105 Sentences With "more leftist" | Random Sentence Generator

Many voted for the more leftist candidates eliminated in the first round.

He characterized Democrats as beholden to more-leftist members, naming specifically Rep.

It also makes Republicans more conservative than in other states and Democrats more leftist.

The more leftist and people-oriented my work, the less most publishers are willing to pay for it.

Ms. Taubira was widely known as an independent spirit with a more leftist bent than that of the Socialist government.

Older, whiter voters are the most dedicated voters, and they may be triggered by Democrats' embrace of diversity and a more leftist ideology.

"A Dlamini-Zuma victory would signal a sharp rhetorical shift towards more leftist economic policy," said John Ashbourne, an Africa-focused economist at Capital Economics.

"A Dlamini-Zuma victory would signal a sharp rhetorical shift toward more leftist economic policy," said John Ashbourne, an Africa-focused economist at Capital Economics.

He made a bid to run as Green candidate in the 2012 presidential election, but lost out to a more leftist candidate in the party's primaries.

She added experience and the ability to connect to moderate voters are crucial — a subtle dig at some of her more leftist or less politically experienced competitors.

Otherwise, Mrs Clinton's more leftist positions, for example those on cutting student debt and expanding Social Security, are more moderate than she often tries to make them sound.

It's also a test of whether more leftist populist ideas have sway in the state — Ojeda is for a public option and Medicare buy-in for health care.

He doesn't plan on actually winning; his goal is to simply make it to the debates so he can challenge contenders on their neoliberal policies in favor of more leftist ones.

The former politician has expressed surprise at the recent success of more leftist politicians like Jeremy Corbyn in the U.K. and Bernie Sanders in the U.S., doubting their electability as country leaders.

Lopez Obrador, more leftist than his predecessor, is expected to slow or stop new contracts with private firms, but says he will respect those already in place (which number more than 100).

But the bloc of establishment-oriented Democratic legislators remains—a major check on a more leftist foreign policy, even should a more progressive candidate win the White House in 2020 or beyond.

According to Gallup, the shift toward liberalism within the party is being set by leaders in Washington and politics at large -- as leaders present more leftist views on policy, the party follows.

A more leftist take would be that Britain's issues with race and class are systematic and that Meghan is a distraction from meaningful change, which would probably involve the dismantling of the monarchy.

So while the markets may have priced the old Hillary Clinton into their economic outlook for the next four years, the new much more leftist Hillary Clinton is a lot more of a wild card.

Diaz, seen as more amenable to striking deals with the government, will face a more leftist rival, Pedro Sanchez, who tried to block Rajoy's return to power last year when he was leader of the Socialists.

Wolf wrote in a blog post, "The choices, essentially, are to confirm Garland ... or watch as President Clinton nominates someone who is radically more leftist and 10-15 years younger" than the 63-year-old Garland.

BUDAPEST (Reuters) - Hungary's opposition Socialists aim to bolster support with their new, more leftist program before forming any alliances to try to unseat Prime Minister Viktor Orban in elections next year, their candidate for premier said.

The two parties will decide in the next few weeks whether the centrist alliance has a future after the SPD chose a more leftist leadership duo, who have demanded new policies on climate, investment and the minimum wage.

He created one more leftist moment that could prove unpopular in the general election: "Hell yes, we're going to take your AR-15, AK-47," he declared when asked about his plan for a mandatory buyback of automatic weapons.

As the campaign has edged along, she has more explicitly rejected the language of "structural change" that defines the more leftist candidates and increasingly cast herself as a policy pragmatist in the tradition of Democrats like Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton.

The government, in particular Merkel's CDU party, argues that economic growth is set to pick up next year and therefore there is no need to increase the country's debt pile — something that the more-leftist arm of the SPD contests.

Unsurprisingly, she's provoked a lot of conservative anger, which has only prompted more leftist praise, which has provoked more conservative anger—a self-perpetuating cycle that has helped her acquire more followers than the other 22018 incoming Democratic members of Congress combined.

The proud policy wonk of a president couldn't help but add a policy critique, praising emerging Democratic proposals like Medicare-for-all or giving workers seat on corporate boards — a rhetorical embrace of a much more leftist politics than Obama himself ever pursued in office.

Teixeira said right-leaning candidates Bolsonaro and Alckmin would be more likely to tighten Brazil's relations with other South American countries that have conservative governments, like Chile, Peru, and Colombia, while Haddad and Gomes would look to deepen ties with more leftist governments in Latin America and perhaps Europe.

Ms. Harris recently began attacking President Trump more directly on the campaign trail, and has pitched herself as a merge of the unifying rhetoric of campaign rivals such as former Vice President Joseph R. Biden Jr., and the party's more leftist wing, such as Senator Bernie Sanders of Vermont.

TYSONS, Va. — Under scrutiny for his embrace of centrist politics at a time when an insurgent Democratic wing is demanding more leftist policies, Michael R. Bloomberg, actively weighing a presidential run in 2020, on Friday rejected the idea that he could not represent a broad coalition in the party.

Although Tuesday's speech emphasized the need for compromise and Hillary's more leftist stance because of Bernie's challenges, this book could reveal Sanders's true feelings toward his original opponent—or it could stay on message and refuse to dish or get dirty, as Sanders has for much of the last year.

At Shabbat dinners in more leftist homes, where many disapprove of the occupation of the West Bank and the construction of settlements, the talk sometimes turns to when it will all prove too much, when it might be time to finally leave Israel for the United States, Canada or Europe.

This strategy is now operating at full force in the US. The more figures like Tlaib and Omar are smeared without consequence and rebuke, the more leftist Jews are accused of anti-Semitism, and the less outrageous it will be to delegitimize anyone who gets in the way of those in power — paving the way to further normalize policies of oppression, inequality, and intolerance.

However, the party's economic policies vary widely among members, with some Likud MKs supporting more leftist economic positions that are more in line with popular preferences.

After the 1979 coup, he involved himself with the student community of the University of Ghana, where he developed a more leftist ideology through reading and discussion of social and political ideas.

While only four incumbents lost their seats, many long standing councillors decided not to run for re-election. Of the 44 city councillors, 14 are newcomers. The election saw the council become more leftist, which should aid mayor Miller.

Moreover, in late June 1932, following a conflict inside the party, SAZ moved back to Breslau with a new, more leftist, editorial team.Kerbs, Diethart. Berlin 1932: das letzte Jahr der ersten deutschen Republik : Politik, Symbole, Medien. Berlin: Ed. Hentrich, 1992. p.

In 1970, the youth wing was refounded as Kommunistisk Ungdom (KU). In 1972, the party shifted towards a more leftist position with the adaptation of a new party programme. The neo-Leninist tendency emerged as an important section of the party. In 1975, Lars Werner was elected party chairman.

The United States had been impressed by Mboya since the 1950s, and sought to empower him in the new administration instead of the more leftist Odinga. The United States was successful, and Mboya began wooing Kenya's prime minister Jomo Kenyatta into becoming more favorable with the United States and the CIA.

From the 1950s through the 1970s, the United States Central Intelligence Agency spent millions of dollars attempting to influence elections in Japan to favor the LDP against more leftist parties such as the Socialists and the Communists, although this was not revealed until the mid-1990s when it was exposed by The New York Times.

Available at The party has been seen espousing more leftist economic policies (such as opposing privatization of key national enterprises), while maintaining right-wing social views, which at least partially explains the wide variance in placing it on the political spectrum. The party's ideology has been strongly anti-clerical and has advocated a firm laicist position.Mudde, Cas (2005).

Constantin, p. 221 The PNȚ's more leftist youth published the magazine Stânga, which attracted collaborations from Petru Comarnescu and Traian Herseni.Ornea, pp. 175–176 A highly visible left-wing cell was formed at the University of Iași by Bratu and Andrei, gathering new members and sympathizers: Constantin Balmuș, Octav Botez, Iorgu Iordan, Andrei Oțetea, and Mihai Ralea.

The conservative National Democratic Movement opposes LGBT rights on religious grounds, alongside the more leftist economic parties such as the People's National Party and the New Nation Coalition. In 2019, both Prime Minister Andrew Holness of the Jamaica Labour Party and the Leader of the Opposition Peter Phillips of the People's National Party announced their opposition to the legalisation of same-sex marriage.

In 1933, SNSP underwent a major split. A conflict between Furugård and Lindholm had simmered since 1932. The conflict emerged from a dispute between Lindholm (who had a somewhat more leftist approach) and the Göteborg party branch (in the hands of the more conservative elements). Furugård remained close to the Göteborg branch, and to some extent he became economically dependent on them.

But the organisation failed to obtain support from the Congress leadership and developed into a separate movement. The Socialist Party leader Jaswant Mehta was amongst the supporters of the Khedut Sangh. In its initial phase the group had a more leftist outlook. It accused the Congress Party of pro-urban and pro-Girasdar (landlord) bias, that the party neglected rural and tenants' interests.

It also called for the preservation of the power of the Wehrmacht. The NKFD believed that German civilians and soldiers had to place the interests of the German nation above those of their Nazi leaders. As the war progressed and it became increasingly clear that an anti-Nazi coup would not occur, the NKFD's ideological line became more leftist, and eventually identical to that of the KPD.

He was named inspector in 1964 for the San Nicolás de los Arroyos union local, where he later became the general secretary. Rucci strongly opposed the unionist Agustín Tosco, the leader of the Córdoba trade union Luz y Fuerza, who held a more leftist position than Rucci, and opposed the syndical bureaucracy's "participationist" (pragmatic) stance towards the military government of General Juan Carlos Onganía, installed in 1966.

This, coupled with a political climate that fostered a strong cultural response from more leftist groups, provided a fertile environment for work produced by many animators who had been working on the fringes, including that of Aardman, Joanna Quinn, Alison de Vere, David Anderson, The Quay Brothers, Paul Vester, Phil Mulloy and others.Norris, Van. British Television 1997-2010: Drawing Comic Tradition. Palgrave Macmillan, 2014, p.

"A History Forlorn". Retrieved 14 February 2006. When the Labour Party was taken over by Chinese-educated members with more leftist views—eventually leading to the party's deregistration by the government, Tan left the party to form Gerakan, with the objective of attracting Malays away from race-based parties such as the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), a major party in the Alliance catering to the Malay majority of the population.

The party and a few others abstained from the election because of an amendment to the 1972 Electoral Law forbidding unified lists, with the Socialist Labour Party attempting to combine with the Muslim Brotherhood in hope to change the Muslim Brotherhood's view on Islam in a more leftist way, but this plan failed when they were suspended in 2000. The Muslim Brotherhood and the Labour Party still remain great allies.

In the case of Israel, Mapai was invited to the 1953 Rangoon conference rather than the more leftist Mapam. At the time, Mapam was considered as to close to the communists. The Israeli presence at the Rangoon conference provoked confrontations with Arab delegates. In the beginning of the conference the Egyptian delegate refused to sit at the same table as the Israeli delegation, and left the conference in protest.

Both Maniu and his more leftist deputy Ion Mihalache died in prison. PNȚ cells were revived in the Romanian diaspora by youth leaders such as Ion Rațiu, and had representation within the Romanian National Committee. The release of political prisoners also allowed the PNȚ to claim existence inside Romania. Corneliu Coposu emerged as the underground leader of this tendency, which was admitted into the Christian Democrat World Union.

Lázaro Cárdenas remained active in Institutional Revolutionary Party politics, and, with son Cuauhtémoc, tried to move the party to a more leftist stance. Both were active in the Movimiento de Liberación Nacional (MLN, Movement for National Liberation), which sought international support for Cuba following its 1959 revolution, as well as to affect domestic politics in Mexico, particularly the need for democracy in the PRI and decentralization of power.Bruhn, "Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas", p. 189.

Although local's culture is held in a prideful light, the Zapatistas are quick to criticize and change culture to fit more leftist ideals. Women in the Chiapas region were commonly forced into marriage, birthed many children, and were told to stay home as home makers. The Zapatistas have attempted to end this tradition and create a sense of Feminism in the local community. See above to read more about endorsed Anarcha-feminist concepts.

Fran Albreht in the 1920s Fran Albreht (17 November 1889 – 11 February 1963) was a Slovenian poet, editor, politician Slovene Studies by Society for Slovene Studies - 1997 and partisan. He also published under the pseudonym Rusmir. He was born as Franc Albrecht in the Upper Carniolan town of Kamnik in what was then the Austro-Hungarian Empire. He grew up in a liberal milieu, but he later came closer to more leftist views.

The Khedut Sangh opposed the mandatory food levy on the peasantry. Once the Girasdari system of land tenancy was abolished, the Khedut Sangh moved to a more rightist outlook and the socialists deserted the organisation. The organisation entered into an electoral alliance with Samaldas Gandhi's Praja Paksha. Nevertheless, the Saurashtra Khedut Sangh maintained more leftist postures than the Gujarat Khedut Sangh (which focused more on landowners' rights than the right of tillers to the land).

Two major political groups formed after the fall of the shah that clashed with pro-Khomeini groups and were eventually suppressed were the National Democratic Front (NDF) and the Muslim People's Republic Party (MPRP). The first was a somewhat more leftist version of the National Front. The MPRP was a competitor to the Islamic Republican Party that, unlike that body, favored pluralism, opposed summary executions and attacks on peaceful demonstrations and was associated with Grand Ayatollah Mohammad Kazem Shariatmadari.

The NPP aims to rewrite the Constitution of the Republic of China. The constitution operates under the assumption that the Republic governs all of China (including mainland China, which the ROC has not governed since 1949), to just refer to Taiwan. The NPP supports the legalization of same-sex marriage and is generally in favor of abolition of capital punishment. The NPP also takes a more leftist stance than the DPP in labor and welfare issues.

The Communists received only half of the votes they had in 1946. Although Alcide De Gasperi could have formed an exclusively Christian Democratic government, he instead formed a "centrist" coalition with Liberals, Republicans and Social Democrats. De Gasperi formed three ministries, the second one in 1950 after the defection of the Liberals, who hoped for more right-wing policies, and the third one in 1951 after the defection of the Social-democrats, who hoped for more leftist policies.

De Gasperi formed three ministries during the parliamentary term, the second one in 1950 after the defection of the Liberals, who hoped for more rightist politics, and the third one in 1951 after the defection of the Social-democrats, who hoped for more leftist politics. Following a provision of the new republican constitution, all living democratic deputies elected during the 1924 general election and deposed by the National Fascist Party in 1926, automatically became members of the first republican Senate.

On 4 November 1964, the MNR government was overthrown in a military coup led by vice-president René Barrientos and Alfredo Ovando, commander of the army. Paz flew to a long exile abroad, bitter toward René Barrientos' betrayal and unhappy that the "Revolution" had taken such a sad turn. It was not until 1982 (with minor and very temporary exceptions) that military rule ended. By this time Paz and Hernán Siles Zuazo had split, with Siles supporting more leftist policies.

On economic issues, there was a divide between UKIP voters and the party itself. In contrast to the party's economic liberalism, UKIP supporters often held more leftist attitudes to the economy, with almost 80% opining that big business took advantage of working people and almost 70% thinking that privatisation had gone too far. UKIP has been most successful along England's eastern and southern coasts, in parts of south-west England, and in the Labour heartlands of Northern England and Wales.

La dictadura de Primo de Rivera (1923-1930). Barcelona: RBA, p. 45 The initial acceptance of the Dictatorship by the conservative League made the Catalan nationalism progressively more leftist (with the rise of parties as Acció Catalana, Catalan Republican Party or the Socialist Union of Catalonia) and, some of them, also pro-independence (Estat Català). Despite this tolerance, Primo de Rivera abolished the Commonwealth of Catalonia in 1925 and started a policy of repression against the Catalan nationalism, Catalan language and labour movement (especially anarchism and communism).

The Revolutionary Democratic Party of Honduras () was a political party in Honduras. It was formed by members of the short lived Partido Democratico Revolucionario (formed in 1946) and non-Marxist but left leaning members of the Honduran Liberal Party in San Pedro Sula in 1948. It was one of the prime supporters of the General Strike in 1954, and during the strike its more leftist members formed the Communist Party of Honduras.Dario Euraque, Reinterpreting the Banana Republic: Region and State in Honduras, 1870-1972, pp. 95-96.

" Giannuli did decry the fact that many more leftist terrorists were prosecuted and convicted than rightist terrorists, though. Swiss academic Daniele Ganser wrote NATO's Secret Armies, a 2004 book that alleged direct NATO support for far-right terrorists in Italy as part of its "strategy of tension". , December 29, 2006, on Voltaire network's website : "It is a tactic which consists in committing bombings and attributing them to others. By the term 'tension' one refers to emotional tension, to what creates a sentiment of fear.

The 1968 elections allowed the PNC to rule without the UF. The PNC won thirty seats, the PPP nineteen seats, and the UF four seats. However, many observers claimed the elections were marred by manipulation and coercion by the PNC. The PPP and UF were part of Guyana's political landscape but were ignored as Burnham began to convert the machinery of state into an instrument of the PNC. After the 1968 elections, Burnham's policies became more leftist as he announced he would lead Guyana to socialism.

He described Trump as a paradox, basically a centrist liberal in most of his positions, desperately trying to mask this by dirty jokes and stupidities. In an opinion piece, published e.g. in Die Zeit, he described the then frontrunner candidate Hillary Clinton as the much less suitable alternative. In an interview with the BBC, Žižek did however state that he thought Trump was "horrible" and his support would have been based on an attempt to encourage the Democratic Party to return to more leftist ideals.

González Prada had made a name for himself in a denunciation of the corruption and incompetence of Peru's rulers, and especially the condition of Peruvian peasants due to the monopolization of land by a small group of gamonales (landowners), an analysis that influenced Mariátegui's later writings.Krauze, "Mariátegui", p. 92. Mariátegui worked in daily journalism for La Prensa and also for the magazine Mundo Limeño. In 1916, he left his first employer to join a new daily, El Tiempo, which had a more leftist orientation.

In particular, two young parties grew in importance – the Democrat Party, with roots among artisans and urban workers, and the Radical Party, representing urban middle sectors and provincial elites. By the early 20th century, both parties were winning increasing numbers of seats in Congress. The more leftist members of the Democrat Party became involved in the leadership of labor unions and broke off to launch the Socialist Workers' Party ( – POS) in 1912. The founder of the POS and its best-known leader, Luis Emilio Recabarren, also founded the Communist Party of Chile ( – PCCh) in 1922.

Seat distribution by constituency for the Chamber of Deputies (left) and Senate (right). The election gave similar results of five years before and, consequently, the same problems of political instability of the centrist formula. Christian Democracy was polarized by a fraction which liked more leftist politics, and another one which urged for a rightist route. Party's secretary Amintore Fanfani was in the first field, and called for a dialogue with the Italian Socialist Party, which had frozen its relationships with the Italian Communist Party after the Hungarian Revolution.

The more leftist wing of the SDP in the Socialist German Students (SDS) split from the party line and joined the Außerparlamentarische Opposition. Social movements grew as younger people became disillusioned with the political establishment, worrying it was reminiscent of Germany's Nazi past. West Berlin became a center for these movements since many left leaning people would take residence in West Berlin to avoid the military draft that was in effect in the rest of West Germany. These social movements were also becoming popular among the youth of West Germany.

Like the Legion, the Crusade of Romanianism was a Fascist organisation rooted in mystic Orthodoxy and anti- Semitism, but presenting a more leftist and social colouring (its political programme included such items as decent wages, a mandatory 8-hour work day, and pensions for invalid workers). It can be interpreted as a more radical and working class wing of the Legion, and in this respect Stelescu's dissidence may be compared to those of Otto Strasser or Manuel Hedilla.Ioanid, pp.88–89 According to Talex, Stelescu had equal admiration for Leon Trotsky and Alfred Rosenberg.

The Clement Payne Movement (CPM) is a left-wing Barbados-based political party named in honour of a Trinidad-born man who led a 1937 uprising in Barbados. The Clement Payne Movement is generally seen by most Barbadians as more leftist in ideology when compared with either the more moderate BLP or DLP. The CPM also seeks the global advancement of Pan-Africanism, and has a strong base in this area located in Barbados. The president of the party is David A. Comissiong and the general secretary is Bobby Clarke.

Brownsville's teachers were members of the United Federation of Teachers (UFT), a new union Local that had recently displaced the more leftist Teachers' Union (TU).The UFT won the right to represent NYC teachers for the purpose of collective bargaining in 1961: Pritchett, Brownsville, Brooklyn (2002), p. 223. The TU, which contained active socialist and communist members campaigned actively for racial equality, desegregation, and other radical political goals. The UFT held a philosophy of limited pluralism, according to which different cultures could maintain some individuality under the umbrella of an open democratic society.

In 1941, due to his rapidly escalating illness, President Aguirre Cerda appointed his minister of the Interior, Jerónimo Méndez as vice-president and died soon after, on November 25, 1941. Presidential elections were called for February 1, 1942. Two days before the internal primaries of the Radical Party, Gabriel González Videla, who represented the Radical Party's more leftist faction, returned to Chile to dispute the nomination to Juan Antonio Ríos. The results were too close to call, so a tribunal of honor (electoral commission) was constituted, and Juan Antonio Ríos was finally proclaimed the candidate of the left-wing coalition.

The journal was reformed under the leadership of Zygmunt Wasilewski, another of National League's activists, until then a collaborator of Stefan Żeromski and one of the founders of the Polish National Library in Rapperswil. While still supportive of the National League's vision of future Polish statehood, it returned to a more pro-leftist stance. During the last five years of its existence, the journal was headed by a renowned psychologist and teacher Jan Władysław Dawid, who bought the title in 1901. Under his leadership Głos became somewhat more leftist, openly criticising bourgeoisie, gentry and other privileged classes.

After Spain's transition to democracy, popular support for bullfighting declined. As a general rule political parties in Spain are more likely to reject bullfighting the more leftist they are, and vice versa. The main centre-left political party in Spain, PSOE, has distanced itself from bullfighting but nonetheless refuses to ban it, while Spain's largest left-wing political party, Podemos, has repeatedly called for referendums on the matter and has shown dislike for the events. On the other hand, the largest conservative political party, PP, has shown great support for the activity and asked for large public subsidies to it.

This report was leaked to the press and was first published by the Jayakarta newspaper, owned by the military. Sadjarwo refuted the accusations, and pointed out that during his time with the Peasants Front of Indonesia, the organization was not affiliated with any party. He had left the Peasants Front of Indonesia, he claimed, after he felt that the organization was becoming more and more leftist. He also pointed out that, in 1964, he condemned the actions of the Communist Party of Indonesia and in return, the Communist Party of Indonesia demanded that he be removed from his position as minister.

On the other hand, the PDP adopts a more leftist stance towards poverty and welfare. In 2005, President Obasanjo launched Nigeria's first National Health Insurance Scheme (NHIS) to ensure that every Nigerian has access to basic health care services. The PDP strives to maintain the status quo on oil revenue distribution. Though the PDP government set up the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) to address the needs of the oil-producing Niger Delta states, it has rebuffed repeated efforts to revert to the 50% to 50% federal-to-state government revenue allocation agreement established in 1966 during the First Republic.

The Socialist Party of National Liberation (Catalan: Partit Socialista d'Alliberament Nacional, PSAN) is an independentist and communist party active in the Catalan Countries. The PSAN was created in 1968 following a split in the more leftist sector of the National Front of Catalonia. Initially it was only present the Principality of Catalonia, but later also gained presence in Northern Catalonia (September 1971), the Valencian Country (July 1974) and the Balearic Islands (February 1976).Vicenç Relats, Del naixement del PSAN fins a la Transició (1968-1978), Avui 16/06/2009 The party was illegal and clandestine until 1978, when all parties were fully legalised, after the Franco Dictadorship.

While an outsider by virtue of his New Zealand background, Connell formed part of a complex network of mainly foreign modernist architects and designers who exerted a strong influence in Britain between the wars. Tall, strong featured and bearded, Connell was an eloquent defender of Modernism. He robustly debated this subject with Sir Reginald Blomfield in For and Against Modern Architecture, a broadcast by BBC radio in 1934 that was also printed in The Listener. His apolitical and pragmatic position on architecture was regarded with suspicion by the more leftist element in the MARS Group, an organisation that included the Russian architect Berthold Lubetkin.

Reforms were accelerated during the first period of influence of the Easterners, but then many Easterners began to urge others to slow down the reforms. The Easterners were once again divided into the Northern and the Southern Faction. Yu Seong-ryong led the Southern faction while the Northerners divided even further after arguments over many issues; the Greater Northerners Faction was an extreme leftist faction, while the Lesser Northerners Faction became less reform-minded than the Greater Northerners Faction, but still more leftist than the Southerners. The political divisions caused the nation to be weakened, since the size of the military was also one of the issues on the reform agenda.

He joined the Breton Regionalist Union (Union Régionaliste Bretonne) and created the piano score for Bro Gozh ma Zadoù, the song chosen by the Union to be the Breton national anthem. In 1912, he resigned from the Union, along with Emile Masson, Camille Le Mercier d'Erm, François Vallée and Loeiz Herrieu, to found the more leftist Breton Regionalist Federation, which, contrary to other Bretonist organisations, survived the First World War, and started a political magazine, Le Réveil breton, in 1920. In 1926, he met Olier Mordrel and Morvan Marchal. The three men rapidly formed themselves into a steering committee to create the Breton Autonomist Party, which was founded in 1927.

After the 2001 legislative elections it became the second-largest party in the federal Chamber of Deputies, winning 71 of 257 seats. It campaigned in an alliance with the smaller, more leftist FREPASO. The party has subsequently declined markedly and its candidate for President in 2003 gained just 2.34% of the vote, beaten by three Peronists and more seriously, by two former radicals, Ricardo López Murphy of Recrear and Elisa Carrió of ARI, who have leached members, support and profile from the UCR. In the 2005 legislative elections, the UCR was reduced to 35 deputies and 13 senators, but remains the second force in Argentine politics.

A centre-left civic party, Vision was founded by former Coalition of Progressive Electors (COPE) members first elected to Vancouver City Council in 2002. Following that election, Mayor Larry Campbell and Councillors Jim Green, Raymond Louie and Tim Stevenson were dubbed "COPE Light" by the local media due to their moderate positions on taxation and development, as opposed to the more leftist "COPE Classic" councillors. Ongoing disagreements between the two factions led to Campbell and his allies forming an independent COPE caucus in December 2004. At the same time, supporters of Campbell and his allies created a fundraising organization independent of COPE called "Friends of Larry Campbell".

Its leaders in the 1950s also made the LDP the main government party, and in all the elections of the 1950s, the LDP won the majority vote, with the only other opposition coming from left-wing politics, made up of the Japan Socialist Party and the Japanese Communist Party. From the 1950s through the 1970s, the United States Central Intelligence Agency spent millions of dollars attempting to influence elections in Japan to favor the LDP against more leftist parties such as the Socialists and the Communists, although this was not revealed until the mid-1990s when it was exposed by The New York Times.

Holger K. Nielsen was considered a 'safer' choice in the eyes of the party's old guard, and thus assumed the leadership allied to the more leftist elements in his party. Among the policies that had to be addressed was the party's approach to European integration. Having opposed membership of the EC (EU) in 1972, and then campaigned against ratification of the Single European Act in 1986, the party had by the late 1980s grudgingly reconciled itself to Danish membership, dropping the demand for withdrawal in 1990. However when the Maastricht Treaty came up for approval by referendum in 1992 the party remained true to its roots and recommended a 'NO' vote.

In 1992 Milius claimed that he was blacklisted for his conservative beliefs in liberal Hollywood, saying that his flops were not as forgiven as those from more leftist directors. "It weighs ten times heavier against me", he said. "If you don't share the politically correct vision, then you are an outlaw, you are hunted and there is a price on your head, and if they catch you they will hang you." The film of Hunt for the Red October had been a big success, however, and Milius remained in high demand as a screenwriter: he did several drafts of another Clancy adaptation, Clear and Present Danger (1994), which was another hit.

The Mengistu regime declared that the territory was part of Ethiopia, something which created problems in the relations between the Ethiopian government and SSDF. In any case, the action was swiftly repulsed, and according to the U.S. Department of State, resulted in severe reprisals against the Majeerteen clan; the SSDF itself would be implicated in killings of members of Siad's own Marehan clan, in Cel-Habred in the Galgadud region in the early 1980s.The Peace Process in Somalia A conflict soon emerged between the former SSF and the more leftist members. The SSF clique wanted to maintain the domination of SSDF of Majeerteen and Darood clans.

During his stay in Paris, Kakabadze was attracted by "subjectless painting," and worked on problems of pictorial technique, occasionally using metal, mirror glass, stained glass and other such materials in place of paints. He soon went over to an even more "Leftist" position, and paid generous tribute to cubism. He lectured on various aspects of visual arts in Paris and, developing his interest in kinetic form, in 1923 he constructed a film camera that produced the illusion of relief and thus became one of the pioneers of three-dimensional cinema. By the mid-1920s he had rejected his cubist-influenced style in favor of more abstract sculpture and painting.

The paper features reviews of bands, movies, and theater in Fargo-Moorhead, plus a calendar of weekly events. Its editorials generally take a more leftist tack than those of The Forum of Fargo-Moorhead. Recurring portions of the High Plains Reader include the weekly editorial, written by Editor Sabrina Hornung, photojournalist and news editor C.S. Christopher Hagen, or Co-owner John Strand; the cover story; features; opinion; wellness; a theater column; movie reviews by Greg Carlson; a Best Bets section, generally giving brief synopses of upcoming events, focusing mostly on local musicians; and a calendar section, a detailed list of daily events for the upcoming week.

Khalq was excluded from the new government because of its lack of good political connections and its go-it- alone policy on noncooperation. Taraki did advocate a united front briefly after former Prime Minister Mohammad Daoud Khan's takeover in an attempt to gain places in the government for his followers, but this effort was unsuccessful. The Khalqis claimed to be more leftist and more independent of the Soviet Union than Parcham, but their base of support was not strong among the masses, and much stronger in the military. Because of this, Khalq abandoned his party's traditional emphasis on working-class recruitment and sought to build his own power base within the officer corps.

Netanyahu was singled out by analysts as the biggest winner from the split,Barak saved Netanyahu Ynetnews, 17 January 2011Netanyahu: Barak's split from Labor strengthens Israel's government Haaretz, 17 January 2011 and was reported to have been involved in the behind-the-scenes making of the political deal.Behind the split: Deal between Barak and Netanyahu Yediot Ahronot 17 January 2011 Barak said that he was tired of infighting within Labor as he accused the rest of the Labor of "moving too far to the dovish end of the political spectrum." The more leftist faction was also wary of Barak's closeness to the Prime Minister Netanyahu. Daniel Ben-Simon left the Labor party in protest against Barak's decision to stay with the government.

From 1993 to 2000, he was one of the "combatants" in the weekly ZDF political magazine ', which always featured a controversial debate between the more leftist Kienzle, usually taking the position of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD), and the more rightist Bodo Hugo Hauser, usually taking the position of the Christian Democratic Union of Germany (CDU). In the 2000s, Kienzle hosted a ZDF program on German political campaigns in the run-up to the 2002 federal election, and beginning in 2003 contributed to a ZDF broadcast 'magazine' on the economy (). He was interviewed on events in the Middle East, such as the Iraq War, the War in Afghanistan and the Arab Spring revolts. Kienzle died in Wiesbaden, Hesse, on 16 April 2020, aged 83.

Holger K. Nielsen became one of the leaders in this campaign, and was later judged to have swung far more than his own socialist voters towards the NO-side, which to great surprise emerged victorious by a wafer-thin margin. The following year, however, he reversed that position, recommending acceptance of the Maastricht Treaty, supplemented with the four Danish opt-outs. This decision came close to tearing the party apart, with some 60% of its voters remaining opposed, but this time the yes- side prevailed. During the years of the Poul Nyrup Rasmussen governments (1993–2001), Holger K. Nielsen managed to take the Socialist People's Party closer to the mainstream of Danish politics, positioning the party as a slightly more leftist alternative to the ruling Social Democrats.

The Federation had been constituted in June 1921 by the reformist groups that had left the original PSR in early February, dissatisfied with the growing strength of the communist faction. Unlike the Transylvanian and Bukovina sections of the FPSR, the Socialist Party of the Old Kingdom maintained a more leftist orientation, being more open to cooperation with the Communist Party of Romania (PCdR). Thus, the Bucharest section successfully ran in the 1925 local elections on a common list with the Peasant Workers' Bloc, a front organization of the PCdR – the latter having been banned by the Romanian government in 1924. The transformation of the FPSR into the Social Democratic Party of Romania (PSDR) in 1927 however meant the loss of PS’s autonomy, with decisions on electoral alliances falling within the competence of the national leadership.

Isan politicians tended to be mistrustful of Bangkok, believed in decentralisation of government and promoted strong development of regional economies and tended to be more leftist than the parties in power. Political repression of Isan included the assassination of political leaders in the 1930s and 1950s, the disrobement of monks in the 1970s critical of the government's role in the sangha and the return of military leaders. Crackdowns of political dissidents occurred throughout the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s until the threat of communism was diminished. The continued outlawing of parties supported by or purportedly funded by Thaksin Shinawatra, who was widely popular in Isan, was seen as continued affront to both democracy in Thailand and representation of Isan people in Thai politics, thus many Isan people were avid supporters of the Red Shirts.

Members of El Barzón were responsible for massive amounts of debt denominated in dollars; which they were expected to pay back with a peso worth half of its previous value. Their debts would amount to ten times the loan they had originally taken out, and El Barzón refers to the massive social movement where elements of the traditionally quiet middle class rose up and refused to pay the monstrous sums of money that were expected of them by lending institutions. It was an accepted public venting of frustrations and helped to set up the PRI's demise in the 2000 presidential elections. El Barzón is a decentralized movement, and there were actually two main organizations, one that kept a pro- PRI stance and another that took a more leftist approach, siding with the PRD.

A portrait of Moro in 1965 Aldo Moro is always regarded as one of the greatest Prime Ministers in the history of Italy. As a Christian democrat with social democratic tendencies, he is widely considered one of the ideological fathers of modern Italian centre-left. During all his political life, he implement numerous reforms which deeply changed Italian social life; along with his long-time friend and, at the same time, opponent, Amintore Fanfani, he was the protagonist of a long-standing political phase, which brought the social conservative DC towards more leftist politics, through a cooperation with the Italian Socialist Party first, and the Italian Communist Party later.E Moro divenne «Padre della Patria», Avvenire] Due to his reformist stances but also for his tragic death, Moro has often been compared to John F. Kennedy and Olof Palme.

Alcide De Gasperi In May 1947 De Gasperi broke decisively with his Communist and Socialist coalition partners under pressure from U.S. President Harry Truman. This opened the way for a centrist coalition that included the Italian Workers' Socialist Party (PSLI), a centrist break-away from the PSI, as well as its usual allies, the PLI and the PRI. In the 1948 general election the DC went on to win a decisive victory, with the support of the Catholic Church and the United States, and obtained 48.5% of the vote, its best result ever. Despite his party's absolute majority in the Italian Parliament, De Gasperi continued to govern at the head of the centrist coalition, which was successively abandoned by the Liberals, who hoped for more right-wing policies, in 1950 and the Democratic Socialists, who hoped for more leftist policies, in 1951.

Francesco Crispi In 1887, the longtime Depretis died in office and Zanardelli and Crispi were favoured for the succession. King Umberto I finally chose the radical Crispi because he was more favourable to an alliance with Germany rather than progressive Zanardelli. Internally, Crispi reformed justice, supporting a law against administrative abuses and introducing the Zanardelli Code (named after the now Justice Minister), expanded the suffrage for the communal voters, obtained more executive powers for the government, established undersecretaries in the several ministries and created the Helth Superior Council. Despite Crispi being more leftist than Depretis, he was also a strong nationalist and rapidly became near to German chancellor Otto von Bismarck and the Germanophile King Umberto II. Crispi wanted reunite all the Italian- speaking territories in one nation, revealing to the German general Alfred von Waldersee his desire to annex the Austrian Trentino and French Nice.

Mexico hosted delegates from 133 member states, who discussed equality, and governments were forced to evaluate how women fared in their societies. Despite the fact that many Mexican feminists viewed the proceedings as a publicity stunt by the government and that some of the international feminists disparaged the Mexican feminist movement, the conference laid the groundwork for a future path, bringing new issues and concerns into the open and marking the point when frank discussions of sexuality emerged. Spurred by the 1975 conferences, six of the Mexican women's organizations merged into the Coalicion de Mujeres Feministas (Coalition of Feminist Women), hoping to make headway on abortion, rape and violence in 1976. The Coalicion dominated women's efforts until 1979, when some of its more leftist members formed the Frente Nacional de Lucha por la Liberacion y los Derechos de las Mujeres, (National Front in the Struggle for Women's Liberation and Rights). Both groups had withered by the early 1980s.

Reviewing the 1998 re-release of album for AllMusic, Ned Raggett said: > Aside from backing vocals and a string quartet, everything else is > Battiato's doing, with the Krautrock touches apparent in his previous work > starting to surface all the more readily here. Things are generally more > meditative and reflective, though certainly Battiato isn't far from his > usual wry humor (thus "Propriedad Prohibida," the title of his bitterly wry > take on more-leftist-than-thou Italian bands of the time like Area, though > the song itself is a quietly entrancing instrumental). ... "Il Mercato Degli > Dei" is as representative of the album as anything, an instrumental composed > of various parts and consisting almost entirely of Battiato's various > keyboard explorations arranged and overdubbed, but emphasizing calm, quiet > arrangements rather than Rick Wakeman-like orgies of sound. "I Cancelli > Della Memoria" makes for a great start to the album, soothing Tangerine > Dream-like airs and bubbling synth bass loops mixing with everything from > (apparently) Battiato's own sax work to his more expected piano parts.

Seat distribution by constituency for the Chamber of Deputies (left) and Senate (right). The election fell after the launch of the centre- left formula by the Christian Democracy, a coalition based upon the alliance with the Socialist Party which had left its alignment with the Soviet Union. Some rightist electors abandoned the DC for the Liberal Party, which was asking for a centre-right government and received votes also from the quarrelsome monarchist area. The majority party so decided to replace incumbent Premier Amintore Fanfani with a provisional administration led by impartial Speaker of the House, Giovanni Leone; however, when the congress of the PSI in autumn authorized a full engagement of the party into the government, Leone resigned and Aldo Moro, secretary of the DC and leader of the more leftist wing of the party, became the new Prime Minister and ruled Italy for more than four years, ever passing through two resolved political crisis caused even by the detachment of the left wing of the PSI, which created the PSIUP and returned to the alliance with the Communists, and by disagreements into the governmental coalition.