Some of them are Marxists, some are Leninists, some are social democrats or anarchists.
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"I don't think the Unified Marxist Leninists or the Maoists even know there is a thing called policy," says one Nepalese analyst, mentioning two "communist" parties.
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A coalition of two ostensibly communist parties, the Unified Marxist Leninists (UML) and the Maoist Centre, looks set to control not just the national government but six of seven provinces.
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They dropped all the pretenses — no liberals, no progressives — they are proud Marxist-Leninists driven by the ideology and committed to converting this country into the United Socialist States of America.
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The movement of "Corbynistas" — an alliance of young leftist dreamers and old guard Leninists who have demolished Tony Blair's centrist "New Labour" as comprehensively as Trump has hijacked the Republican Party — embraces an ideology.
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The Trotskyites sat in one alcove and the Leninists sat in another, and since the Trostkyites were smarter and won the debates, the leaders of the Leninist faction eventually forbade their cadres from ever talking to them.
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Turkish students—an evolving left that included Marxists, Maoists, Leninists, and socialists—began protesting the presence of the U.S. Sixth Fleet in the Bosphorus and the Mediterranean, as well as the military bases in Izmir, Adana, and elsewhere.
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" In the letter, which marked the seventieth anniversary of the end of the Second World War, he lauded the Soviet contribution to the world: "The twenty-seven million Soviets who died in the Great Patriotic War also did so for humanity and the right to think and be socialists, to be Marxist-Leninists, to be Communists, and to leave the dark ages behind.
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To paraphrase Vox's David Roberts: Sanders would be far and away the oldest president to take office; he has self-identified as a socialist for most of his career, undeterred by the media's inability to distinguish between social democrats (what he is) and Leninists (what Republicans will say he is); he supports a higher tax on middle-class labor, which is politically and substantively the worst way to finance a welfare state expansion.
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As a term and concept, state capitalism has been used by various socialists, including anarchists, Marxists, Leninists, left communists, Marxist–Leninists and Trotskyists.
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Five leninists get in trouble while trying to serve their ideals.
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Fourth edition. Cambridge, England, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2004. p. 182. Marxist-Leninists claim that socialist patriotism is not connected with nationalism, as Marxists and Marxist-Leninists denounce nationalism as a bourgeois ideology developed under capitalism that sets workers against each other.Stephen White.
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"The Significance of the Russian Revolution for Today"."Lenin's Legacy"."Have we become "Leninists"? - part 1".
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The Free Socialist Party/Marxist-Leninists (, abbreviated FSP or FSP/ML) was a small Maoist political party in West Germany. FSP/ML was the second Maoist group founded in West Germany. It was one of the predecessor organizations of the Communist Party of Germany/Marxists–Leninists.
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Although most Marxist–Leninists distinguish between communism and socialism, Bordiga, who did consider himself a Leninist and has been described as being "more Leninist than Lenin",Piccone, Paul (1983). Italian Marxism. University of California Press. p. 134. did not distinguish between the two in the same way Marxist–Leninists do.
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The Revolutionary Inhabitants Organization marxist-leninists (in Danish: Den revolutionære Boligorganisation marxister-leninister, BOm-l) was a Maoist group that surged amongst the house squatters' milieu in Denmark in March 1972. BOm-l was headed by a Central Committee. BOm-l published BOml bulletin. BOm-l and the Communist League Marxist-Leninists (KFML) had similar viewpoints.
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In Marxist political discourse, Stalinism, denoting and connoting the theory and praxis of Stalin, has two usages, namely praise of Stalin by Marxist–Leninists who believe Stalin successfully developed Lenin's legacy and criticism of Stalin by Marxist–Leninists and other Marxists who repudiate Stalin's political purges, social-class repressions and bureaucratic terrorism.Bullock, Allan; Trombley, Stephen, eds. (1999). The New Fontana Dictionary of Modern Thought. p. 506.
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This theory was held by many orthodox Marxists as well as Marxist–Leninists, playing a crucial role in informing the economic policies of current and former socialist states.
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African Communist is the magazine of the South African Communist Party, published quarterly. The magazine was started by a group of Marxist-Leninists in 1959. It has its headquarters in Johannesburg.
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Marxists-Leninists believed that after the revolution a dictatorship is needed in order to achieve communism. Marxism-Leninism rejects religion and believes that developing countries are the key to spreading communism.
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It is the belief of Marxist–Leninists that all national constitutions do this to ensure that countries can strengthen and enforce their own class system. In this instance, it means that Marxist–Leninists conceive of constitutions as a tool to defend the socialist nature of the state and attack its enemies. This contrasts with the liberal conception of constitutionalism that "law, rather than men, is supreme". Unlike the fixed nature of liberal democratic constitutions, a Marxist–Leninist constitution is ever-changing.
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There is considerable debate among communists regarding the nature of this society. Some such as Joseph Stalin, Fidel Castro, and other Marxist-Leninists believe that the lower-stage of communism constitutes its own mode of production, which they call socialist rather than communist. Marxist-Leninists believe that this society may still maintain the concepts of property, money, and commodity production. Other communists argue that the lower-stage of communism is just that; a communist mode of production, without commodities or money, stamped with the birthmarks of capitalism.
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A Diego Rivera mural (Man, Controller of the Universe) depicts Trotsky with Marx and Engels as a true champion of the workers' struggle. Associates and followers of Leon Trotsky were organized in the Left Opposition within the Communist parties before they were purged in the Moscow Trials in the 1930s. Trotskyists differ from most other ideological manifestations on the "anti-Stalinist left" in that they, like Marxist–Leninists, also claim to be Leninists. Subsequently, his followers formed the Fourth International in opposition to the Stalinist Third International.
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Marxian economics do not exclusively rely on Marx and draw from a range of Marxist and non-Marxist sources. The dictatorship of the proletariat and workers' state are terms used by some Marxists, particularly Leninists and Marxist–Leninists, to describe what they see as a temporary state between the capitalist state of affairs and a communist society. Marx defined the proletariat as salaried workers, in contrast to the lumpenproletariat, who he defined as the outcasts of society such as beggars, tricksters, entertainers, buskers, criminals and prostitutes. The political relevance of farmers has divided the left.
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Cambodia's Marxist–Leninists wanted to operate clandestinely but also established a socialist party, Pracheachon, to serve as a front organization through which they could compete in the 1955 election. Although Pracheachon had strong support in some areas, most observers expected the Democratic Party to win. The Marxist–Leninists engaged in entryism to influence Democratic Party policy; Vannsak had become deputy party secretary, with Sâr as his assistant, perhaps helping to alter the party's platform. Sihanouk feared a Democratic Party government and in March 1955 abdicated the throne in favor of his father, Norodom Suramarit.
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World Politics. Cambridge University Press. 4 (3): 369–381. . . Although most Marxist–Leninists distinguish between communism and socialism, Bordiga, who did consider himself a Leninist and has been described as being "more Leninist than Lenin",Piccone, Paul (1983).
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Communist Party of Switzerland/Marxist–Leninists (, , , KPS/ML) was a Maoist political party in Switzerland. It was founded in 1969 by now exiled intellectual Nils Andersson. Its forerunner, the Lenin Centre, had been founded in Lausanne in 1964.
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The Marxist–Leninist Party of Austria (, MLPÖ) was founded in 1967 by members and activists of Marxists-Leninists of Austria. The central organ Rote Fahne ('Red Flag') was founded in 1963 by Franz Strobl the later chairman of MLPÖ.
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In late 1968 FSP/ML merged with the Roter Morgen and Spartakus groups, and some other sectors, forming the Communist Party of Germany/Marxists–Leninists (KPD/ML).Langguth, Gerd. Die Protestbewegung in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland: 1968-1976. Köln: Verlag Wissenschaft u.
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The Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (Leninists) was a political party in Czechoslovakia. The group, led by Alois Muna, was expelled from the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia on June 29, 1929 after they had refused to accept the new party leadership under Klement Gottwald. Muna, Alois Neurath, Václav Bolen, Václav Houser, Bohumil Jilek, Josef Skalák and František Toužil, all prominent leaders of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, were purged at a plenary of the Central Committee on June 1–2, 1929. The parliamentary club of the 'Leninists' was formed on June 3, 1929 with 11 members of the Chamber of Deputies and 9 Senators.
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He continued to oversee many of the Marxist–Leninists' underground communications; all correspondence between the Democratic Party and the Pracheachon went through him. Sihanouk cracked down on the Marxist–Leninist movement, whose membership had halved since the end of the civil war. Links with the North Vietnamese Marxist–Leninists declined, something Sâr later portrayed as a boon. He and other members increasingly regarded Cambodians as too deferential to their Vietnamese counterparts; to deal with this, Sâr, Tou Samouth, and Nuon Chea drafted a programme and statutes for a new Marxist–Leninist party that would be allied with but not subordinate to the Vietnamese.
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Although most Leninists distinguish between socialism and communism and Bordiga did consider himself a Leninist, being described as "more Leninist than Lenin", he did not distinguish between the two in the same way Leninists do. Bordiga did not see socialism as a separate mode of production from communism, but rather just as how communism looks as it emerges out of capitalism before it has "developed on its own foundations". This is coherent with Marx and Engels, who used the terms socialism and communism interchangeably. Bordiga used socialism to mean what Marx called the lower-phase communism.
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The cadres directed to live in communes. They were all aspects of daily life under the control of the organization. Many members were expelled, accused of bourgeois deviations. In 1977 different groups of expellees regrouped in the Group of Marxist-Leninists/Red Dawn.
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Järntorget, Gothenburg. The banner reads "We demand real jobs". The Revolutionary Communist Youth (, RKU) is the youth wing of the Swedish Communist Party. It was founded in 1994 as a successor of the Young Communist League of Sweden (marxist-leninists), which existed 1972-1978.
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For revolutionary socialists (Including Leninists), and some anarchists, a cadre is a group of committed, active, and experienced intellectuals who share political beliefs and participate in the revolutionary movements they see the most promise in. It can also refer to a member of said group.
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Before he joined the Social Democrats in 2015 he was a prominent member and former vice chairman of the Socialist People's Party. He has also previously been a member of both the Red–Green Alliance and the now defunct Communist Party of Denmark/Marxist–Leninists.
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The Communist Party () is a Marxist–Leninist political party in Sweden started in 1970. From 1970 to 1977, it was known as Kommunistiska Förbundet Marxist- Leninisterna (revolutionärerna), abbreviated KFML(r) (The Communist League Marxist–Leninists (the revolutionaries) and from 1977 to 2004 it was named Kommunistiska Partiet Marxist-Leninisterna (revolutionärerna), abbreviated KPML(r) (The Communist Party Marxist–Leninists (the revolutionaries). At the 14th Party Congress held in Gothenburg in January 2005, it was decided to change the name to Kommunistiska Partiet (K). KFML(r) was founded in 1970 by a splinter group from the pro-Chinese KFML, which in turn had split from the Eurocommunist Left Party in 1967.
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It was formed in 1975, by the remnants of the Organization of Spanish Marxist-Leninists (OMLE) which was dissolved that year. OMLE, which was operating from exile, had been formed through a split in the Communist Party of Spain (PCE) in the 1968. Following the famous revolts in Paris in 1968, certain groups of leftist Spanish exiles were disappointed with the staunchly pro-Soviet and “frozen” stance of the Spanish Communist Party, the PCE and its leader Santiago Carrillo. This led in September of the same year to the foundation of the Organización de Marxistas Leninistas Españoles (OMLE) (Organization of Spanish Marxist-Leninists) in Brussels.
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Because of orthodox Marxists' desire to eliminate the political elitism they see in capitalism, Marxists, Leninists and Trotskyists believe in direct democracy implemented through a system of communes (which are sometimes called soviets). This system ultimately manifests itself as council democracy and begins with workplace democracy.
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Hunt, R. N. Carew (1930). Theory and Practice of Communism: An Introduction. New York: Macmillan. p. 73. . While Marxist–Leninists maintain that workers in the Soviet Union and other socialist states had genuine control over the means of production through institutions such as trade unions,Costello, Mick (1977).
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Kommunistisk Ungdom Marxister-Leninister (KUML, Communist Youth Marxist–Leninists), was a political youth movement in Denmark. KUML was the youth wing of Kommunistisk Forbund Marxister-Leninister. KUML was founded in 1969, as a split from Socialistisk Ungdoms Forum. KUML was disbanded in 1971, and its members joined KFML.
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Movement of Young Marxist–Leninists () was a radical Marxist-Leninist group in Senegal, founded by Landing Savané in 1970. MJML was the continuation of Democratic Youth. MJML was short-lived. The brothers Blondin Diop split from it and created the Committee for the Initiative for Permanent Revolutionary Action.
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The ideological stance among the early generation of youngsters from Concepción that founded MIR in 1965 correspond to a variety of political ideologies ranging from Social-liberalism to Marxist and Trotskyite positions. Although official declarations of the epoch, MIR had not a truly uniform ideological stand until the Congress of 1967 (see Movement of the Revolutionary Left) in which prevailed the Leninists positions represented by the new elected General Secretary Miguel Enriquez. Bautista Van Schouwen did follow his friend Miguel Enríquez in this regard. However, it has been put forward that van Schouwen would have been a closer follower to the doctrine of Rosa Luxemburg, favouring general strikes over cadre-organization political work as in Leninists traditions.
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The last Khmer Việt Minh units left Cambodia for North Vietnam in October 1954. Sâr was not among them, deciding to remain in Cambodia; he trekked, via South Vietnam, to Prey Veng to reach Phnom Penh. He and other Cambodian Marxist–Leninists decided to pursue their aims through electoral means.
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This article describes the Ontario Renewal Party as "part of a coalition of smaller parties, including many leftist groups." The Marxist- Leninists also endorsed ten independent Renewal candidates in 2003."Vote for the Independent Candidates Who Represent the Renewal of Ontario!", TML Daily, 30 September 2003, accessed 29 August 2010.
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Union for People's Democracy () was an underground Maoist political movement in Senegal that emerged in the 1970s, formed as a continuation of the Movement of Young Marxist-Leninists. Hamédine Racine Guissé was the general secretary of the organization. UDP published Voix du Peuple. On July 20, 1981 UDP was legalized.
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The Tet Effect: Intelligence and the Public Perception of War. Routledge, 2005. p. 87-88 The stated goals of the party was to combat imperialism, feudalism and colonialism. PRP was not an explicitly communist party, but according to the January 18 Radio Hanoi broadcast, it represented the Marxist–Leninists in South Vietnam.
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From 1975-85 Communist Unity published the newspaper Verkalýðsblaðið (the working people's paper). The party maintained fraternal relations with Workers' Communist Party (Norway), Communist Party of Germany/Marxists–Leninists,Verkalýðsblaðið, Vol. 1, No. 3 Marxist–Leninist League of Denmark, Communist Party of Sweden,Verkalýðsblaðið Vol. 1, No. 4-5 amongst other parties.
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Christian communists also share some of the political goals of Marxists, for example replacing capitalism with socialism, which should in turn be followed by communism at a later point in the future. However, Christian communists sometimes disagree with Marxists (and particularly with Leninists) on the way a socialist or communist society should be organized.
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On 20 March 2016, the PKK announced the establishment of Peoples' United Revolutionary Movement, a coalition of Maoists, Marxists-Leninists, Apoists, Communists and Hoxhaists which aim to attain "democracy and a free future" for "peoples against Imperialism, Capitalism, Chauvinism, Fascism and Racism", by working towards the overthrow of the ruling AKP government, who they deem collaborative fascist.
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In the early 1960s Hotzeas started to translate the documents of the international debate between the Communist Party of China and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, which marked the Sino-Soviet split. In 1964, he led the publication of the magazine Renaissance (), and then the creation and development of the Organisation of Marxists-Leninists of Greece (OMLE).
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The Senegalese Communist Party did not last long, but Savané continued his political activity in other movements. Initially Savané and his followers regrouped as Democratic Youth. In 1970 Savané founded the Movement of Young Marxist-Leninists (MJML). After the dismantling of MJML, Savané formed the underground Marxist group Reenu-Rew (Roots of the Nation) in 1973.
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In 1967 Holmberg took part in a split away from SKP. His group and a somewhat larger faction (in relative terms) of young party members and sympathizers launched a new organization, the Communist League Marxist- Leninists (KFML). Holmberg became a member of the Central Committee of KFML. He was appoint Secretary of Studies in the Central Committee.
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Bains was also responsible for the founding of the Hindustani Ghadar Party (Organisation of Indian Marxist–Leninists Abroad). He held a leading influence in the Marxist–Leninist Party, USA in the 1970s, although it later split from the CPC (ML) and dissolved in 1993. Left publications such as Modern Communism have written articles on this legacy.
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He has also recorded several audiobooks and one of them is Jan Guillou's Coq Rouge. Bolme is a former member of the political party Communist League Marxists-Leninists (, KFML). He is the brother of television host Agneta Bolme Börjefors. At the 24th Guldbagge Awards he won the award for Best Actor for his role in Creditors.
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However, others such as Michael Harrington argue that the term democratic socialism is necessary to distinguish it from that of the Soviet Union and other self-declared socialist states. For Harrington, the major reason for this was due to the perspective that viewed the Stalinist-era Soviet Union as having succeeded in propaganda in usurping the legacy of Marxism and distorting it in propaganda to justify its politics. Both Leninism and Marxism–Leninism have emphasised democracy, endorsing some form of democratic organisation of society and the economy whilst supporting democratic centralism, with Marxist–Leninists and others arguing that socialist states such as the Soviet Union were democratic. Marxist–Leninists also tended to distinguish what they termed socialist democracy from democratic socialism, a term which they associated pejoratively to "reformism" and "social democracy".
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League of Dutch Marxist–Leninists () was a communist organisation in the Netherlands. By the time of the 21st party congress of the Communist Party of the Netherlands in 1964 two pro-China fractions existed inside the party. One was the Marxist-Leninist Centre in Rotterdam. The other was a group based in Amsterdam which published the periodical Rode Vlag (Red Flag).
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Italian Marxism. University of California Press. p. 134. . did not distinguish between the two in the same way Marxist–Leninists do. Both Lenin and Bordiga did not see socialism as a separate mode of production from communism, but rather just as how communism looks as it emerges from capitalism before it has "developed on its own foundations".Lenin, Vladimir (1964) [1917].
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Organisation of Marxist–Leninists of Spain, in Spanish: Organización de Marxistas-Leninistas de España, (OMLE) was a Spanish communist group. OMLE was formed in Brussels in September 1968 by various nuclei that had left the Communist Party of Spain (PCE). OMLE denounced PCE as revisionist. OMLE was a clandestine group along its existence owing to the pervasive activity of the Francoist police.
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She was born in Liepāja, Courland, in 1898 under the name of Liliya Ginzberg (Lilija Ginzberga), and she lived there until 1914. After studying law in Moscow, she became a member of the Menshevik party. In 1923 she emigrated to Berlin where she married Samuel Estrin. The couple professed to be Mensheviks, then changed to being Leninists and Left Oppositionists.
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Committee for the Initiative for Permanent Revolutionary Action (in French: Comité d'Initiative pour une Action Révolutionnaire Permanente) was a radical Marxist-Leninist group in Senegal. CIARP was founded by the Blondin Diop brothers following a split in the Movement of Young Marxist-Leninists. CIARP was dismantled by Senegalese police in July 1971. Omar Blondin Diop was sentenced to three years imprisonment.
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Following World War I, the international socialist movement was irreconcilably split into two hostile factions: on the one side, the social democrats, who broadly supported their national governments during the conflict; and on the other side Leninists and their allies who formed the new communist parties that were organised into the Third International, which was established in March 1919. During the Russian Civil War, Lenin and Leon Trotsky more firmly embraced the concept of national self-determination for tactical reasons. In the Third International, the national question became a major bone of contention between mainstream Leninists and "left communists". By the time World War II broke out in 1939, only a few prominent communists such as the Italian Marxist Amadeo Bordiga and the Dutch council communist Anton Pannekoek remained opponents of Russia's embrace of national self-determination.
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There have been a series of splits throughout the party's history, the earliest one being the Trotskyist Organisation of Internationalist Communists of Greece. In 1956, after the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union at which Nikita Khrushchev denounced the excesses of Joseph Stalin, a faction created the Group of Marxist–Leninists of Greece (OMLE), which split from party in 1964, becoming the Organisation of Marxists-Leninists of Greece. In 1968, amidst the Greek military junta of 1967–1974 and the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia, a relatively big group split from KKE, forming KKE Interior, claiming to be directed from within Greece rather than from the Soviet Union. In 1988, KKE and Greek Left (the former KKE Interior), along with other left parties and organisations, formed the Coalition of the Left and Progress.
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Anarchist movements have come into conflict with both capitalist and Marxist forces, sometimes at the same time as in the Spanish Civil War, although as in that war Marxists themselves are often divided in support or opposition to anarchism. Other political persecutions under bureaucratic parties have resulted in a strong historical antagonism between anarchists and libertarian Marxists on the one hand and Leninists, Marxist–Leninists and their derivatives such as Maoists on the other. However, in recent history libertarian socialists have repeatedly formed temporary alliances with Marxist–Leninist groups in order to protest institutions they both reject. Part of this antagonism can be traced to the International Workingmen's Association, the First International, a congress of radical workers, where Mikhail Bakunin (who was fairly representative of anarchist views) and Karl Marx (whom anarchists accused of being an "authoritarian") came into conflict on various issues.
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It is possible to conceive of a democratic socialist state that owns the means of production and is internally organized in a participatory, cooperative fashion, thereby achieving both social ownership of productive property and workplace democracy. Today, state socialism is mainly advocated by Marxist–Leninists and others supporting a socialist state.Pena, David S. (21 September 2007). "Tasks of Working-Class Governments under the Socialist- oriented Market Economy".
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Marxists Internet Archive. p. 293. Quoted by Aufheben. .Lenin, Vladimir (1921). "The Tax in Kind". Marxists Internet Archive. Retrieved 8 February 2020. However, the concept of a socialist state is mainly advocated by Marxist–Leninists and most socialist states have been established by political parties adhering to Marxism–Leninism or some national variation thereof such as Maoism or Titoism.Pena, David S. (21 September 2007).
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When the Committee was dissolved at the demand of the government. At the same time as the government was arresting its lawyers, Pinochet wrote to Cardinal Raul Silva Henriquez on 11 November 1975 claiming that the Committee was being "used by Marxist- Leninists" to cause an appearance of division between the government and the Roman Catholic Church, and used this as an excuse to demand its dissolution.
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Martemyan Nikitich Ryutin was born on to a peasant family in Verkhne-Ryutino, a village in Irkutsk oblast in Siberia, then part of the Russian empire.Sobhanlal Datta Gupta (ed.), The Ryutin Platform: Stalin and the Crisis of Proletarian Dictatorship: Platform of the "Union of Marxists-Leninists." Parganas, India: Seribaan, 2010; pg. xvi. He was descended from Estonian rebels exiled to Siberia early in the 19th century.
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Retrieved from . which was created when the Anti-Capitalist Alliance, a loose electoral alliance, became one of the first unified communist parties in the world formed through an alliance of Marxist- Leninists and Trotskyists.Ferguson, P. & D. Whitmore. (2011). The Truth About Labour. Redline. Retrieved from .Maoist Internationalist Movement. (2004). Knowing what's what: Workers Party of New Zealand degenerates in open. Maoist Internationalist Movement website. Retrieved from .
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He was one of the key member for the formation of the Ceylon Communist Party (Maoist) in 1963. Later he married his comrade Kathiravelu's sister. Peking Review, Issue 50 dated 13 December 1963 Marxists.org. To All Marxist-Leninists Inside the Ceylon Communist PartySathiamanai Tribute by ValliammaiTelo News Sivadasan has a long history In 1986 he was detained by LTTE for his association with EPRLF.
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Jean Wahl and Jean Hippolyte were also responsible for spreading Hegel's lectures into Parisian circles. Marx was introduced to philosophers both inside and outside the university. Many, like Sartre and Merleau-Ponty, grew up during the Resistance against Nazi occupation, during which time they were introduced to Marxist-Leninists. Nietzsche's influence went through George Batailles and the Acephale group, down to Foucault and Deleuze.
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The strategic political implication of the theory for Marxist-Leninists, towards the end of the Joseph Stalin era and afterwards, was that the labour movement should form a people's democratic alliance under the leadership of the Communist Party with the progressive middle classes and small business, against the state and big business (called "monopoly" for short). Sometimes this alliance was also called the "anti-monopoly alliance".
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It claims that within the international proletariat emerges a section of labour aristocracy from the powerful imperialist nations, which is granted some economic and political power over the superexploited proletariat of the colonial and neo-colonial countries. Marxists–Leninists advocate the most class conscious members of the proletariat form vanguard parties based around the principle of democratic centralism which will lead revolutionary movements towards the creation of single-party states which will gradually progress to socialism and finally global communism. Anti-revisionism is a position within Marxism–Leninism based on its interpretation by Stalin, who supported the dictatorship of the proletariat, drastic and fast-paced economic transformation in the short-term, and violent confrontation with capitalist powers. The emergence of the Khrushchevist interpretation lead to a reaction from pro-Stalin Marxist–Leninists, who formed the anti-revisionist movement and opposed Khruscevists de-Stalinization policies.
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Hain has written in support of libertarian socialist arguments,Hain, Peter (July/August 2000). "Rediscovering our libertarian roots". Chartist. Retrieved 7 January 2020. identifying an axis involving a "bottom-up vision of socialism, with anarchists at the revolutionary end and democratic socialists [such as himself] at its reformist end" as opposed to the axis of state socialism with Marxist–Leninists at the revolutionary end and social democrats at the reformist end.
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In 1980 when a leftist minority (approx. 15% of party cadre) was expelled from the Communist Party of Sweden (SKP), the expellees founded the Communist Party of Sweden (marxist-leninists) (Sveriges Kommunistiska Parti (marxist-leninisterna)) on November 1–2. The group that formed SKP (ml) was critical of the new leadership of the People's Republic of China, effectively under Deng Xiaoping. Per-Åke Lindblom became the chairman of SKP (ml).
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Anti-Stalinist left and other left-wing critics see it as an example of state capitalism and have referred to it as a "red fascism" contrary to left-wing politics. Other leftists, including some Marxist–Leninists, have criticised it for its repressive state actions while recognising certain advancements such as egalitarian achievements and modernisation under such states.Milne, Seumas (16 February 2006). "Communism may be dead, but clearly not dead enough".
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Young Communist League of Sweden (Marxist–Leninists) (in Swedish: Sveriges Kommunistiska Ungdomsförbund (marxist-leninisterna)) was the youth organization of the KFML(r)/KPML(r) during 1972–1978. As SKU(ml) was formed two front organizations of KFML(r), the Solidarity Front for the People of Indochina and Clarté (m-l) were merged into SKU(ml). SKU(ml) published Ungkommunisten (Young Communist). It also had a publishing activity, called Ungkommunistens Förlag.
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Shulman visited Albania then moved to China in 1968 and worked as an editor of English language publications during the Cultural Revolution in Beijing. As China itself began to display revisionist tendencies Shulman grew closer to the Albanian Party of Labor. He returned to the United States, published Albania Report and organized the USA-Albania Friendship Association. He had good relationships with the India-Albania Friendship Association and Indian Marxist-Leninists.
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The Appeal Group was a small group of Marxist Leninists who broke away from the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) in 1971 on the basis that the CPGB had abandoned revolutionary Marxism–Leninism and that, after many attempts, it was impossible to change it from within except by breaking the rules. The group lasted for about five or six years. All its publications were lodged with the British Library.
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The RSP then began orienting itself towards the Fourth International and met with James P. Cannon of the Movement for the Fourth International. The RSP was invited to and took part in the 'National Conference of Bolshevik-Leninists', held on 30 July – 31 July 1938. Through this conference, the RSP merged into the Revolutionary Socialist League. In September 1938 Tait travelled to Paris to participate in the founding conference of the Fourth International.
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Each continued to call itself simply "the IRA" and rejected the other's legitimacy. Unlike the "Provisionals", the "Officials" did not think that Ireland could be unified until the Protestant majority of Northern Ireland and Catholic minority of Northern Ireland were at peace with each other. The Officials were Marxist-Leninists and worked to form a united front with other Irish communist groups, named the Irish National Liberation Front (NLF).Coogan, Tim Pat.
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Group of Marxist–Leninists/Red Dawn () is a Maoist group in the Netherlands. GML/Rode Morgen was founded in 1977, as a merger of a group of Amsterdam students and some groups of individuals expelled from the Communist Unity Movement of the Netherlands (Marxist-Leninist) (KEN (ml)) in 1976. At the time of its foundation it had around 25 members. From the start, GML was mainly active in factories and trade unions.
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The party won just 3,846 votes, or 0.11 per cent of the popular vote in the province, in the 1989 election — fewer votes than the Marxist–Leninists or the satirical Lemon Party — and was dissolved the following year.Jean Crête, "La vie des partis". L'année politique au Québec 1989-1990, Les Presses de l'Université de Montréal. In 2016 Hans Mercier, a pro-American lawyer from Saint-Georges, Quebec, revived the party for a second time.
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Vladimir Lenin, What is to be Done? Once the proletariat gained class consciousness and thus was prepared to revolt against the ruling classes, the vanguard party would serve another purpose. The party would coordinate the proletariat through its revolution by acting as a military command hub of sorts. This is, according to Leninists, a vital function as mass revolutions can sometimes be easily crushed by the disciplined military of the ruling classes.
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The Communist Party of Denmark/Marxist–Leninists (, DKP/ML) was a political party in Denmark, that advocated revolutionary communism. The DKP/ML was founded in 1978. The DKP/ML took part in elections in 1984 and 1987, under the party letter L, but got less than 1,000 votes in each election. After it was founded, the DKP/ML took a stand with Enver Hoxha's Albania and the Albanian Party of Labor granted it official recognition.
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Even more influential was the work of Mao Zedong, particularly his New Democracy. Following Mao's thoughts and political example, in the mid-1960s Pol Pot reformulated his ideas about Marxism–Leninism to better suit the Cambodian situation. Due to these alterations, various other Marxist–Leninists said that he was not truly adhering to Marxist–Leninist ideas. In 1979, Deng for instance criticised the Khmer Rouge for engaging in "deviations from Marxism- Leninism".
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Organise Aotearoa was first formed around Sue Bradford's Economic and Social Research Aotearoa (ESRA) think tank in 2016 and later expanded to include activists from People Against Prisons Aotearoa (PAPA), the Peace Action Movement and Auckland Action Against Poverty. The organisation also included Marxist-Leninists at the time of its public announcement. As of October 2019, the organisation claims a membership of over 140 active members, with branches in Auckland, Wellington, Hamilton and Dunedin.
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The Communist Party of Germany (Red Dawn) () is a minor German political party. It was founded in December 1985 in Hamburg by members of the Communist Party of Germany/Marxists-Leninists who disapproved of that group's fusion with the Trotskyist Gruppe Internationale Marxisten, seeing it as betrayal of their Hoxhaist ideology. The party publishes the monthly newspaper Roter Morgen. KPD was a participant in the International Conference of Marxist- Leninist Parties and Organizations.
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Leninism arguesV.I. Lenin 8th Party Congress that a communist revolution must be led by a vanguard of "professional revolutionaries", men and women who are fully dedicated to the communist cause and who can then form the nucleus of the revolutionary movement. Some Marxists disagree with the idea of a vanguard as put forth by Lenin, especially left communists. Some who continue to consider themselves Marxist–Leninists also oppose the vanguard despite disagreeing with the majority of left communism.
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He was the newspaper's first political director and supported the unity of the Italian Maoists against revisionism of the Italian Communist Party, but his appeals were mainly unheard by the then Italian Marxist–Leninists. In 1977, he established the Italian Marxist–Leninist Party and became its General Secretary. During his political struggle, he wrote some works and an essay for the International Seminary on Mao Zedong Thought. His works are currently diffused in Italy, Mexico and Ukraine.
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He also started his own publication, De Kommunist, in 1966, against the wishes of his MLCN comrades. He was subsequently expelled from the party and formed his own League of Marxist-Leninists in the Netherlands (Liga van Marxisten-Leninisten in Nederland) in 1968. A year later, this party changed its name to the MLPN. The MLPN claimed to represent the principles of Maoism against the "heresies" of the official pro-USSR Communist Party of the Netherlands.
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Kumarasiri was the first General Secretary of the Ceylon Communist Party (Maoist). Peking Review, Issue 50 dated 13 December 1963 Marxists.org. To All Marxist-Leninists Inside the Ceylon Communist Party He received the first Premier of the People's Republic of China on behalf of the Ceylon Communist Party (Maoist) when Zhou Enlai visited Sri Lanka in 1964. Kumarasiri was imprisoned for two years after being caught in the infamous JVP insurrection 1971 with Somawansa Amarasinghe and others.
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The Communist Party of Britain is a communist political party in Great Britain committed to Marxist–Leninist theory. The party emerged from a dispute between Eurocommunists and Marxist-Leninists in the Communist Party of Great Britain in 1988. Ex-members included General Secretaries of three organisations: Bob Crow of the RMT union, Ken Gill of the Manufacturing, Science and Finance (MSF) union and member of the TUC General Council, and Kate Hudson of the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament (CND).
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"In a modern sense of the word, communism refers to the ideology of Marxism-Leninism. [...] [T]he adjective democratic is added by democratic socialists to attempt to distinguish themselves from Communists who also call themselves socialists. All but communists, or more accurately, Marxist-Leninists, believe that modern-day communism is highly undemocratic and totalitarian in practice, and democratic socialists wish to emphasise by their name that they disagree strongly with the Marxist-Leninist brand of socialism.""Communism" (2007).
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Papadogiannis, Nikolaos. "From Coherence to Fragments: ‘1968’ and the Making of Youth Politicisation in Greece in the 1970s ", Historein, A Review of the Past and Other Stories, vol. 9, 2009, p. 80 In October 1977, on the eve of the first death anniversary of Mao Zedong, KKE(m-l) co-signed a declaration with the Communist Party of Germany/Marxists–Leninists, Communist Party of Spain (Marxist–Leninist), Communist Party of Italy (Marxist–Leninist) and the Portuguese Communist Party (Reconstructed).
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Grandizo Munis (Torreón, Mexico, 18 April 1912Paris, 4 February 1989) was a Spanish politician. Grandizo first entered revolutionary politics as a member of the Izquierda Comunista de España (ICE). This group was led by Andrés Nin and was in sympathy with the views of Leon Trotsky and therefore affiliated to the International Communist League. Trotsky was opposed to the name of the group, which he argued was imprecise and badly expressed the program of the Bolshevik-Leninists.
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The JW was founded from a split in the Berlin branch of the Magdeburg-based group Fighting Together (Zusammen Kämpfen). The split was caused by an ideological conflict between more libertarian Marxist-oriented members and the more orthodox Marxist–Leninists. JW was primarily based in Berlin (predominantly in Wedding and Neukölln), but also listed branches in Bückeburg, Dresden, Flensburg, Hamburg, Magdeburg and Münster. The ideology of JW was based upon the theory of Marxism-Leninism- Maoism (MLM).
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The POUM, the Friends of Durruti Group, the Bolshevik-Leninists and the Libertarian Youth took positions, and after a few hours all political parties had taken out the weapons they had hidden and began building barricades. From this skirmish, battles began in different parts of the city. Several hundred barricades were built and police units occupied roofs and church towers. The PSUC and the government controlled the urban sectors situated at the east side of the Ramblas.
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The Main Questions of the Organization and Antonie Pannekoek.Antonie Pannekoek. "Party and Class" The answer to the extreme leftist criticism was given by Lenin in the brochure "Childhood Illness of "Leftism" in Communism", in turn Antonie Pannekoek answered to Vladimir Lenin in the work "World Revolution and Communist Tactics". In the 1920s and 1930s, the Left Opposition to Stalin adopted the self–designation "Bolshevik–Leninists", thereby emphasizing its continuity with the revolutionary tradition as opposed to Thermidorian Stalinism.
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American anarchist Fredy Perlman wrote a number of pamphlets that were strongly critical of all forms of nationalism, including Anti-Semitism and the Beirut Pogrom (a critique of Zionism)Perlman, Fredy (1983). Anti-Semitism and the Beirut Pogrom by Fredy Perlman. Detroit: Black & Red. . and The Continuing Appeal of Nationalism in which Perlman argues that nationalism is a process of state formation inspired by imperialism which capitalists, fascists and Leninists use as a mean of controlling their subjects.
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Marxist–Leninists view the constitution as a fundamental law and as an instrument of force. The constitution is the source of law and legality. Unlike in liberal democracies, the Marxist–Leninist constitution is not a framework to limit the power of the state. To the contrary, a Marxist–Leninist constitution seeks to empower the state—believing the state to be an organ of class domination and law to be the expression of the interests of the dominant class.
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Trotsky's followers claim to be the heirs of Lenin in the same way that mainstream Marxist–Leninists do. There are several distinguishing characteristics of this school of thought—foremost is the theory of permanent revolution, contrasted to the theory of socialism in one country. This stated that in less-developed countries the bourgeoisie were too weak to lead their own bourgeois-democratic revolutions. Due to this weakness, it fell to the proletariat to carry out the bourgeois revolution.
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Therefore, Marx's writings gave rise to three basic trends, namely democratic socialism, Leninism and libertarian Marxism. Democratic socialists (such as Eduard Bernstein and Karl Kautsky) argues that the advent of free association will come gradually through reforms made by representatives elected in a democratic state while Leninists (such as Vladimir Lenin and Leon Trotsky) argue that it will come only after reforms that they themselves make after taking power through a coup or political revolution. For both democratic socialists and Leninists, the content of these reforms would be the transfer of private property into the hands of the state, which would keep the rest of society deprived of access to means of production as in capitalism, but it would be used to fight the bourgeoisie and direct the society towards free association in the future. Libertarian Marxists (such as Anton Pannekoek, Otto Rühle, Herman Gorter and Rosa Luxemburg) generally claim that the state can not be directed towards the free association because it can only act within the frame of capitalist society itself, leading towards state capitalism (i.e.
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In the late 1970s, the Peruvian communist party Shining Path developed and synthesized Mao Zedong Thought into Marxism–Leninism–Maoism, a contemporary variety of Marxism–Leninism that is a supposed higher level of Marxism–Leninism that can be applied universally. Enver Hoxha, who led the Sino-Albanian split in the 1970s and whose anti- revisionist followers led to the development of Hoxhaism Following the Sino- Albanian split of the 1970s, a small portion of Marxist–Leninists began to downplay or repudiate the role of Mao in the Marxist–Leninist international movement in favour of the Albanian Labor Party and a stricter adherence to Stalin. The Sino-Albanian split was caused by Albania's rejection of China's Realpolitik of Sino–American rapprochement, specifically the 1972 Mao–Nixon meeting which the anti-revisionist Albanian Labor Party perceived as an ideological betrayal of Mao's own Three Worlds Theory that excluded such political rapprochement with the West. To the Albanian Marxist–Leninists, the Chinese dealings with the United States indicated Mao's lessened, practical commitments to ideological orthodoxy and proletarian internationalism.
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Communist Workers Organisation (in Dutch: Kommunistische Arbeidersorganisatie (marxistisch-leninistisch), abbreviated KAO (ml)) was a communist group in the Netherlands. It was founded in March 1978, through the merger of the League of Dutch Marxist-Leninists (BNML), the Communist Workers Organisation (KAO) and the Communist Circle of Breda (marxist-leninist) (KKB (ml)). All of these had their origins in the pro-Chinese fraction of the Communist Party of the Netherlands. The main organ of KAO (ml) was Rode Vlag (Red Flag).
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The Leninists, including Ali and other members of the International Marxist Group, went on to found the Red Mole. The Black Dwarf newspaper published a special edition in autumn 1968 devoted entirely to the Bolivian Diaries of Che Guevara, in a translation first published by Ramparts in the United States. It included an introduction by Fidel Castro. This edition appeared to be in response to a version of the diaries put out by "some publishers in league with those who murdered Che".
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In the early 1940s he moves to Bandung to work as a civil servant. In Bandung, Hasan works for the Japanese occupation government and lives an ascetic lifestyle, often fasting for days on end and dunking himself into a river to refresh his body between evening and morning prayers. While there, he meets his childhood friend Rusli, who introduces Hasan to his friend Kartini. Seeing that Rusli and Kartini are atheistic Marxist-Leninists, Hasan considers it his duty to return them to Islam.
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Socialist Youth Front is a uniting organisation for the left-wing radical youth, and it consists of many ideological persuasions, ranging from Leninists, democratic socialists to anarchists. The politics and doctrine of SUF is, however, based on an anti-parliamentarian, revolutionary, and Marxist world view. The organization publishes the external magazine Avanti, as well as the internal newsletter Blomster og Barrikader ("Flowers and Barricades"). The highest authority of the Socialist Youth Front is the national congress, which is held twice a year.
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Cells of the party existed amongst the workers in several industries, notably in the Zürich machine industry, in construction, in the hospital sector, and in the Ticino industry. In German-speaking Switzerland, new students of provided a flow of members, particularly from agronomy and architecture.Duri Beer: ', p. 22–31 The Communist Party of Switzerland / Marxist-Leninists was the only Maoist grouping in Switzerland, and as such received official recognition of the CCP and in the mid-seventies of the Albanian Party of Labour.
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Retrieved 18 April 2020. Other leftists, including some Marxist–Leninists, apply self- criticism and have at times criticised Marxist–Leninist praxis and several actions by Marxist–Leninist govrnments while recognising its advancements, emancipatory acts such as their support of labour rights,Towe, Thomas E. (1967). "Fundamental Rights in the Soviet Union: A Comparative Approach". University of Pennsylvania Law Review. 115 (1251): 1251–172. Retrieved 14 October 2020.Braga, Alexandre (January/July 2017). "Law and Socialism in the Perspective of Human Emancipation".
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Ian Adams, in his Ideology and Politics in Britain Today, defines the British far-left as primarily those political organisations which are "committed to revolutionary Marxism.". He names specifically "orthodox communists, those influenced by the New Left Marxism of the 1960s, followers of Trotsky, of Mao Tse-tung, of Fidel Castro, and even Enver Hoxha.". He states that although the British far-left is "highly complex", the main division is between the orthodox communists (i.e. - Marxist-Leninists, sometimes called "Stalinists") and Trotskyists.
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With both Bolsheviks and Mensheviks weakened by splits within their ranks and by Tsarist repression, the two factions were tempted to try to reunite the party. In January 1910, Leninists, recallists, and various Menshevik factions held a meeting of the party's Central Committee in Paris. Kamenev and Zinoviev were dubious about the idea; but under pressure from conciliatory Bolsheviks like Victor Nogin, they were willing to give it a try. One of the underlying reasons that prevented any reunification of the party was the Russian police.
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The KOE has its origins in the Communist Party of Greece ( / Kommounistikó Kómma Elládas, KKE). As a result of the KKE's revisionist turn in 1956, Nikos Zachariadis was exiled and many hard-line Stalinists were excluded from the party. A lot of former KKE members founded the Organisation of Marxists-Leninists of Greece (OMLE) in 1964, and published the Anagennissi (Rebirth) monthly review and the weekly Laïkós Drómos (People's Road). Many people who would eventually found the Communist Organization of Greece joined the OMLE.
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They helped him expel Bogdanov and his Otzovist (Recallist) followers from the Bolshevik faction of the RSDLP in mid-1909. In January 1910, Leninists, followers of Bogdanov, and various Menshevik factions held a meeting of the party's Central Committee in Paris and tried to re-unite the party. Kamenev and Zinoviev were dubious about the idea, but were willing to give it a try under pressure from "conciliator" Bolsheviks like Victor Nogin. Lenin was adamantly opposed to re-unification, but was outvoted within the Bolshevik leadership.
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Union of Burkinabè Communists (in French: Union des Communistes Burkinabè) was a communist party in Burkina Faso. UCB was founded in August 1984 by the Group for the Unity of Marxists-Leninists (Groupe pour l'Unité des Marxistes- Léninistes, GUML, founded in 1983), the Marxist-Leninist Group (Groupe Marxiste-Léniniste, founded 1979 as split from PCRV) and one other group. In 1986 it signed the appeal of four organizations for revolutionary unity and support to the revolutionary government of Thomas Sankara. In 1987 Sankara tried to marginalize UCB.
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The KB dissociated itself strictly from the Communist League of West Germany (KBW) and the Communist Party of Germany/Marxists–Leninists (KPD/ML) and used a less dogmatic diction than the two latter groups. The Hamburg Green-Alternative List (GAL or AL) was essentially supported by KB activists after 1984. With the rise of the GAL, KB lost its importance. A spin-off was the Group Z that later joined The Greens and included many future Green politicians like Thomas Ebermann, Rainer Trampert, and Jürgen Trittin.
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Gorbachev was among those who saw themselves as "genuine Marxists" or "genuine Leninists" in contrast to what they regarded as the perversions of Stalin. He helped spread Khrushchev's anti-Stalinist message in Stavropol, but encountered many who continued to regard Stalin as a hero or who praised the Stalinist purges as just. Gorbachev rose steadily through the ranks of the local administration. The authorities regarded him as politically reliable, and he would flatter his superiors, for instance gaining favor with prominent local politician Fyodor Kulakov.
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The other important political event of that era was the Algerian War of Independence, to which the young Foucault, Derrida and Frantz Fanon went. While the PCF had a problematic role to play, dissident Marxist-Leninists of that era went there to help rebelling Algerians. Undoubtedly, for the next generation, the great political upheaval was the student-worker protests of May 1968. Young radicals, from the Sorborne and Ecole Normale Supérieure organized, went to the factories and encouraged the worker's to go on strike.
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Thus leading black workers must be educated to see the fight for socialism as integral to their own struggle for emancipation, and fully integrated into the rank and file and leadership of a future U.S. Bolshevik-Leninist party. In turn,this process of racial integration must be fully integrated into the transitional demands made by socialists. Such demands as worker control of hiring, organize the South, organize unions of the unemployed, organize the unorganized, full employment through public works, armed self-defense of black neighborhoods ("block patrols") must be fully taken up by Leninists.
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In the early 1970s, ahead of the Sino- Albanian split, Gedeon became involved with the anti-revisionist Communist Party of Germany/Marxists–Leninists (Central Committee) (KPD/ML-ZK). Gedeon was involved in the 1971 protests against fare increases in public transport, nationally known as the '. A leading cadre of the party's local organization in Gelsenkirchen, he was particularly notorious for selling the party's publication Roter Morgen in front of the factory gates of local heating systems manufacturer . According to a former comrade, most of the factory's workers chose him as their general practitioner.
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Kibbutz members were not classic Marxists though their system partially resembled Communism. Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels both shared a disdain for conventional formulations of the nation state and Leninists were hostile to Zionism. Nevertheless, in the late 1930s, two kibbutz leaders, Tabenkin and Yaari, initially attracted to anarchist ideas,See James Horrox, A Living Revolution: Anarchism in the Kibbutz Movement, Oakland: AK Press 2009. Ch. 3 pushed their movements to reverence of Stalin's dictatorship and of Stalin whom many called Shemesh HaAmim ("The Sun of the Nations").
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The New Communist Movement (NCM) was a diverse left-wing political movement principally within the United States, during the 1970s and 1980s. The NCM were a movement of the New Left that represented a diverse grouping of Marxist–Leninists and Maoists inspired by Cuban, Chinese, and Vietnamese revolutions. This movement emphasized opposition to racism and sexism, solidarity with oppressed peoples of the third-world, and the establishment of socialism by popular revolution. The movement, according to historian and NCM activist Max Elbaum, had an estimated 10,000 cadre members at its peak influence.
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GRAPO has its origins in the Organisation of Marxist–Leninists of Spain (OMLE), which dissolved itself in its first congress in 1975. At the beginning of 1976, two months after General Francisco Franco's death, during the Spanish transition to democracy from dictatorship, the Communist Party of Spain (Reconstituted) (PCE-r) began a struggle against the political reforms. The PCE(r) restructured itself into different commissions; one of these was a "front against fascism", founded by Juan Carlos Delgado de Codex, which became the GRAPO.Junta de Castilla y Leon.
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Alois Neurath (29 August 1886 Vienna – 25 April 1955 Stockholm) was a Sudeten German dissident communist activist who later joined the Swedish Social Democratic Party. Neurath was a founding member of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (German Division), becoming Party secretary in 1921. He also became a member of the Executive Committee of the Communist International where he supported Zinoviev. In June 1929, following the emergence of the new party leadership under Klement Gottwald, he was expelled from the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia and joined a new parliamentary club called Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (Leninists).
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The Communist Party of Australia (Marxist–Leninist) (CPA (M-L)) is an Australian communist organisation which describes its ideology as being influenced by the works of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin, Mao and Ted Hill. The party formed in 1964 as a pro-China split from the Communist Party of Australia. The theory of the party is unique among Australian Marxist–Leninists due to its belief that a revolution to achieve national independence from primarily United States imperialism is an essential step in the struggle to achieve socialism in Australia.
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Sihanouk spoke out against the Cambodian Marxist–Leninists; although he was an ally of China's Marxist–Leninist government and admitted Marxism–Leninism's capacity to bring swift economic development and social justice, he also warned of its totalitarian character and its suppression of personal liberty. In January 1962, Sihanouk's security services cracked down further on Cambodia's socialists, incarcerating Pracheachon's leaders and leaving the party largely moribund. In July, Samouth was arrested, tortured and killed. Nuon Chea had also stepped back from his political activities, leaving open Sâr's path to become party leader.
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CPC officials also trained him on topics like dictatorship of the proletariat, class struggles and political purge. In Beijing, Sâr witnessed China's ongoing Cultural Revolution, influencing his later policies.The flag of the Communist Party of Kampuchea, a group whose members were informally known as the "Khmer Rouge" Sâr left Beijing in February 1966, and flew back to Hanoi before a four-month journey along the Ho Chi Minh Trail to reach the Cambodian Marxist–Leninists' new base at Loc Ninh. In October 1966, he and other Cambodian party leaders made several key decisions.
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In 1952, he was appointed a full member of the Communist Party. As a party and Komsomol member he was tasked with monitoring fellow students for potential subversion; some of his fellow students said that he did so only minimally and that they trusted him to keep confidential information secret from the authorities. Gorbachev became close friends with Zdeněk Mlynář, a Czechoslovak student who later became a primary ideologist of the 1968 Prague Spring. Mlynář recalled that the duo remained committed Marxist-Leninists despite their growing concerns about the Stalinist system.
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Left communism, or the communist left, is a position held by the left wing of communism, which criticises the political ideas and practices espoused by Marxist–Leninists and social democrats. Left communists assert positions which they regard as more authentically Marxist than the views of Marxism–Leninism espoused by the Communist International after its Bolshevization by Joseph Stalin and during its second congress.Non-Leninist Marxism: Writings on the Workers Councils (2007) (includes texts by Herman Gorter, Antonie Pannekoek, Sylvia Pankhurst and Otto Rühle). St. Petersburg, Florida: Red and Black Publishers. .
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He said that the party would give citizens control over the selection of parliamentarians, who could be recalled by the electorate if they did not act in the interest of the people. The Renewal Party also favoured direct democracy initiatives such as referendums and ballot propositions.Ian Timberlake, "Marxists on Renewal party's slate," Windsor Star, 24 September 1993, A3. Cruise was himself a candidate of the Marxist-Leninist Party in 1993, and he launched his campaign in partnership with two Renewal candidates from neighbouring ridings (both of whom later officially registered as Marxist-Leninists).
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His book Finance Capital, which went out of print several times, was never translated into English until 1981 (i.e. 70 years later). After the publication of Lenin's classic interpretation of imperialism as the highest (and final) stage of capitalism in 1917, most Marxist writers based their analyses of imperialism on Lenin's book. Even though, on several occasions throughout the book, Lenin cites Hilferding approvingly, by the time that Hilferding became Finance Minister in Germany in 1923, the Marxist–Leninists regarded him as a reformist renegade, and his analyses were no longer trusted or taken seriously.
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Castro's government was also nationalistic, with Castro declaring, "We are not only Marxist-Leninists, but also nationalists and patriots". In this it drew upon a longstanding tradition of Cuban nationalism. Castro biographer Sebastian Balfour noted that "the vein of moral regeneration and voluntarism that runs through" Castro's thought owes far more to "Hispanic nationalism" than European socialism or Marxism–Leninism. Historian Richard Gott remarked that one of the keys to Castro's success was his ability to use the "twin themes of socialism and nationalism" and keep them "endlessly in play".
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Left communists represent a range of political movements distinct from Marxist–Leninists, whom they largely view as merely the left-wing of capital; from anarcho-communists, some of whom they consider to be internationalist socialists; and from various other revolutionary socialist tendencies such as De Leonists, whom they tend to see as being internationalist socialists only in limited instances. Bordigism is a Leninist left-communist current named after Amadeo Bordiga, who did consider himself a Leninist and has been described as being "more Leninist than Lenin".Piccone, Paul (1983). Italian Marxism.
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Dealing mainly with faith, the novel also touches on the interactions between modernity and traditionalism. Although the writer insisted that the work was meant to be realistic, symbolic representations from subjective meanings to the novel being an allegory have been advanced. After the novel was published, it caused considerable discussion. Religious thinkers, Marxist-Leninists, and anarchists decried the novel for not explaining their ideologies in more detail, but literary figures and many in the general public praised it; this positive reception may have been influenced by the nascent government's need to promote literature for nation-building.
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After initially looking favorably upon the Bolsheviks for their proposed land reforms, by 1918 peasants largely came to despise the new government as it became increasingly centralized and exploitative in its dealings with the rural population. Marxist-Leninists had never given the peasants great credit, and with the Civil War against the White Armies underway, the Red Army primarily used peasant villages as suppliers of grain, which it “requisitioned,” or in other words, seized by force.Vladimir N. Brovkin, Behind the Front Lines of the Civil War: Political Parties and Social Movements in Russia, 1918-1922. Princeton, 1994, p.
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Lyons includes "Marxist-Leninists, white separatists, libertarians, neo-Confederates, indigenous rights activists, Christian rightists, Islamic rightists, militant environmentalists, and anti-Zionist Orthodox Jews" as "a broad array of potential partners" for Preston's "pan- secessionist" strategy. Preston embraces a conservative view of regarding human nature and society, whose tenets include "natural inequality of persons at both the individual and collective levels, [and] the inevitability and legitimacy of otherness". Preston is described as being "harshly critical of the left's egalitarianism and universalism. Instead, he offers an elitist, anti-humanist philosophy that echoes Friedrich Nietzsche, Ernst Jünger, and Ayn Rand".
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The Marxist–Leninists behind the project felt themselves neglected since the Dipoli congress of the SKPy in 1986. Many of the KTP cadres came from the (expelled) Uusimaa district of the SKP which, since the late 1970s, had had its disputes with the opposition of the SKP led by the Tiedonantaja society. In 2002 the KTP split over question of alliances possible for a Communist party. The Central Committee of the KTP rejected after voting (18–9) a proposed membership in a new (electoral) party, Forces for Change in Finland (MVS), in which clearly right-wing elements were also going to participate.
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Since apartheid's fall, Tutu has campaigned for gay rights and spoken out on a wide range of subjects, among them the Israel-Palestine conflict, his opposition to the Iraq War, and his criticism of South African presidents Thabo Mbeki and Jacob Zuma. In 2010, he retired from public life. Tutu polarised opinion as he rose to notability in the 1970s. White conservatives who supported apartheid despised him, while many white liberals regarded him as too radical; many black radicals accused him of being too moderate and focused on cultivating white goodwill, while Marxist–Leninists criticised his anti-communist stance.
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However, others (both Stalin's contemporaries and later) do not confuse "Bolshevism" and "Stalinism" proper, considering them to be multidirectional (revolutionary and thermidorian) phenomena.See various works by Trotsky, Martemyan Ryutin (Stalin and the Crisis of the Proletarian Dictatorship), Fyodor Raskolnikov (An Open Letter to Stalin), Boris Kagarlitsky, Alexander Tarasov The expression "Bolshevism", as well as "communism" later, has become established in Western historiography in the sense of a certain set of features of Soviet power in a certain political period. At present, the very name "Bolsheviks" is actively used by various groups of Marxist-Leninists and Trotskyists.
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The Viet Cong allowed his actions to be officially separate from its own, but still wielded significant control over his camp. At a plenum of the party's Central Committee, it was agreed that they should re-emphasize their independence from the Vietnamese Marxist–Leninists and endorse armed struggle against Sihanouk. The Central Committee met again in January 1965 to denounce the "peaceful transition" to socialism espoused by Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev, accusing him of being a revisionist. In contrast to Khrushchev's interpretation of Marxism–Leninism, Sâr and his comrades sought to develop their own, explicitly Cambodian variant of the ideology.
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Pangle was denied tenure at Yale University, in a scandal, during which a senior colleague explained, in a pronouncement (which became the theme of a protest panel at the annual convention of the American Political Science Association): "academic freedom is one thing, but there are two types who will never be permitted tenure at Yale: Leninists and Straussians." The Wall Street Journal ("Dry Rot at College," Editorial Aug. 31, 1979, p. 6), Commentary ("God and Man at Yale—Again," by Robert Kagan, February, 1982; Letters exchange, August, 1982) and other journals (The New York Review of Books, May 12, 1983, pp.
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This led to some unorthodox alliances, such as David Yaffe's Trotskyist RCG supporting the Soviet Union's Comecon as a force of anti-imperialism (Frank Furedi's RCP; later creators of Living Marxism; split in 1978 over this). Peter Taaffe was the General Secretary of Militant. He had a significant influence over Liverpool City Council policies during the 1980s. The decline of the CPGB and internal divisions between Eurocommunists and traditionalists were exemplified in the party's publications, with the Eurocommunists exercising control over the party's monthly theoretical journal Marxism Today and the traditional Marxist-Leninists having editorial control over the CPGB's daily newspaper Morning Star.
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In "Dictatorships and Double Standards", Kirkpatrick distinguished between authoritarian regimes and the totalitarian regimes such as the Soviet Union. She suggested that in some countries democracy was not tenable and the United States had a choice between endorsing authoritarian governments, which might evolve into democracies, or Marxist–Leninist regimes, which she argued had never been ended once they achieved totalitarian control. In such tragic circumstances, she argued that allying with authoritarian governments might be prudent. Kirkpatrick argued that by demanding rapid liberalization in traditionally autocratic countries, the Carter administration had delivered those countries to Marxist–Leninists that were even more repressive.
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It also supported the factions that sought a political compromise with the Chilean army and the Christian Democrats. After the 11 September 1973 coup, the party started to pursue clandestine activities. Its line was to form an alliance of all democratic forces that opposed the dictatorship. The party was more popular among the intellectuals (Tomás Moulián, José Joaquin Bruner, Augusto Varas), university students (who in 1976 founded the Unión de Jóvenes Democráticos) and peasants (the leaders of the Confederación Unidad Obrero Campesina). At the beginning of the 1980s, the party experienced internal ideological conflicts (between “Marxists-Leninists” and “Marxists-Renovators”).
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Bischot died in 1973. In the mid-1970s BNML played an important role in conducting debates on a possible merger of the various marxist-leninist factions. Excluded from the talks were the Socialist Party (who had moved away from the Maoist orthodoxy), Red Youth (which had developed into a terroristic orientation) and the Marxist-Leninist Party of the Netherlands (which was in reality, a BVD proxy). Thus the remaining organizations were the Communist Unity Movement of the Netherlands (marxist-leninist) (KEN(ml)), the Group of Marxist-Leninists/Red Dawn (GML), the Communist Circle of Breda (marxist-leninist) (KKB(ml)) and the Communist Workers Organisation (KAO).
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Moscow: Progress Publishers. pp. 13–30. Retrieved 23 April 2020. For Bordiga, both stages of communist or socialist society—with stages referring to historical materialism—were characterized by the gradual absence of money, the market and so on, the difference between them being that earlier in the first stage a system of rationing would be used to allocate goods to people while in communism this could be abandoned in favour of full free access. This view distinguished Bordiga from Marxist–Leninists, who tended and still tend to telescope the first two stages and so have money and the other exchange categories surviving into socialism, but Bordiga would have none of this.
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The FARC's Seventh Guerrilla Conference was held in 1982 under the guidance of Jacobo Arenas and Manuel Marulanda. The Conference added the term "People's Army" to the group, resulting in the new name being FARC-EP. The Seventh Guerrilla Conference was a turning point in the FARC's struggle, as it provided them the opportunity to fine-tune their policies and plans in order for them to build their desired socialist state in the future. The FARC's Conferences, as seen by Marxists and Leninists, can be interpreted as similar to the International conferences previously held in Europe with the participation Karl Marx, Fredrick Engels, Vladimir Lenin and Leon Trotsky.
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Sidney Hook (December 20, 1902 – July 12, 1989) was an American philosopher of the pragmatist school known for his contributions to the philosophy of history, the philosophy of education, political theory, and ethics. After embracing communism in his youth, Hook was later known for his criticisms of totalitarianism, both fascism and Marxism–Leninism. A pragmatic social democrat, Hook sometimes cooperated with conservatives, particularly in opposing Marxism–Leninism. After World War II, he argued that members of such groups as the Communist Party USA and Leninists like democratic centralists could ethically be barred from holding the offices of public trust because they called for the violent overthrow of democratic governments.
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KKE (m-l) was founded in November 1976 by the majority of the Organisation of Marxists-Leninists of Greece (OMLE), itself a splinter group of the Communist Party of Greece since 1964. The minority became the Marxist-Leninist Communist Party of Greece (M-L KKE). Despite further subsequent splits and the creation of smaller groupings, the two parties, KKE (m-l) and M-L KKE, have remained the major representatives of Maoism in Greece to this day. The student wing of KKE (m-l) was the Progressive All-Student Unionist Camp (PPSP), which was "less popular [than the mainstream organisations], but still important" at Greek universities at the time.
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In the early days of the party, the pro-KFML(r) fractions of the United FNL Groups (DFFG) and of the Swedish Clarté League broke away and set up the Solidarity Front for the People of Indochina and Clarté (m-l) respectively. In 1972, these two structures were dissolved and merged into the Young Communist League of Sweden (Marxist-Leninists) (Sveriges Kommunistiska Ungdomsförbund (marxist- leninisterna), SKU (ml)), the new KFML(r) youth wing. Later a new students organisation, SKS (ml), was formed. Both SKU (ml) and SKS (ml) were disbanded towards the end of the 1970s as the party itself consisted mainly of young people.
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The Organisation of Marxist–Leninists of Greece (), known by its Greek acronym OMLE (ΟΜΛΕ), was the original Greek Mao Zedong Thought movement, which split from the Communist Party of Greece in 1964, opposing Soviet revisionism. OMLE emerged from the merger of exiled Greek communist in the former USSR and the other Eastern bloc countries with a Greek communist group which was publishing the magazine Anagenisi (, 'Renaissance'). After Mao Zedong's death, in 1976, OMLE came into a major crisis and split in two major parties: Communist Party of Greece (Marxist-Leninist) and the Marxist-Leninist Communist Party of Greece, the latter party following the Three Worlds Theory.
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Stalin admired Hitler, particularly his manoeuvres to remove rivals within the Nazi Party in the Night of the Long Knives. Stalin nevertheless recognised the threat posed by fascism and sought to establish better links with the liberal democracies of Western Europe; in May 1935, the Soviets signed a treaty of mutual assistance with France and Czechoslovakia. At the Communist International's 7th Congress, held in July–August 1935, the Soviet government encouraged Marxist-Leninists to unite with other leftists as part of a popular front against fascism. In turn, the anti-communist governments of Germany, Fascist Italy and Japan signed the Anti-Comintern Pact of 1936.
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The Eastern Bloc until 1989 After the war, Stalin sought to retain Soviet dominance across Eastern Europe while expanding its influence in Asia. Cautiously regarding the responses from the Western Allies, Stalin avoided immediately installing Communist Party governments across Eastern Europe, instead initially ensuring that Marxist- Leninists were placed in coalition ministries. In contrast to his approach to the Baltic states, he rejected the proposal of merging the new communist states into the Soviet Union, rather recognising them as independent nation- states. He was faced with the problem that there were few Marxists left in Eastern Europe, with most having been killed by the Nazis.
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A similar position was adopted by the Workers' Federation of the Spanish Region in 1882 as articulated by an anarchist veteran of the International Jose Llunas Pujols in his essay "Collectivism". By the early 1880s, most of the European anarchist movement had adopted an anarcho-communist position, advocating the abolition of wage labour and distribution according to need. Ironically, the collectivist label then became more commonly associated with nominally state socialists such as Marxists–Leninists who advocated the retention of some sort of wage system during the transition to full communism. The anarcho-communist Peter Kropotkin attacked this position in his essay "The Collectivist Wages System" which was reprinted in his book The Conquest of Bread in 1892.
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During the 1960s and early 1970s, Guillou was associated with the Maoist Clarté association. He was also a member of the Communist Party of Sweden (formerly known as the Communist League Marxists-Leninists), a minor Maoist party active mainly during the 1970s, for six months until he was expelled for refusing to pay the monthly member fee while he was living abroad. Today, he no longer considers himself a Communist or a Maoist, but describes himself as socialist with a position on the political spectrum "to the left of the Left Party" (a Swedish party formerly known as "The Left Party, the Communists").Här fortsätter chatten med Jan Guillou (The chat with Jan Guillou continues here).
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The main constituent element of the original coalition was Synaspismos, a democratic socialist party, but Syriza was founded with a goal of uniting left-wing and radical left groups and had included a broad array of groups and independent activists as well as ideologies, from social democrats and democratic socialists to Marxist-Leninists and Trotskyists. Additionally, despite its secular ideology,Dabilis, Andy, "Syriza Wants State Break With Church", greekreporter.com, January 28, 2013 many members are Christians who are instead mainly opposed to the alleged privileges of the state-sponsored Orthodox Church of Greece. From 2013 the coalition became a unitary party, although it retained its name with the addition of United Social Front.
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The All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) targeted kulaks, who owned a little land. Stalin took control of the Comintern and introduced a policy in the international organisation of opposing all leftists who were not Marxist–Leninists, labelling them to be social-fascists, although many communists such as Jules Humbert-Droz disagreed with him on this policy, believing that the left should unite against the rise of right-wing movements like fascism across Europe.Service (2007:167) In the early 1930s, Stalin reversed course and promoted popular front movements whereby communist parties would collaborate with socialists and other political forces. A high priority was mobilizing wide support for the Republican cause in the Spanish Civil War.
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M-L KKE originates in the Organisation of Marxists-Leninists of Greece (OMLE) that split away from the Communist Party of Greece (KKE) in 1964, opposing Nikita Khrushchev's De- Stalinization and supporting Mao Zedong and his political beliefs in the Sino- Soviet split. After Mao's death in 1976, OMLE split in two major factions: the M-L KKE and the rival Communist Party of Greece (Marxist–Leninist) (KKE M-L), as well as further smaller groupings. M-L KKE and KKE M-L have remained the two largest Maoist parties in Greece since. Historically, M-L KKE has had a significant presence among teachers and education workers, and is most active in West Macedonia, Alexandroupoli, Corfu, and Ikaria.
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This allowed him to legally establish a political party, the Sangkum Reastr Niyum, with which to contest the election. The September election witnessed widespread voter intimidation and electoral fraud, resulting in Sangkum winning all 91 seats. Sihanouk's establishment of a de facto one-party state extinguished hopes that the Cambodian left could take power electorally. North Vietnam's government nevertheless urged Cambodia's Marxist–Leninists not to restart the armed struggle; the former was focused on undermining South Vietnam and had little desire to destabilize Sihanouk's regime given that it had—conveniently for them—remained internationally un-aligned rather than following the Thai and South Vietnamese governments in allying with the anti-communist United States.
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Pleșa, p.167 The Roller directives are infamous for emphasizing the supposed grandeur of the Soviet Union under Stalin, but also for praising Tsarist Russia and the Slavic peoples.Pleșa, p.167; Tismăneanu, p.220, 326 The other ideas emphasized included the condemnation of other foreigners, particularly Westerners, starting with Ancient Rome—the French, Italian and American libraries were shut down, their patrons arrested; condemnation of the formerly dominant boyars ("traitors" to the Ottomans) and bourgeoisie ("cosmopolitan" and "serving imperialist capitalists"); and minimization of the role played by historic Romanian figures. Described by traditionalist historians as Romania's war of national unity, World War I was treated by Roller and other Marxist- Leninists as an "imperialist war".
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This included Kampuchea and Laos. Consequent to the Cambodian Civil War (1968–1975), a coalition composed of Prince Norodom Sihanouk (1941–1955), the native Cambodian Marxist–Leninists and the Maoist Khmer Rouge (1951–1999) led by Pol Pot established Democratic Kampuchea (1975–1982), a Marxist–Leninist state that featured class warfare to restructure the society of old Cambodia and to be effected and realised with the abolishment of money and private property, the outlawing of religion, the killing of the intelligentsia and compulsory manual labour for the middle classes by way of death-squad state terrorism.Bullock, Allan; Trombley, Stephen, eds. (1999). The New Fontana Dictionary of Modern Thought (3rd ed.). p. 458.
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It also dropped rapidly in the Eastern Bloc after the Soviet takeover of Eastern Europe at the end of World War II. Similarly, inequality went back up after the collapse of the Soviet system. According to Paul Hollander, this was one of the features of communist states that was so attractive to egalitarian Western intellectuals that they quietly justified the murder of millions of capitalists, landowners and supposedly wealthy kulaks in order to achieve this equality. According to Walter Scheidel, they were correct to the extent that historically only violent shocks have resulted in major reductions in economic inequality. Marxist–Leninists respond to this type of criticism by highlighting the ideological differences in the concept of freedom and liberty.
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The riding was won in the 1984 election by New Democrat Mike Cassidy. The riding was subsequently won by Liberal Mac Harb in the 1988 election who held it until 2003 when he was appointed to the Senate. The riding was left vacant by Prime Minister Paul Martin until the 2004 election when Ed Broadbent, a former leader of the NDP, defeated Liberal Richard Mahoney, a high-profile lawyer and Liberal strategist and long-time ally of former Prime Minister Paul Martin. The other candidates in 2004 were Mike Murphy of the Conservatives, David Chernushenko of the Greens, Louis Lang of the Marxist-Leninists, Michael Foster, Stuart Ryan of the Communists, Robert Gauthier, and Carla Marie Dancey.
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I have labelled this negative pole 'socialist orthodoxy', composed of both Leninists and social democrats...What I suggested was that these Left communist thinkers differentiated their own understandings of communism from a strand of socialism that came to follow a largely electoral road in the West, pursuing a kind of social capitalism, and a path to socialism that predominated in the peripheral and semi- peripheral countries, which sought revolutionary conquest of power and led to something like state capitalism. Generally, the Left communist thinkers were to find these paths locked within the horizons of capitalism (the law of value, money, private property, class, the state), and they were to characterize these solutions as statist, substitutionist and authoritarian.
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The first organized resistance to emerge was in 1973 with the establishment of the Committee of Cooperation for Peace in Chile, or Comité Pro Paz. An ecumenical organization with the support of many religious communities in Chile, the Committee for Peace was active from 1973 to late 1975, until the Pinochet regime demanded its dissolution. At the same time as the government was arresting its lawyers, Pinochet wrote to Cardinal Raul Silva Henriquez on 11 November 1975 claiming that the Committee was being "used by Marxist-Leninists" to cause an appearance of division between the government and the Roman Catholic Church, and used this as an excuse to demand its dissolution. The Cardinal was obliged to accede to this request, and shut down the Committee.
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Ryutin's "Appeal" was even more inflammatory, arguing Stalin "must be removed by force" and urging its readers "to everywhere organize cells of the 'Union' to be joined under the banner of Leninism for the liquidation of the Stalin dictatorship". Ryutin gathered around him a group of like-minded friends who called themselves "The Union of Marxist-Leninists"; they began to distribute the "Appeal" to workers and to members of the opposition in the summer and early autumn of 1932. Nikolai Bukharin's former comrades, the "Red Professors" - Alexander Slepkov, Dmitri Maretsky, and Jan Sten - helped to distribute the manifestos. Sten gave copies to Lev Kamenev and to Grigory Zinoviev, while Slepkov provided the documents to a group of Trotskyists in Kharkov.
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In Europe, communist alternatives to liberalism were rivaled by ultra-nationalism; this included local variants such as the British Union of Fascists, whom the CPGB exchanged violence with (most famously at the Battle of Cable Street in 1936). The CPGB organised the British Battalion of the International Brigades, which took part in the Spanish Civil War. From 1939 to 1941, the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact was in place; in response to CPGB General Secretary Harry Pollitt supporting the British declaration of war on Germany, he was replaced by Rajani Palme Dutt. With the launching of Operation Barbarossa, the position of the CPGB changed course swiftly; the Marxist- Leninists now backed the Allied cause in the Second World War against the Axis powers.
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Kemble was Executive Director of CDM from 1972–76, at which time he left to become a special assistant and speechwriter for Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan. He remained with Moynihan until 1979. Concerned about the direct and indirect role of the Communist Party USA and of sympathizers of Marxist- Leninist politics in the US Peace Movement and in the National Council of Churches, Kemble helped found the Institute on Religion and Democracy. From 1981 until 1988 was the President of the Committee for Democracy in Central America (PRODEMCA), which criticized Marxist–Leninists in Central America, especially the Sandinistas in Nicaragua and the FMLN in Central America; PRODEMCA was also referred to as "Friends of the Democratic Center in Central America".
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The concept of the national-democratic state tried to theorize how a state could develop socialism by bypassing the capitalist mode of production. While the theory of non-capitalist development was first articulated by Vladimir Lenin, the novelty of this concept was applying it to the progressive elements of the national liberation movements in the Third World. The term national-democratic state was introduced shortly after the death of Stalin, who believed colonies to be mere lackeys of Western imperialism and that the socialist movement few prospects there. The countries in which the national liberations movements took power and which instituted an anti-imperialist foreign policy and sought to construct a form of socialism were considered as national-democratic states by Marxist–Leninists.
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After the split between Leon Trotsky and Stalin, Trotskyists have argued that Stalin transformed the Soviet Union into a bureaucratic and repressive one-party state and that all subsequent Communist states ultimately followed a similar path because they copied Stalinism. There are various terms used by Trotskyists to define such states, such as "degenerated workers' state" and "deformed workers' state", "state capitalist" or "bureaucratic collectivist". While Trotskyists are Leninists, there are other Marxists who reject Leninism entirely, arguing, for example, that the Leninist principle of democratic centralism was the source of the Soviet Union's slide away from communism. Maoists view the Soviet Union and most of its satellites as "state capitalist" as a result of destalinization and some of them also view modern China in this light.
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Since his death many more biographies have been written, although until the 1980s these relied largely on the same sources of information. Under Mikhail Gorbachev's Soviet administration various previously classified files on Stalin's life were made available to historians, at which point Stalin became "one of the most urgent and vital issues on the public agenda" in the Soviet Union. After the dissolution of the Union in 1991, the rest of the archives were opened to historians, resulting in much new information about Stalin coming to light, and producing a flood of new research. Leninists remain divided in their views on Stalin; some view him as Lenin's authentic successor, while others believe he betrayed Lenin's ideas by deviating from them.
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Initially in 1991, the Coordination Communiste pour la Continuité Révolutionnaire et la Renaissance Léniniste du PCF (CC) was established as an internal faction of the Parti Communiste Français (PCF) by party's orthodox marxists-leninists members. In 1994, its press organ named Intervention Communiste (IC) was launched. At the faction's 4th national conference, a minority group led by Georges Gastaud split and established the Coordination des Militants Communistes du PCF pour sa Continuité Révolutionnaire et sa Renaissance Léniniste (CMC) staying in the PCF, which would eventually become the Pôle de renaissance communiste en France (PRCF). The majority left the PCF and established the Coordination Communiste pour la Reconstruction d'un Parti Communiste Révolutionnaire (CC) led by Jean-Luc Sallé and Maurice Cukierman, which would eventually form the Union Révolutionaire Communistes de France in 2004.
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In the aftermath of the Soviet-Chinese split of the Communist movement, he and Premalal Kumarasiri were expelled from the Ceylon Communist Party's Politburo in 1963 for pro-Mao views and they formed a new Party with the same name as Ceylon Communist Party.Marxists.org. To All Marxist-Leninists Inside the Ceylon Communist PartyPeking Review, Issue 50 dated 13 December 1963 China's Dilemma in Ceylon , Radio Free Europe, 20 April 1971 In 1964 he became the general secretary of the Ceylon Communist Party (Peking Wing) (later CCP(Maoist)). He contested the 1965 general election as a Communist Party (Peking Wing) candidate, but was unsuccessful: he won only 0.5% of the vote.Radio Free Europe The party at its ninth Congress held in 1969 upheld Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse-tung Thought and the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution.
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The POUM stood by the CNT and advised them to take control of the city, but the CNT appealed to the workers to cease fighting. With the situation deteriorating, a meeting of CNT delegates from Valencia and the Generalitat under Companys agreed on a ceasefire and a new provisional government, but despite of this, the fighting continued. Dissenting anarchists such as the "Friends of Durruti" and radical members of the POUM along with Bolshevik Leninists spread propaganda to continue to the fighting. On Wednesday, 5 May, prime minister Largo Caballero, under constant pressure from the PSUC to take control of public order in Catalonia, appointed Colonel Antonio Escobar of the Republican Guard as delegate of public order, but on his arrival in Barcelona, Escobar was shot and seriously wounded.
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His New American article "Revolution in America", a study of immigration problems and issues, was reprinted for its "current and incisive" rhetorical qualities by a McGraw-Hill college text. Grigg has promoted the concept that "white Leninists" desired to send "millions of Mexicans across the border with the idea of having each kill 10 Americans". But by 2006 Grigg had decided that the immigration issue had been overplayed by the Republican Party as a driving cause to keep big-government, pro-war Republicans in control of the U.S. Congress. He argued that an attack on personal liberties by the George W. Bush administration and the Republican Party was a more serious impediment to personal liberty, charging the administration with committing torture, detention without trial, warrantless surveillance, and wars of empire.
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The North Vietnamese were preoccupied with the ongoing Vietnam War and thus did not want Sâr's forces to destabilize Sihanouk's government; the latter's anti-American stance rendered him a de facto ally. In Hanoi, Sâr read through the archives of the Workers' Party of Vietnam, concluding that the Vietnamese Marxist–Leninists were committed to pursuing an Indochinese Federation and that their interests were therefore incompatible with Cambodia's. In November 1965, Saloth Sâr flew from Hanoi to Beijing, where his official host was Deng Xiaoping, although most of his meetings were with Peng Zhen. Sâr gained a sympathetic hearing from many in the governing Communist Party of China (CPC)—especially Chen Boda, Zhang Chunqiao and Kang Sheng—who shared his negative view of Khrushchev amid the Sino-Soviet split.
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The origins of this organization go back to the 1950s, when some former partisans of GAAP (Anarchist Groups of Proletarian Action) who supported the FCL (Libertarian Communist Federation), and who were subsequently expelled from FAI (Italian Anarchist Federation) because they became Leninists, subsequently joined the group called Azione Comunista. It had been expelled from the Italian Communist Party (PCI) as a result of the position it had taken in favor of the 1956 Hungarian insurgents, who were harshly repressed by the Soviets. Stalinism was defined as the reactionary policy of the counterrevolution after the death of Lenin. The group also protested against the positions of the Italian Communist Party, considered dependent on the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) and dominated by the foreign policy of the USSR.
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Doder and Branson called him "a charmer capable of intellectually seducing doubters, always trying to co- opt them, or at least blunt the edge of their criticism". McCauley thought Gorbachev displayed "great tactical skill" in maneuvering successfully between hardline Marxist-Leninists and liberalisers for most of his time as leader, although added that he was "much more skilled at tactical, short-term policy than strategic, long-term thinking", in part because he was "given to making policy on the hoof". Doder and Branson thought Gorbachev "a Russian to the core, intensely patriotic as only people living in the border regions can be." Taubman also noted that the former Soviet leader has a "sense of self- importance and self-righteousness" as well as a "need for attention and admiration" which grated on some of his colleagues.
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Organización Obreira emerged in April 1972 from a split of the PCE in Vigo, composed of around 50 workers that were members of CCOO and the Communist Youth, dissatisfied with the Pact for Freedom signed by the party the same year, that called for the unity of all leftists, regardless of their class, to defeat Francisco Franco and the Spanish State. Organización Obreira achieved protagonism during the Vigo general strike of 1972, that shut down the city for one whole month, growing in popularity and membership. Despite this, the party lost influence due to the repression of the regime. In late 1973 Organización Obreira lived an internal conflict between the supporters of joining the Organisation of Marxist–Leninists of Spain (OMLE) and those who wanted to join the Galician People's Union (UPG).
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Socialism in Hong Kong is a political trend taking root from Marxism and Leninism which was imported to Hong Kong and mainland China in the late 1910s and early 1920s. Socialist trends have taken various forms, including Marxism–Leninism, Maoism, Trotskyism, democratic socialism and liberal socialism, with the Marxism–Leninists being the most dominant faction due to the influence of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) regime in the mainland. The "traditional leftists" became the largest force representing the pro-Beijing camp in the post-war decades, which had an uneasy relationship with the colonial authorities. As the Chinese Communist Party adopted capitalist economic reforms from 1978 onwards and the pro-Beijing faction became increasingly conservative, the socialist agenda has been slowly taken up by the liberal-dominated pro-democratic camp.
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He personally met with a range of Western visitors, including George Bernard Shaw and H. G. Wells, both of whom were impressed with him. Through the Communist International, Stalin's government exerted a strong influence over Marxist parties elsewhere in the world; initially, Stalin left the running of the organisation largely to Bukharin. At its 6th Congress in July 1928, Stalin informed delegates that the main threat to socialism came not from the right but from non-Marxist socialists and social democrats, whom he called "social fascists"; Stalin recognised that in many countries, the social democrats were the Marxist-Leninists' main rivals for working-class support. This preoccupation with opposing rival leftists concerned Bukharin, who regarded the growth of fascism and the far right across Europe as a far greater threat.
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The party maintains that it is a revolutionary party and that it is committed to class struggle as the means of achieving its ends. However, that does not mean that they mean violence or civil war—as they note in their pamphlet Socialist Principles Explained: They maintain that the only way socialism will come about is for a majority of people on a worldwide basis to believe in the superiority of this alternative social system. They endorse the theory of impossibilism and favour achieving this objective through the use of elections, although in the current situation their main function is as a propaganda group to try to raise consciousness. In contrast to Leninists, they believe that it is possible to make the transition from capitalism to the complete abolition of the state immediately that the majority decide to do it.
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The CPI (ML) were strongly critical of other Irish left-wing parties, including the Workers' Party of Ireland, Irish Labour PartyRed Patriot, 6 December 1975 and the Communist Party of Ireland, whom the CPI (ML) accused of being "revisionist" and of not supporting the IRA's campaign in the North. Michael Gallagher, Political Parties in the Republic of Ireland, Manchester University Press, 1985 , (p.98).Red Patriot, 19 July 1975 They were especially hostile to Brendan Clifford and his British and Irish Communist Organisation, whose support for the Partition of Ireland and the British Army in Northern Ireland the CPI (ML) regarded as a complete betrayal of Maoism.Differentiate between sham and genuine Marxism-Leninism to unite the revolutionary forces and defeat the enemy : British and Irish 'Communist' Organisation- Trotskyite thugs, sham Marxist-Leninists and agents of British imperialism.
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1–20 and that attempts by Marxist–Leninists to advance the concept of class consciousness necessarily led to totalitarianism.’Marxism, being a scientific theory, could not be a spontaneous product of the working class [according to Lenin], but had to be imported from outside, by intellectuals equipped with scientific knowledge, became the peculiar ideological instrument to justify a new idea of the party of manipulators. Since the working class is in principle incapable of articulating theoretically its consciousness, it is possible and even necessary that the "genuine" theoretical consciousness of the working class should be incarnated in a political organism that could consider itself the carrier of this consciousness regardless of what the "empirical" working class thought about it, given that the "empirical" consciousness of this class is irrelevant in defining who in a given moment represents its interest.
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Arthur Scargill founded the Socialist Labour Party in 1996 as a reaction to Tony Blair's rewrite of Clause IV in the Labour Party's constitution a year earlier, seen as a final rejection of a commitment to socialism. The SLP advocates the public ownership of leading industries privatised under Conservative Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher during the 1980s, with the policy being maintained by her successor John Major and then advocated by Labour Party leader Tony Blair in his re-write of Clause IV. In 2004, a purge of Marxist-Leninists from the SLP, over the issue of relations with North Korea, led to the formation of the Communist Party of Great Britain (Marxist–Leninist). The party attracted trade union figures such as Mick Rix and Bob Crow. So far the party's only councillors have been defectors from Labour.
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For Bordiga, both stages of socialist or communist society—with stages referring to historical materialism—were characterized by the gradual absence of money, the market and so on, the difference between them being that earlier in the first stage a system of rationing would be used to allocate goods to people while in communism this could be abandoned in favour of full free access. This view distinguished Bordiga from Marxist–Leninists, who tended and still tend to telescope the first two stages and so have money and the other exchange categories surviving into socialism, but Bordiga would have none of this. For him, no society in which money, buying and selling and the rest survived could be regarded as either socialist or communist—these exchange categories would die out before the socialist rather than the communist stage was reached.
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In September 1936, the Communist International under the control of Joseph Stalin decided to found the International Brigades to assist the sitting Popular Front government (ranging from the bourgeois liberals of the Republican Union to the Marxist- Leninists of the Communist Party of Spain) of the Second Spanish Republic. Nathan elected to travel to Spain in December 1936, where he joined the mostly French Marseillaise Battalion of the XIV International Brigade, as a Captain of the British Company with it. Nathan's first action in the conflict was at the Battle of Lopera. This was a disaster for the International Brigade, in their attempt to take the town of Lopera, they were decimated by local Andalusian requetés and the Moroccan regulares. 78 of the 145 "British" (which also included Irish) Company died including John Cornford and Ralph Winston Fox.
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For Bordiga, both stages of socialist or communist society—with stages referring to historical materialism—were characterised by the gradual absence of money, the market and so on, the difference between them being that earlier in the first stage a system of rationing would be used to allocate goods to people while in communism this could be abandoned in favour of full free access. This view distinguished Bordiga from other Leninists and especially the Trotskyists, who tended and still tend to telescope the first two stages and so have money and the other exchange categories surviving into socialism, but Bordiga would have none of this. For him, no society in which money, buying and selling and the rest survived could be regarded as either socialist or communist—these exchange categories would die out before the socialist rather than the communist stage was reached.
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By the 1910s, social democracy had spread worldwide and transitioned towards advocating an evolutionary change from capitalism to socialism using established political processes such as the parliament. In the late 1910s, socialist parties committed to revolutionary socialism renamed themselves as communist parties, causing a split in the socialist movement between these supporting the October Revolution and those opposing it. Social democrats who were opposed to the Bolsheviks later renamed themselves as democratic socialists in order to highlight their differences from communists and later in the 1920s from Marxist–Leninists, disagreeing with the latter on topics such as their opposition to liberal democracy whilst sharing common ideological roots. In the early post-war era, social democrats in Western Europe rejected the Stalinist political and economic model then current in the Soviet Union, committing themselves either to an alternative path to socialism or to a compromise between capitalism and socialism.
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Labour Party minister Peter Hain"Rediscovering our libertarian roots" by Peter Hain has written in support of libertarian socialism, identifying an axis involving a "bottom-up vision of socialism, with anarchists at the revolutionary end and democratic socialists [such as himself] at its reformist end" as opposed to the axis of state socialism with Marxist–Leninists at the revolutionary end and social democrats at the reformist end. Another recent mainstream Labour politician who has been described as a libertarian socialist is Robin Cook.Chris Smith said in 2005 that in recent years Cook had been setting out a vision of "libertarian, democratic socialism that was beginning to break the sometimes sterile boundaries of 'old' and 'New' Labour labels.". Defined in this way, libertarian socialism in the contemporary political mainstream is distinguished from modern social democracy and democratic socialism principally by its political decentralism rather than by its economics.
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During that period, Frutos oversaw different disputes between Leninists and eurocommunists, that led to the expulsion of the Leninist majority, including Chairman Pere Andarica, that would later become the Communists' Party of Catalonia. After the resignation of Santiago Carrillo as General Secretary of PCE, and the election of Gerardo Iglesias, due to poor results in the 1982 elections, Frutos transferred to Madrid to work within the Structures of the Central Committee of the PCE. After the creation of United Left (IU) in 1986, Frutos was also a member of the Presidium of IU. In the 12th Congress of the PCE in 1988, Frutos was elected Organisational Secretary of the Party. In the 1993 elections, Frutos was elected a deputy for Madrid, and during the 13th Congress of PCE in 1995, Frutos rose to the position of Secretary of the Federal Committee, a position that substituted the position of Deputy General Secretary.
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He wrote two festival cantatas, the Cantata for the Twentieth Anniversary of the October Revolution, Op. 74, and Flourish, Mighty Homeland, Op. 114, for the thirtieth anniversary of the same event Patriotic cantatas celebrating anniversaries of events in the Revolution or extolling state leaders were frequently commissioned in the Soviet Union between 1930 and the middle of the century, though these occasional works were seldom among their composers' best. Examples include Dmitri Shostakovich's Poem of the Motherland, Op. 47 (1947) and The Sun Shines over Our Motherland, Op. 90 (1952), and three works by Prokofiev, Zdravitsa! [Hail to Stalin] (1939). Dmitry Kabalevsky also composed four such cantatas, The Great Homeland, Op. 35 (1941–42), The Song of Morning, Spring and Peace, Op. 57 (1957–58), Leninists, Op. 63 (1959), and About Our Native Land, Op. 82 (1965). In 1940, the Brazilian composer Heitor Villa-Lobos created a secular cantata titled Mandu çarará, based on an Indian legend collected by Barbosa Rodrigues.
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According to platformist anarcho-communist Wayne Price: Leninists believe that without a transitional period of state control (their interpretation of the dictatorship of the proletariat), it would be impossible for any revolution to maintain the momentum or cohesion to defend the new society against external and internal threats. Friedrich Engels noted: "Without a previous social revolution the abolition of the state is nonsense; the abolition of capital is in itself the social revolution and involves a change in the whole method of production." Alternatively, such quotations have been interpreted by anarcho-communists supportive of Marx and Engels to suggest the abolition of capitalism and the state simultaneously, not the creation of a new state. Anarchists reject the Marxist–Leninist model of the "dictatorship of the proletariat," arguing that any revolutionary minority taking over state power would be just as authoritarian as the ruling class in capitalism to defend the new state, and would eventually constitute itself as a new ruling class.
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Left communism is the range of communist viewpoints held by the communist left, which criticizes the political ideas of the Bolsheviks at certain periods, from a position that is asserted to be more authentically Marxist and proletarian than the views of Leninism held by the Communist International after its first and during its second congress. Left communists see themselves to the left of Leninists (whom they tend to see as the "left of capital", not socialists), anarchists (some of whom they consider internationalist socialists) as well as some other revolutionary socialist tendencies (for example, De Leonists, who they tend to see as being internationalist socialists only in limited instances). Although she lived before left communism became a distinct tendency, Rosa Luxemburg has heavily influenced most left communists, both politically and theoretically. Proponents of left communism have included Amadeo Bordiga, Herman Gorter, Anton Pannekoek, Otto Rühle, Karl Korsch, Sylvia Pankhurst and Paul Mattick.
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In the Soviet occupation zone which later became East Germany, the Soviet occupation authorities pressured the KPD and the remaining Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) to merge into the Socialist Unity Party of Germany (SED) while those within the SPD who resisted the Stalinization were persecuted and often fled to the western zones. The repression in the Soviet occupation zone and the onset of the Cold War quickly exacerbated the conflict between the SED and the SPD. The term anti-fascism was widely used by Marxist–Leninists to smear their opponents, including democratic socialists, social democrats and other anti-Stalinist leftists. The Berlin Wall was officially referred to as the Anti-Fascist Protection Wall by East Germany Anti-fascism was part of the official ideology and language of the communist state and the historical Antifaschistische Aktion was considered an important part of the heritage of the governing SED along with the KPD itself.
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The themes of despotism, cultural synthesis or assimilation, and the modern fate of Confucian humanism shaped Franz Michael's choice of topics in his academic work and public advocacy, and his experience in 1930s Germany directly influenced his anti- totalitarian and anti-communist stance. One of his students wrote after his death that "These times no longer welcomed voices like that of Franz Michael who advocated that the Chinese Communists should be taken for what they were and, actually, wanted to be, namely true Marxist-Leninists, and who insisted that the Sino-Soviet conflict needed to be analysed in other than the traditional terms of clashing nationalisms." Michael saw the Chinese Revolution of 1949 as a producing Leninist totalitarianism that betrayed the Confucian humanist tradition, not a continuation of the despotic rule of the emperors. Michael argued that Mao Zedong's tactics derived from Lenin's strategy delivered by guidance from Moscow and that these tactics were not an independent Chinese invention.
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The term Dengism is often used to describe this perceived revisionist tendency in Marxism–Leninism despite official claims that it is an adaptation of Marxism–Leninism to contemporary Chinese material conditions rather than a revision. Despite agreeing that he had a revisionist turn later in his life, most contemporary anti-revisionists hold particular interest in the theories of Chinese leader Mao Zedong, who claimed that socialist movements in the neo-colonial world could temporarily ally with the nationalist movements of the local petite bourgeoisie and that the implementation of a mass line policy will prevent a vanguard from becoming revisionist. Others believe in a separate ideology known as Marxism–Leninism–Maoism which views the early theories of Mao as a higher stage of Leninist ideology, just like Leninism is considered by its proponents to be a higher stage of Marxism. Among both anti-revisionist Marxist–Leninists with a tendency towards Mao's theories and Marxist–Leninist–Maoists, there exists a Maoist Third Worldist tendency which claims the labour aristocracy has no immediate revolutionary potential and may also claim it experiences no exploitation at all.
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In the 1940s and 1950s within the international communist movement, revisionism was a term used by Marxist-Leninists to describe communists who focused on consumer goods production instead of heavy industry; accepted national differences instead of promoting proletarian internationalism; and encouraged liberal reforms instead of remaining faithful to established doctrine. Revisionism was also one of the charges leveled at Titoists as punishment for their pursuit of a relatively independent communist ideology, amidst a series of post-World War II purges beginning in 1949 in Eastern Europe by the Soviet administration under Stalin. After Stalin's death, a more democratic form of socialism briefly became acceptable in Hungary during Imre Nagy's government (1953–1955) and in Poland during Władysław Gomułka's government, containing ideas that the rest of the Soviet bloc and the Soviet Union itself variously considered revisionist, although neither Nagy nor Gomułka described themselves as revisionists, since to do so would have been self-deprecating. After the 1956 Secret Speech that denounced Stalin, many communist activists, astounded and disheartened by what they saw as the betrayal of Marxist–Leninist principles by the very people who had founded them, resigned from Western communist parties in protest.
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The KB was created by the merger of the Hamburg Socialist Workers' and Apprentices' Center (Sozialistisches Arbeiter- und Lehrlingszentrum; SALZ) with the Communist Workers' Confederation (Kommunistischer Arbeiterbund, KAB) of Hamburg, SALZ Bremerhaven, SALZ Frankfurt, the Communist Construction Group (Kommunistische Aufbaugruppe, KAG) Oldenburg and the Communist League/Marxists-Leninists (Kommunistischer Bund/Marxisten-Leninisten, KB/ML) in Flensburg and Eutin. The KB originated from the late sixties' youth movement, with early Marxist-Leninist forces that developed from the banned Communist Party of Germany (KPD) like the small cadre group KAB Hamburg led by Knut Mellenthin merging with the SALZ that had emerged from the Hamburg apprentices' movement. They were joined by a majority of the Communist League of High School Students (KOB), but only a minority of the SALZ's sympathisers among university students while most of them joined the Socialist Students' Group that became part of the Communist League of West Germany (KBW), a rivaling Maoist organisation. This split can be seen as a reason for the bitter enmity between KB and KBW that competed for a similar circle of supporters, first in Northern Germany and after c.
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