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40 Sentences With "more intransigent"

How to use more intransigent in a sentence? Find typical usage patterns (collocations)/phrases/context for "more intransigent" and check conjugation/comparative form for "more intransigent". Mastering all the usages of "more intransigent" from sentence examples published by news publications.

A weakened Republican Party has been left angrier and more intransigent.
Protesters have become angrier and more militant, and university officials more intransigent.
They have grown more intransigent, raising questions that were literally answered decades ago.
Others argue that hearts and minds would have proved more intransigent without their pyrotechnics.
I think this is worse, because I think you have a more intransigent President.
As our leaders go down to electoral defeat, our emboldened opponents become more intransigent and aggressive.
"The new thesis I'm hearing is that the president's woes are making the Chinese more intransigent, " Cramer explained.
"The new thesis I'm hearing is that the president's woes are making the Chinese more intransigent," the "Mad Money" host explained.
CARL QUINTANILLA: Tom, are you saying that you think of the two sides that the U.S. is the more intransigent of the two?
"The authorities in Myanmar have become more intransigent over time, not less," said Param-Preet Singh, an international justice specialist at Human Rights Watch.
The divides are not always clear-cut: Slovakia, Slovenia and the Baltic states are euro members, and dislike being lumped in with the more intransigent easterners.
A dozen years ago, he'd wanted to buy it, but the current owner, a farmer, resisted, and the more money Yan offered the more intransigent the farmer became.
Mr Sánchez has certainly been the more intransigent of the two: after leading the Socialists to electoral defeat in June 2016, he insisted on opposing Mr Rajoy's investiture as prime minister.
President Trump is facing a far more intransigent foe, one designed to cripple policies supported by an Electoral College majority and, without consideration or concern for allies abroad, embarrass the president.
Outrage over the violence and rhetoric of these men buries an equally important and certainly more intransigent story of longstanding grass-roots and national campaigns populated partly by white women who aim to maintain racial and economic inequities on the American landscape.
Mr. Erdogan became even more intransigent about the peace process after my party, the Peoples' Democratic Party, or H.D.P., which advocates for Kurdish rights, cleared for the first time a 10 percent threshold in parliamentary elections in June 2015 and gained entry to the Parliament.
Poverty, pride, shame, misogyny, and violence are here knotted, echoing the tangle of conflicts that plague our society, and that become more intransigent as they overlap, producing situations wherein a victim of one type of violence — class oppression – in turn becomes an executor of another — sexual violence.
"I think a new leader would not really resolve the current stalemate because it is likely that he or she will come from the more intransigent, euroskeptic side of the Tory party while the parliamentary arithmetic has not really changed," Silvia Dall'Angelo, senior economist at Hermes Investment Management, told CNBC Friday morning.
So it's really important that the military and the police fight as hard as they can, because the weaker they fight, the more they defect, the more intimidated they are, the more brain drain that flows from Afghanistan, the stronger the Taliban is viewed and the more intransigent they will be in the negotiations.
At the 6th ceremony, which took place on March 27, 2010 the best rock group was announced Dorians, a group featuring a singer Gor Sujyan. Unfortunately both awards has not gained authority, and are often boycotted by more intransigent Armenian rock musicians.
Bruja (2009), p. 299 This policy enlisted protests from Jewish community leaders such as Wilhelm Filderman and Alexandru Șafran. Their protests, which went unanswered, noted that Brăileanu's criteria for segregation were more intransigent than the Nuremberg Laws in Nazi Germany.Săndulescu, p. 163 Brăileanu similarly ordered the segregation of Jewish actors, who were sacked from all Romanian theaters, public or private, "without restriction or exception".
Historia 16. Especial 10º Aniversario La Inquisición; p. 81. In its new role, the Inquisition tried to accentuate its function of censoring publications but found that Charles III had secularized censorship procedures, and, on many occasions, the authorization of the Council of Castile hit the more intransigent position of the Inquisition. Since the Inquisition itself was an arm of the state, being within the Council of Castile, civil rather than ecclesiastical censorship usually prevailed.
In the Congress, Karl Kautsky and August Bebel made an initial critique of Bernsteinism. Rosa Luxemburg maintained a more intransigent position against Bernstein's revisionism. The Congress did not adopt a resolution on this matter, but, despite the division in how to treat the question of Bernsteinism, the majority of the party showed its opposition to it. In the Hanover Congress of 1899, the party approved a resolution that formally condemned Bernsteinist attacks on the party's policy and tactics.
The Christian Democrats later "secularised" themselves, removing the explicitly religious nature of their party while keeping the same policy outlook. The resultant party, Future New Zealand, merged with the United Party to form the current United Future New Zealand. Ironically, the latter split in 2007, with disgruntled fundamentalist ex-UFNZ members forming a more intransigent entity, The Kiwi Party. Christian Heritage remained an independent party, but did not meet with the same success that it did while part of the Coalition.
Valiente (earlier photo) In the mid-1950s the leadership of Fal was challenged by two factions: one advocated more intransigent opposition and another suggested rapprochement with the regime; Sáenz-Díez was among the latter.Mercedes Vázquez de Prada, El nuevo rumbo político del carlismo hacia la colaboración con el régimen (1955-56), [in:] Hispania 69 (2009), p. 182 In 1955 the claimant Don JavierDon Javier remained on very good terms with Sáenz-Díez; e.g. when en route from Portugal to France in 1955, he stopped in Sáenz-Díez's house in Madrid, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p.
See Campbell 1999. Among them, one may mention A.B. Davidson, George Adam Smith and William Robertson Smith, all of whom were to be subsequently accused of unorthodox and heretical reasoning by the more intransigent traditionalists of the Free Church. and, on his return, entered New College, Edinburgh, the theological Hall of the Free Church of Scotland, to prepare for the Ministry. It was a time of profound transformation in the Scottish religious, intellectual and social order due to the renewal triggered by the Disruption; to the radical innovations in scientific thinking; and to rapid industrialisation.
While nationalists and republicans and the local Labour party did not perform particularly well in the election, the unionist vote was split between support for the moderate O'Neill's reform plans and the more intransigent unionists. Labour were left with their lowest number of councillors for years, and were reliant on aldermen to retain control of some councils. Even Huyton, represented in the House of Commons by Prime Minister Harold Wilson, was gained by the Conservatives. However, Labour were able to take some comfort from a slight swing in their favour since the 1968 local elections.
In Jonathan Israel's view, the long-term influence of such Dutch Politiques was positive, helping to mitigate the more intransigent forms of Calvinism and to create in the Netherlands a climate of (relative) religious toleration, greater than in other European countries at the time.Jonathan I. Israel. "The Dutch Republic", Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1995. Likewise, Blair Worden makes the point that during the Commonwealth of England, while the Lord Protector Oliver Cromwell was broadly Calvinist, his circle contained non-sectarian ‘merciful men’ or politiques who were more tolerant of other doctrines.
One group led by Mitre decided to take the deal, while another more intransigent group led by Alem was opposed. This eventually led to the split of the Civic Union into the National Civic Union (Argentina), led by Mitre, and the Radical Civic Union, led by Alem. After this division occurred, Roca withdrew his offer, having completed his plan to divide the Civic Union and decrease their power. Alem would eventually commit suicide in 1896; control of the Radical Civic Union went to his nephew and protégé, Hipólito Yrigoyen.
High-ranking representatives of the Defense and State Departments opposed such a move. Kissinger was the sole dissenter; he said that if the U.S. refused aid, Israel would have little incentive to conform to American views in postwar diplomacy. Kissinger argued the sending of U.S. aid might cause Israel to moderate its territorial claims, but this thesis raised a protracted debate whether U.S. aid was likely to make it more accommodating or more intransigent toward the Arab world.George Lenczowski, American Presidents and the Middle East (1990), p. 129.
He was part of the team that negotiated with Charles I and his representative in Ireland, James Butler, Earl of Ormond, to secure an alliance between the Irish Confederates and English Royalists in the context of the Wars of the Three Kingdoms. Ormond was his brother-in-law. Muskerry was sympathetic towards royalism and disliked the more intransigent clerical faction of the Confederates led by Giovanni Battista Rinuccini and Owen Roe O'Neill. Muskerry took over the command of the Confederate Munster army from Barry some time after its defeat on 3 September 1642 at the Battle of Liscarroll against Inchiquin.
Obligado attended the first demonstration of the telegraph in Argentina on October 14, 1855. The event, coordinated by French engineer Adolphe Bertonnet, failed to persuade the governor, however, despite its enthusiastic coverage by the official news daily, Dalmacio Vélez Sársfield's El Nacional. The establishment of a free trade agreement by the Confederation between the Port of Rosario (its chief port) and the Port of Montevideo proved detrimental to Buenos Aires trade. Worsening relations thus led to the re-election of the more intransigent Valentín Alsina as Governor at the end of 1858, and in February 1859, Alsina enacted retaliatory tariffs against Confederate goods.
Thus Mathias succeeded to the Archduchy in 1608, and became emperor in 1612, until his death in 1619. His reign was marked by conflict with his younger brother Maximilian III who was a more intransigent Catholic and backed the equally fervent Ferdinand II of "Inner Austria" as successor, having served as his regent between 1593 and 1595, before taking over "Upper Austria". The conflicts weakened the Habsburgs relative to both the estates and the Protestant interests. Mathias moved the capital back to Vienna from Prague and bought further peace from Turkey, by a treaty in 1615.
The play was intended to be premiered by Britain's National Theatre Company in 1967, but this was cancelled and the play was produced instead in the West End with John Colicos as Churchill. In her review for The Spectator in December 1968, Hilary Spurling accused Hochhuth of distorting Sikorski's real politics to make the "intrinsically implausible case, that Churchill murdered Sikorski" thus implying for unclear reasons that Churchill "preferred to deal with Sikorski's infinitely more intransigent successors" over the location of the post-war Polish border. Hochhuth, unaware that the plane's pilot Eduard Prchal was still alive, accused him of participating in the plot. Prchal won a libel case that seriously affected the London theatre which staged the play.
By his works Thus ended the Bourbons of Naples (Così finirono i Borbone di Napoli) (1959) and The Brigands of His Majesty (I briganti di Sua Maestà) (1967), helped to outline a new historiographical conception of the Risorgimento, seen from the losers' standpoint. Another leading and more intransigent figure of revisionism was Nicola Zitara. Along the same cultural lines of Alianello and Topa, the Calabrian writer considered Italy as the result of an operation of military conquest and economic damage to the South against which it would have been put in place an intricate plot. In her works, Zitara expresses his beliefs derived from an economic analysis conducted according to the canons of Marxist ideology.
The Peace of Saint-Germain put an end to three years of terrible civil war between Catholics and Protestants. This peace, however, was precarious since the more intransigent Catholics refused to accept it. The Guise family (strongly Catholic) was out of favour at the French court; the Huguenot leader, Admiral Gaspard de Coligny, was readmitted into the king's council in September 1571. Staunch Catholics were shocked by the return of Protestants to the court, but the queen mother, Catherine de' Medici, and her son, Charles IX, were practical in their support of peace and Coligny, as they were conscious of the kingdom's financial difficulties and the Huguenots' strong defensive position: they controlled the fortified towns of La Rochelle, La Charité-sur-Loire, Cognac, and Montauban.
The Scottish Privy Council attempted to end the dissent in the form of the First Indulgence of 1669, followed by a Second in 1672. These allowed ministers to return to their churches on condition that they remained silent on the issues dividing the Kirk. The English writer Daniel Defoe, who studied the period, listed the reasons why the more intransigent clergy refused to countenance the offer: # They would not accept of our Indulgence for worshipping God by the licence of the bishops; because they said they had abjured Prelacy in the Covenant, and had declared the bishops to be anti-scriptural and anti-Christian; and to take licence from them was to homologate their authority as legal, which they detested and abhorred. # They would not take the Oath of Supremacy because they could not in conscience allow any king or head of the Church but Jesus Christ.
The Catholic League (, ) was a coalition of Catholic states of the Holy Roman Empire formed 10 July 1609. While initially formed as a confederation to act politically to negotiate issues vis-à-vis the Protestant Union (formed 1608), modelled on the more intransigent ultra-Catholic French Catholic League (1576), it was subsequently concluded as a military alliance "for the defence of the Catholic religion and peace within the Empire". Notwithstanding the league's founding, as had the founding of the Protestant Union, it further exacerbated long standing tensions between the Protestant reformers and the adherents of the Catholic Church which thereafter began to get worse with ever more frequent episodes of civil disobedience, repression, and retaliation that would eventually ignite into the first phase of the Thirty Years' War roughly a decade later with the act of rebellion and calculated insult known as the Second Defenestration of Prague on 23 May 1618.
Bruno sought to justify the rebellion of the Saxons and the election of the first anti-king, Rudolf, and to show how by his oppressive government King Henry had forfeited any right to rule, both for himself and his dynasty. Bruno also devoted considerable attention to Henry’s dispute with Pope Gregory VII, ten of whose letters he reproduced in his history. But while supporting the pope against the king, he made clear, both in his own words and through letters which he copied, that the German rebels were deeply disappointed by the Gregory’s absolution of Henry at Canossa in December 1076, and his attempt to remain neutral after the more intransigent rebels had elected a rival king at Forchheim in March 1077. Bruno was at pains to stress that this election was conducted with the full knowledge and involvement of a papal legate, and indeed followed the standards of probity laid down by canon law.
Elorza co-authoredtogether with Pérez Arregui a memorandum, aimed for the Carlist executive; it marked his turn towards more intransigent position. He declared the entire process unfair and since executed along republican lines, doomed for failure;Elorza and Pérez were highly critical of the process because 1) autonomy marginalized the traditional path of “restauración foral”; 2) it helped to republicanize Vascongadas; 3) neither Republic nor Alfonsine monarchy could have re- implemented proper order, and the Traditionalist Monarchy was able to achieve it, Santiago de Pablo, El carlismo guipuzcoano y el Estatuto Vasco, [in:] Bilduma 2 (1988), p. 200 the document called for Comunión Tradicionalista not to appoint its representatives,Elorza and Pérez considered 3 options: 1) frontal opposition; 2) appointment of delegates; 3) refusal to join on the ground of unjust party representation and sending memorandum how statute should look like. They eventually settled for the last one, De Pablo 1988, pp. 199-202 to demand “reintegración foral” as the only proper acknowledgement of Basque aspirations,unlike Blinkhorn or Estornes some scholars claim that the principal reason for Carlist doubts about the statute were not religious issues, but presumed incompatibility between autonomy and foralism, De Pablo 1988, p. 206.

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