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33 Sentences With "male supremacist"

How to use male supremacist in a sentence? Find typical usage patterns (collocations)/phrases/context for "male supremacist" and check conjugation/comparative form for "male supremacist". Mastering all the usages of "male supremacist" from sentence examples published by news publications.

The concept of the auteur emerged in a male-supremacist context.
She hated all of the male supremacist behaviors that prove manhood and victimize and terrorize women.
Theirs is a relatively new take on a "male supremacist" worldview, according to the Southern Poverty Law Center.
Theo is a Second Amendment fanatic and white male supremacist (of shaky masculinity, of course), who streams his wisdom via live videocasts.
Many male supremacist groups began in the gaming and pick-up-artist spaces, and quickly became pathways to white supremacism, anti-Semitism, and other hateful ideas.
In February, the Southern Poverty Law Center added two male supremacist websites to its list of hate groups, for the first time categorizing male supremacy as an explicit ideology of hate.
" Rodger was a frequent visitor of the now-offline male supremacist site PUAhate, which he said "confirmed many of the theories I had about how wicked and degenerate women really are.
It's useful to call these groups male supremacist because words like misogyny can be more easily deflected, according to Britney Gil, a Ph.D. graduate from Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute who wrote her dissertation on the Red Pill community.
The term is short for "involuntary celibates," though the group has evolved into a male supremacist movement made up of people — some celibate, some not — who believe that women should be treated as sexual objects with few rights.
So, to further understand the circumstances under which male supremacist groups were officially recognized as hate groups, we've compiled a list of violent, harassing, or otherwise harmful acts that self-proclaimed "men's rights activists" have committed in recent years.
Keegan Hankes, a senior research analyst at the Southern Poverty Law Center, said the reference showed he was nurturing specific grievances that aligned him with the "male supremacist" movement more broadly, even if his views also included racism and other hate.
A Voice For Men, the movement's most popular website, was started in 24 by Paul Elam, a deadbeat dad who first became interested in the male supremacist cause at age 0003, after his mother tried to force him to take anti-diarrhea medicine.
According to Alex DiBranco, a Ph.D. candidate in sociology at Yale University who has studied male supremacist groups, these ideologies began to consolidate and institutionalize in the 1990s, in response to campus anti-rape activism, the Anita Hill controversy, and the rise of Hillary Clinton.
Male supremacist groups have been provoked in large part by feminist gains, which is especially relevant at a time when women in the United States are speaking up more loudly about sexual violence, barriers to institutional power, the persistent pay gap, and other forms of structural oppression.
The coherent passages of Walker's statement — like the line "groups of white (male) supremacist goons who flaunt … race purity with … impressive displays of perpetrator-as-victim sociopathy" — read like she was fearful of white supremacy's ability to ignore her, while being oddly dismissive of the people who actually won't.
The alt-lite Proud Boys, the brainchild of Vice co-founder Gavin McInnes, is for instance a sort of white-male-supremacist fraternity for overgrown nutjobs who like to doll up in fascist preppy drag and get their kicks infiltrating Black Lives Matter and other social-justice protests, taunting people and starting fights (it's reputedly an initiation rite to "kick the crap out of an antifa," or anti-fascist).
Wm. Divale and Marvin Harris 1976 Population, Warfare, and the Male Supremacist Complex. American Anthropologist 78:521-538. Wm. Divale 1976 Newspapers: Some Guidelines for Communicating Anthropology.
This was part of a larger idea that Bunch articulated in Learning from Lesbian Separatism, that "in a male-supremacist society, heterosexuality is a political institution" and the practice of separatism is a way to escape its domination.Bunch, Charlotte. (November 1976). Learning from Lesbian Separatism.
Ann Arbor: UMI Research Press. Wm. Divale and Marvin Harris 1978 The Male Supremacist Complex: Discovery of a Cultural Invention. American Anthropologist 80(3):668-671. Wm. Divale, Marvin Harris, and Donald T. Williams 1978 On the Mis-Use of Statistics: A Reply to Hirschfield et al.
The main reason for the differing official response to the 'black' and 'white perils' was the nature of race, class and gender relations in the colony.Vambe, Lawrence (1976) From Rhodesia to Zimbabwe, p. 109 , 9780822933175 The 'perils' were necessary in order to solidify racial and gender differences and thereby to construct white and male supremacist social order.
For instance, some have been motivated by a perception of entitlement to sex with women of a type the perpetrator sees as attractive. These attacks, some arising from the incel subculture, have targeted both women and men seen as sexually successful. Since 2018, misogynist or male supremacist ideology has been listed and tracked by counter-terrorist organizations as an emerging terrorist threat.
Gloria Steinem repeatedly compared her style to that of the Biblical prophets. Critical of what she described as male supremacist values expressed among conservatives, liberals, and radicals, she nevertheless engaged with all three groups. She came out of movements led by leftist men, such as when protesting the Vietnam War or when active in the Gay Liberation Movement. She addressed liberal men on the issue of rape.
Ihrer insisted that the statutes allowed for female membership, and was elected the sole women in the seven-person board of the General Commission. She was widely recognized in the press as "the soul of all agitation among socialist women". Ihrer found that decades after the SPD had been formed there was still no mass movement of proletarian women, a result due to male supremacist assumptions within the party as well as to legal barriers.
She theorized the sexual politics of intelligence, fear, courage, and integrity. She described a male supremacist political ideology manifesting in and constituted by rape, battery, prostitution, and pornography. In Dworkin's lifetime, two books were written with consideration and analysis of the body of her work: Andrea Dworkin, by Jeremy Mark Robinson, first published in 1994, and Without Apology: Andrea Dworkin's Art and Politics, by Cindy Jenefsky in 1998. Following Andrea's death, several works by or about her have been released.
This was because, to MacKinnon, the law was a concession to male-supremacist, colonialist United States policy. MacKinnon believed the law was passed because the tribal council feared the U.S. government might impose allotment on the tribe. MacKinnon asserted that in many other tribes whose land had been allotted, much of the land passed out of tribal hands when female members married male non-members, as the husbands would acquire control of the land. This would not happen when male members married female non-members.
8–9 and suggest that "as long as women still benefit from heterosexuality, receive its privileges and security, they will at some point have to betray their sisters, especially Lesbian sisters who do not receive those benefits." This was part of a larger idea that Bunch articulated in Learning from Lesbian Separatism (1976), that "in a male-supremacist society, heterosexuality is a political institution,"Bunch, Charlotte. Learning from Lesbian Separatism, Ms. Magazine, Nov. 1976 and the practice of separatism is a way to escape its domination.
She recognizes that women occupy multiple positions: of oppression, privilege, and peril, such that one may stand on the freedom of other women and men, or be in more danger for one's ethnicity than one's sex. The guts of the book, its primary thesis, is that a male supremacist ideology requires female subordination and negation. She endeavors to reveal how it suffuses society, how it becomes mythic, religious. She extracts and analyzes themes in Western fairy tales and pornography, in Pauline Reage's The Story of O, in The Image by Jean de Berg.
Texts include "embrace lesbianism and overthrow the social order", "homosexuals and women are systematically oppressed by male supremacist society" and "overturn the ideology of hetero male supremacy". Firrell also orchestrated a 'Gender Think-In' based on the think-ins held by the Gay Liberation Front in the early 1970s, which looked to build progressive policies and protest actions. In June 2017 business, culture and policy leaders met to explore the value of gender labels and how they inform the spheres they work in. The results are published by Firrell in a policy paper that looks to map out "an alternative future for gender".
Incels ( ), a portmanteau of "involuntary celibates", are members of an online subculture who define themselves as unable to find a romantic or sexual partner despite desiring one. Discussions in incel forums are often characterized by resentment, misogyny, misanthropy, self-pity and self- loathing, racism, a sense of entitlement to sex, and the endorsement of violence against sexually active people. The American nonprofit Southern Poverty Law Center(SPLC) described the subculture as "part of the online male supremacist ecosystem" that is included in their list of hate groups. Incels are mostly male and heterosexual, and many sources report that incels are predominantly white.
The alt-right presented "a unique set of challenges" to journalists, progressives, and conservatives. The political scientist George Hawley suggested that the alt-right may pose a greater threat to progressivism than the mainstream conservative movement. Hawley was of the view that, because of its use of novel tactics not previously used by the far- right, "the Alt-Right represents something genuinely new on the American political scene". Lyons stated that the alt-right "helped revitalize White nationalist and male supremacist politics in the United States", while according to Niewert, the alt-right gave white nationalism "a fresh new life, rewired for the twenty-first century".
Jeffreys describes sadomasochism as "male supremacist", a reenactment of heterosexual male dominance and women's oppression that glorifies violence and uses women's bodies as a sex aid, and as anti-lesbian and fascistic. The author claims that Jeffreys ignores that some heterosexual women may enjoy sadomasochistic activity, and that 'tops' may be women who work hard to give their 'bottoms' pleasure, rather than the passive recipients of sex in the way she describes. Preview The Industrial Vagina: The Political Economy of the Global Sex Trade was published in 2009. In it, Jeffreys describes the globalisation of the sex industry, and calls marriage a form of prostitution.
For example, understanding women's oppression as disparate assumes that "men, in creating and maintaining these systems, are acting purely as men, in accordance with peculiarly male characteristics or specifically male supremacist objectives". Ellen Willis' 1984 essay "Radical Feminism and Feminist Radicalism" says that within the New Left, radical feminists were accused of being "bourgeois", "antileft", or even "apolitical", whereas they saw themselves as "radicalizing the left by expanding the definition of radical". Early radical feminists were mostly white and middle- class, resulting in "a very fragile kind of solidarity". This limited the validity of generalizations based on radical feminists' experiences of gender relations, and prevented white and middle-class women from recognizing that they benefited from race and class privilege according to Willis.
The Southern Poverty Law Center categorizes MGTOW as a part of the male supremacist ideology, a category they began tracking on their hate group tracking project, Hate Map, in 2018. In January 2020 a group of computer scientists published a preprint of a paper titled "The Evolution of the Manosphere Across the Web", which was described by Tanya Basu in MIT Technology Review as "the most complete picture yet of the misogynistic groups that fuel the incel movement online". r/MGTOW and the MGTOW Forum were among the communities studied in the paper. Shortly after the preprint was published, Reddit quarantined the r/MGTOW subreddit, a restriction the platform applies to subreddits determined to be "extremely offensive or upsetting to the average redditor" which prevents them from earning advertising revenue and requires visitors to agree to seeing potentially offensive content before entering.

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