialist or democratic socialist alternatives, especially in Europe.

Despite this, she gradually moved towards more socialist leanings as a result of the rigid gender norms forced on her during her childhood. Salamanca and Burgos became home to large numbers of women who were wives of military officers on the Nationalist side. They could largely live comfortable, as their part of Spain was not in a state of total war. Both cities had zones for homes, and military zones.

Marxists argue that a socialist society with communal ownership of the means of production would have much less crime. Indeed, Milton Mankoff asserts that there is much less crime in Western Europe than in the United States because Europe is more ‘Socialist’ than America. The implication of such views is that the solution to the "crime problem" is to engage in a socialist revolution. A different issue emerges by applying Marx's theory of alienation.

The Christian Democratic Party is the longest lasting of El Salvador's two leading parties. It was the left-of-center party while the Party of National Conciliation was right-of-center. With the rise of more socialist and communist parties in El Salvador, it became more of a centrist party. During the civil war, many leaders of the PDC who were more left- leaning were killed or disappeared, and the party moved to the right.

In those countries, there is heavy anti-Islam sentiment and the rise of populist commentary. The general population of the right in these countries tends to hold onto these more aggressive stances and pulls the parties further to the right. These stances include populist messages with Islamophobic, isolationist, and anti-LGBTQ language. Much of the polarization in these nations leads to either a more socialist left wing party, or more nationalist right wing party.

He studied economics and won the Ricardo economic scholarship at University College London. In 1892 Gray went to Leeds to work as a Congregationalist but in 1894 joined the Unitarians. He served from 1894 to 1897 as Unitarian minister at Warwick and from 1898 to 1902 as a Unitarian social worker in London at the Bell Street Mission, Edgware Road. He became more socialist in politics and economics and joined the Independent Labour Party.

Syria's army had fractured along political, regional and religious lines, but it was unified in its wish to retain the control over the government, to prevent return to a full democracy and to continue on a more socialist course of development. On April 3 a group of mutinous officers was exiled to Switzerland. On April 4 Abd al-Karim Zahreddine made new appointments in the ranks. On April 13 President al-Qudsi resumed his duties.

In New Zealand, he became an active trade unionist and secretary of the New Zealand Socialist Party. In 1913 he joined the IWW and brought a Marxist influence to the political orientation of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) for a more socialist perspective. In 1913 he mobilized the IWW for the Auckland General Strike and was arrested for conspiracy in Wellington in 1913. He was released in 1914 by paying a bail to the amount of £1500.

Lee and his allies, as well as being strongly socialist, were influenced by social credit theory, and believed that the government should take immediate control of the country's financial system. Nash opposed this, and was able to block proposals put forward by Lee to nationalise the Bank of New Zealand. Gradually, Lee's criticism of the Labour Party's leadership became increasingly public. As well as arguing for a more socialist policy platform, Lee also criticised the Labour Party's internal structure.

During the Second Republic, Le National became the mouthpiece of the moderate Republican majority (the "bourgeois Republicans") which formed the Constituent Assembly. The new government was headed by General Louis- Eugène Cavaignac, while the moderate Republican parliamentaries were called members of the Parti du National (Party of the National) in reference to the daily. The National then shifted toward a more Socialist position. It was outlawed following Napoleon III's 2 December 1851 coup, and disappeared on 31 December 1851.

In 1976, the Seychelles Monetary Authority took over the issuance of paper money, issuing notes for 10, 25, 50 and 100 rupees. This series featured the first president of the Seychelles, James Mancham and replaced all colonial notes issued prior to independence. In 1979, there was a redesign, featuring a more socialist and modernized theme reminiscent of the René regime. This series was also issued by the Central Bank of Seychelles when it took over full responsibility in the same year.

The BJS was ideologically close to the RSS, and derived most of its political activist base and candidates from the RSS ranks. It also attracted many economically conservative members of Congress who were disenchanted with the more socialist policies and politics of Jawaharlal Nehru and the Congress Party. The BJS's strongest constituencies were in Rajasthan, Gujarat, Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh, Bihar and Uttar Pradesh. The BJS leadership strongly supported a stringent policy against Pakistan and China, and were averse to the USSR and communism.

José Eduardo dos Santos won the 1980 and 1986 elections and became the first elected president of the country. The civil war continued, with UNITA still fighting the MPLA, and both parties still receiving international support. There was a ceasefire agreement in 1989 with the leader of UNITA, Jonas Savimbi, but it collapsed soon afterwards. As a part of its peace efforts, the MPLA amended its platform of Marxism-Leninism and shifted its policies to a more socialist than communist worldview.

Kong, in addition to being described as a nationalist, has also been described as a figure of the Chinese New Left, a political faction that believes China's economic reforms have gone too far and the country needs to revert to a more socialist and egalitarian society with heavy state control. He was a supporter of quasi-Maoist political figure Bo Xilai prior to and after the politician's disgrace. He has criticized the Chinese government, calling it "shameless", ostensibly for its pursuit of capitalist-style policies.

Lacordaire was elected to the Assemblée Nationale from the Marseille region. Favoring the Republic, he sat on the extreme left of the Assemblée, but resigned on 17 May 1848, following workers' riots and the invasion of the Assemblée Nationale by demonstrators on 15 May. He preferred to retire rather than take sides in what he expected would be a civil war between extreme partisans. When L'Ère Nouvelle endorsed ever more socialist policies, he left the paper's leadership on 2 September, while continuing to support it.

The first FPÖ party leader was Anton Reinthaller, a former Nazi Minister of Agriculture and SS officer. He had been asked by ÖVP Chancellor Julius Raab to take over the movement rather than let it be led by a more socialist-leaning group. While the majority of former Nazis had probably joined the two main parties in absolute numbers, they formed a greater percentage of FPÖ members due to the party's small size. Nevertheless, none of them were real revolutionaries and they pursued pragmatic, non-ideological policies.

Considering public charities boards such as a government will disburse the money equally. However, a private charity board like a church would disburse the monies fairly to those who are in more need than others. Mill later altered his views toward a more socialist bent, adding chapters to his Principles of Political Economy in defence of a socialist outlook and defending some socialist causes. Within this revised work, he also made the radical proposal that the whole wage system be abolished in favour of a co-operative wage system.

The party was considerably more socialist than Labour, but performed poorly. Many members eventually left the party, mostly due to Lee's perceived autocratic style. During the 1980s, the Fourth Labour Government under Prime Minister David Lange and Finance Minister Roger Douglas implemented several neoliberal economic reforms known as Rogernomics which transitioned New Zealand's Keynesian economy towards a more free market model. Labour's abandonment of its traditional values fractured the party, leading disaffected members to join Jim Anderton's NewLabour Party, Greens, New Zealand Democratic Party for Social Credit, and the Mana Motuhake parties under the Alliance.

They married in 2000. On June 19, 2001, Stewart and his wife filed a joint name change application and legally changed both of their surnames to "Stewart". With the help of in vitro fertilization, the couple has two children. In 2000, when he was labeled a Democrat, Stewart generally agreed, but described his political affiliation as "more socialist or independent" than Democratic, and Stewart has voted for Republicans, the last time being in the 1988 presidential election when he voted for George H. W. Bush over Michael Dukakis.

Evangelista was one of the leading trade union leaders of the time, having first come from UOD and the UODF. Compared to the two previous unions, which were nationalist unions in nature, the UIF was more socialist, adopting the slogan: "The emancipation of the workers must be achieved by the workers themselves." On May 1, 1913, the Congreso Obrero de Filipinas (COF) was founded, with Cruz as its first President. The UODF and the UTF were both dissolved, and the COF became the country's foremost labor center until 1929.

On February 10 existing import licenses were revoked and importers had to reapply for new ones. On March 4 all banks had to become joint stock companies owned by UAR Arab citizens. Of the 16 banks operating in Syria at this time, 6 were UAR- Arab owned, 6 were owned by non-UAR Arabs and 7 were owned by non-Arabs. From February 20 until March 8 1961, Nasser was on his fifth and final visit in Syria, where he made speeches denouncing liberal economy and promoting a more socialist, state controlled model.

Despite this view, Leimena found much common ground with some of the more socialist-leaning Islamic Masyumi leaders such as Mohammad Natsir and Sjafruddin Prawiranegara. Leimena gave two addresses to meetings of the DGI in 1950 and 1964, where he promoted the idea where the interests and aims of the church is parallel with that of the country. He had written a piece for the Christian magazine Eltheto during his time in the Netherlands, in which he mentioned that "the duty of an Indonesian Christian is to show how Christianity has nothing to do with colonialism".

The use of the word 'Mardy' in colloquial English to describe a sullen and sulky individual would appear to stem from the old Welsh word for slave. The area grew from a farming community to town around the coal mining industry and the development of Mardy Colliery in the late 19th century, but its last pit (Mardy Main) shut in 1990. Maerdy was not originally an area of industrial confrontation, with the Cambrian mines of Pentre showing far more socialist ideals. This view would change by the mid to late 20th century when Maerdy became synonymous with working class syndicalism and solidarity.

There was a lot of controversy about the new party's political orientation among its members. While some liked to establish it as a purely leftist party of socialist inclination, many others, especially union representatives and former SPD members, aimed to provide a home also for social conservatives and religious people who believe in a strong welfare state. The argument escalated in February 2005 (shortly after the party's foundation) but was soothed through a compromise that was satisfactory for everyone. The compromise calls for a strict accord with welfare state orientation without excluding more socialist-minded members from the party.

He was also put to work as party speaker and representative for Rhineland-Westphalia. Members of Strasser's northern branch of the NSDAP, including Goebbels, had a more socialist outlook than the rival Hitler group in Munich. Strasser disagreed with Hitler on many parts of the party platform, and in November 1926 began working on a revision. Hitler viewed Strasser's actions as a threat to his authority, and summoned 60 Gauleiters and party leaders, including Goebbels, to a special conference in Bamberg, in Streicher's Gau of Franconia, where he gave a two-hour speech repudiating Strasser's new political programme.

Miles Glendinning, Ranald MacInnes, and Aonghus MacKechnie, 1996 This means that to represent Scotland's more socialist outlook, buildings focused on serving the community as a whole, not just an elite or selective audience. The Scottish capitalist movement was an architectural turning point in Scotland. "The earlier building types of capitalism were refined and elaborated. Banks and insurance companies built ever more grandiose headquarters and branches in the cities, along with offices for lawyers, shipping firms and land agents; the construction of bank chambers from the 1840s (as with David Rhind's work for the Commercial Bank) constituted one of the biggest ever building campaigns in Scottish cities".

From the onset, critics of the Evangelical Popular Mission of France have pointed out that the mission was preaching social conformity and resignation to the working class under the guise of evangelisation. Robert McAll himself always appeared in public clothed as a wealthy bourgeois: black redingote, golden watch chain, carefully tended side whiskers. The Mission organisation is extremely hierarchical, and a difference will always remain between the "gentlemen of the governing committee" and the converts. These points caused controversy with supporters of the "Christianisme social" (Christian Socialism), another Protestant movement sharing the sensitivity of the Evangelical Popular Mission of France regarding the working class living conditions but harbouring more socialist feelings.

The Volkssozialistische Bewegung Deutschlands/Partei der Arbeit (VSBD/PdA) or People's Socialist Movement of Germany/Labour Party was a German neo-Nazi organization led by Friedhelm Busse. Founded in 1971 and banned in 1982, it used a stylized eagle on a shield bearing a stylized Celtic cross and the Wolfsangel as its party emblems. At a time when the far-right in Germany was distancing itself from mainstream Nazism, the VSBD/PdA took the lead by supporting Strasserism, the more socialist-leaning version of Nazism.C.T. Husbands, 'Militant Neo-Nazism in the Federal Republic of Germany' in L. Cheles, R. Ferguson & M. Vaughan, Neo-Fascism in Europe, 1992, pp. 99–100.

Gesher was founded by David Levy on 11 March 1996 as a breakaway from the Likud party during the thirteenth Knesset,Mergers and Splits Among Parliamentary Groups Knesset website after Levy lost the Likud leadership election to Benjamin Netanyahu. Levy refused to accept Netanyahu as the new Likud chairman. Netanyahu's management tactics angered many Likud supporters while his right-wing rhetoric gained the confidence of Ariel Sharon, Benny Begin, and other hard-line party members. Levy knew that if he were cowed by his opponent, his supporters would either join Netanyahu's camp in order to oppose the new Oslo Accords, or support a more socialist candidate.

It originally consisted of a long block of apartments raised on pilotis (with a penthouse and roof garden), connected by an enclosed bridge to a smaller, glazed block of collective facilities. As advertised by the architects, the apartments were to form an intervention into the everyday life (or byt) of the inhabitants. By offering Communal facilities such as kitchens, creches and laundry as part of the block, the tenants were encouraged into a more socialist and, by taking women out of their traditional roles, feminist way of life. The structure was thus to act as a 'social condenser' by including within it a library and gymnasium.

The original station building from 1848 The first station building, a two-storey building at Šancová 1, now serves as the headquarters of the railway police. It was built in 1848 as the terminus for the Vienna - Gänserndorf - Bratislava (Pressburg) and Břeclav - Bratislava (Pressburg) lines. The second building, which is used to this day, was built after the completion of the Budapest - Párkány (Štúrovo) - Bratislava line in 1905 to the design of Ferenc Pfaff, who was the Hungarian State Railways's main architect at the time. Originally it was built in eclectic style, however in 1960 it underwent a major reconstruction, when the exterior was completely changed to be more "socialist" in nature.

Although Mill's initial economic philosophy supported free markets and argued that progressive taxation penalised those who worked harder,"Pour la liberte economique et la concurrence fiscale" (PDF). he later altered his views toward a more socialist bent, adding chapters to his Principles of Political Economy in defence of a socialist outlook and defending some socialist causes, including the radical proposal that the whole wage system be abolished in favour of a co-operative wage system. The Liberal Party led in Parliament by William Ewart Gladstone drew from across the intellectual and social spectrum. On one hand, there were progressive elites who sought to fuse the methods of science with liberal political economy.

The CGT presented its first platform in 1931, drafting a program calling for a guaranteed freedom to organize, greater pay and benefits, and a formal say in public policy, among other reforms. Sparing use of strike actions and intense lobbying, particularly on Borlenghi's part as the Interunion Committee head, resulted in Congressional passage of the landmark Law 11729 (formalizing labor contracts in the service sector), in 1936. This success arrived during a period of growing divisions in the CGT, however. As head of the largest sector within the CGT at the time, Borlenghi helped separate the more socialist sectors from the rest in 1936, leaving them to reconstitute the smaller USA union.

Blair is both credited with and criticised for moving the Labour Party closer to the centre of British politics, using the term "New Labour" to distinguish his pro-market policies from the more socialist policies which the party had espoused in the past. In domestic government policy, Blair significantly increased public spending on healthcare and education while also introducing controversial market-based reforms in these areas. In addition, Blair's tenure saw the introduction of a minimum wage, tuition fees for higher education, constitutional reform such as devolution in Scotland and Wales and progress in the Northern Ireland peace process. The UK economy performed well and the real incomes of Britons grew 18% during 1997–2006.

From the beginning, Solidarity was an avowedly pluralist radical organization that included several currents of Trotskyism, socialist-feminists who had been in the New American Movement, and veterans of earlier New Left groups such as Students for a Democratic Society. Solidarity sought to "regroup" with others to create a larger revolutionary socialist-feminist organization. They hoped to initiate a broad regroupment that would include, for example, some of the fragments of the disintegrating New Communist Movement and many more socialist-feminists and New Left veterans. Discussions of regroupment and "Left Refoundation" have been initiated between Solidarity and other left groups of varying tendencies from the 1980s to the present, but these have not led to broader fusions.

In 1887 Bliss ran for Lieutenant Governorship of Massachusetts as a candidate of the Labor Party, but lost the election. Shortly after his political campaign for lieutenant Governor, Bliss founded the Society of Christian Socialists (SCS) in 1889. During that same time he also helped to create a Christian socialist newspaper called The Dawn, which he later bought in 1891 in order to bring a more socialist message to the paper. Much like his more general philosophy in regards to Christian Socialism, the goal of these projects were to the show that “the aim of socialism is embraced in the aim of christianity” and that the” teachings of Jesus Christ lead directly to some specific form of socialism”.

Zimmerman describes the arms supplies for the uprising as "limited but real". Specifically, Jewish fighters of the ŻZW received from the Polish Home Army: 2 heavy machine guns, 4 light machine guns, 21 submachine guns, 30 rifles, 50 pistols, and over 400 grenades for the uprising. During the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising, ŻZW is reported to have had about 400 well-armed fighters grouped in 11 units, with 4 units including fighters from the Polish Home Army. Due to the ŻZW's anti-socialist stand and close ties with the Polish Home Army (which was subsequently outlawed by the Soviets), the Soviets suppressed publication of books and articles on ŻZW after the war and downplayed its role in the uprising, in favour of the more socialist ŻOB.

For most of its history, COPE existed in an uneasy relationship with centre-left parties at the municipal level. From 1972 to 1986 COPE competed with The Electors' Action Movement, which governed the city under prominent federal Liberal Mayor Art Phillips in the mid-1970s. By the late 1970s, a breakaway faction of TEAM, comprising provincial NDP supporters and led by future premier Michael Harcourt formed an electoral alliance with COPE, from which both parties benefited. Led by Harcourt, the coalition governed from the centre and, although it ran a unified slate with COPE with the cooperation and support of the VDLC, Harcourt's small party of Civic Independents would sometimes vote with the councillors associated with the NDP and the remaining TEAM councilors against COPE's more socialist policies.

Beginning with the mid-18th century Ashkenazi Jews begin to settle in the city, but not for extended periods. up to the onset of Zionist aliyah and the consolidation of the New Yishuv by the end of World War I in 1918 and the establishment of the British Mandate of Palestine. The Old Yishuv had continuously resided in or had come to Eretz Yisrael (Land of Israel) in the earlier centuries and were largely ultra-orthodox Jews dependent on external donations (Halukka) for living, as opposed to the later Zionist aliyah and the New Yishuv, who more socialist and secular emphasizing labor and self-sufficiency. The Old Yishuv developed after a period of severe decline in Jewish communities of the Southern Levant during the early Middle Ages, and was composed of three clusters.

Mohammad Reza had strong etatist tendencies and was deeply involved in the economy with his economic policies bearing a strong resemblance to the same etatist policies being pursued by General Park Chung-hee in South Korea at the same time. Mohammad Reza considered himself to be a socialist, saying he was "more socialist and revolutionary than anyone". Reflecting his self-proclaimed socialist tendencies, though unions were illegal, but the Shah brought in labour laws that were "surprising fair to workers". Iran in the 1960s and 70s was a tolerant place for the Jewish minority with one Iranian Jew, David Menasheri, remembering that Mohammad Reza's reign was the "golden age" for Iranian Jews when they were equals, and when the Iranian Jewish community was one of the wealthiest Jewish communities in the world.

Among many articles on revolution and current political events both in France and the USA, Déjacque attacked the hanging of John Brown after the raid on Harpers Ferry and propagandised for the abolitionist cause. As the American Civil War began, Déjacque published a last issue of "Libertaire" in with an urgent appeal: "The American Question: the irrepressible conflict" in which he exhorts the American people, whom he would like to be "less religious and more socialist", to defend freedom and the Republic against the "Jesuits, slavers, absolutists and authoritarians" who were at their door. His stay in New York ended when his work prospects ran out due to the economic slump caused by the civil war. Joseph Déjacque returned to London and then to Paris following the amnesty, where he died a few years later in extreme poverty.

Seán Ó Cionnaith (born July 1938 near Ballinasloe, County Galway, died 16 February 2003 in Dublin) was an Irish socialist republican politician, and a prominent member of the Workers' Party. Seán Ó Cionnaith Ó Cionnaith joined the Irish republican movement as a teenager, and in the late 1950s he became an activist with Na Fianna Éireann, the movement's youth section. He spent some periods of work in England as organizer for Clann na hÉireann, but eventually based himself in Dublin where he continued as a member of Sinn Féin.Sudden Death of Comrade Sean O Cionnaith (1938-2003) Ó Cionnaith was a supporter of the efforts to move Sinn Féin into a more socialist position and was a close confidante of figures such as IRA Chief of Staff Cathal Goulding, along with Seán Garland and Tomás Mac Giolla.

The old street name was reinstated in 1994. The street is home to a monument of writer Nikolai Gogol, placed deep in the courtyard of an 18th-century Talyzin mansion where the author spent his last few years 1848-1852 and where he burned the manuscript of the second volume of the Dead Souls in a fit 'sent by the devil.' This monument by sculptor Nikolay Andreyev depicted Gogol in a state of depression and originally (from 1909) stood on the northern tip of Gogolevsky Boulevard but, apparently due to Stalin's dislike of this depiction, was relocated in 1951 to its current place. A second monument to Gogol by sculptor Nikolai Tomsky (a much more socialist-realist effort, which shows no signs of Gogol's mental state) replaced the old one at the old site in 1956.

The Marx-Engels Reader. New York : Norton, 1978. Print. The basis of leisure is rooted in economics and politics, as those are intertwined also. In contrast to a more socialist approach, many would see leisure time as an excuse for unproductivity and as something you don’t deserve. Not that it shouldn’t be attained but shouldn’t get in the way of economics. Therein lies our current structures that Marx’s theories have not only remained relevant, but his criticisms of his time can remain true to this day. Marx’s criticism of capitalism was rooted in the exploitation of the worker. As a conflict against the worker, class warfare in affect. In the Marx and Engels Reader, an overview of the writings and theories of Marxism, the ‘realm of freedom’ and ‘realm of necessity’ were heavily elaborated on as it was a new concept at the time.

Ernst Röhm, a co-founder of the SA and later its commander, had developed within the SA ranks an "expanding Röhm-cult", where many in the SA sought a revolutionary socialist regime, radicalizing the SA. Röhm and large segments of the Nazi Party supported the 25-point National Socialist Program for its socialist, revolutionary and anti-capitalist positions, expecting Hitler to fulfill his promises when power was finally achieved. Since Röhm had "considerable sympathy with the more socialist aspects of the Nazi programme", "turncoat Communists and Socialists joined the Nazi Party for a number of years, where they were derisively known as 'Beefsteak Nazis'." Röhm radicalization came to the forefront in 1933–1934 when he sought to have his plebeian SA troopers engage in permanent or "second revolution" after Hitler had become Germany's Chancellor. This second revolution would be "not against the Left, but against the Right", an idea that found favor with Joseph Goebbels—the Nazi Gauleiter (party leader) of Berlin and later Propaganda Minister—at least according to his diary.

Mark Stuart, writing in 2017, stated that Major is "the best ex-Prime Minister we have ever had", praising him for initiating the Northern Ireland peace process, peacefully handing Hong Kong back to China, creating the National Lottery and leaving a sound economy to Labour in 1997. Dennis Kavanagh likewise states that Major did relatively well considering the unbridgeable divides that existed in the Conservative Party in the 1990s, chiefly over Europe, whilst also delivering economic growth, a more user- focused public sector and the basis of peace settlement in Northern Ireland. He also notes that Major's unexpected 1992 election victory effectively sealed in the Thatcher-era reforms and forced the Labour Party to ditch most of its more socialist-tinged policies, thereby permanently shifting the British political landscape to the centre ground. Anthony Seldon largely agrees with this assessment, adding that Major's deep dislike of discrimination contributed to the continuing decline in racism and homophobia in British society, and that his proactive foreign policy stance maintained Britain's influence in the world at a time of profound global change.

In the midst of this crisis appeared Local 663 of the Amalgamated Association of Street and Electric Railway Employees, formed on May Day 1914. Saint John was no stranger to unions, but a lack of heavy industrialization had left the city mostly a bastion of old-style craft unions, with the more socialist-influenced industrial unions such as the Industrial Workers of the World more likely to exist in major centres such as Toronto or Montréal, or in the resource industries in Northern Ontario, Québec, and the West. Unions would become more common by the early 1910s, however, with longshoremen and other waterfront workers, building trades, printers, cigar-makers, and tailors all forming unions, along with a Saint John Trades and Labour Council being founded, which by 1913 would represent 4,000 workers, or about 40% of the labour force of Saint John. This renewed class consciousness and class-based form of organization helped to weaken the ethnic and religious ties which bound working-class Catholics and Protestants to the company owners and divided them against each other, something which would set the stage for the antagonism to follow.