"I have heard him speak a number of times and he gets better and better," says a senior Labourite close to Ms Jowell.
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The success of this strategy is borne out in headlines painting results that should strike fear into Labourite hearts as par-for-the-course.
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He was briefly a Thatcherite, then became a critic of free-market fundamentalism, then (briefly, again) a New Labourite, though he strongly opposed (and was acutely prescient about) the Iraq war.
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In the decades following the second world war, the British political landscape was one of "Butskellism"—a term this newspaper contrived from the names R.A. Butler, a moderate Conservative, and Hugh Gaitskell, a moderate Labourite, two supposedly opposed chancellors who had much in common.
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Drăgănescu, p.6 As noted by Boia, Popa took "moderately left-wing positions and [was] persistent in his defense of democracy."Boia, p.185 According to his student Bălăceanu-Stolnici, he had "a left-wing orientation of the British Labourite kind".
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Following the retirement of the long-serving George Barber at the 1935 Queensland state election,Barber -- Queensland Parliament. Retrieved 8 May 2016. McLean, a fellow Labor Party member, won the seat of Bundaberg in the Queensland Legislative Assembly. He represented the electorate for six years, losing in 1941 to the Andrew Fisher Labourite, Frank Barnes.
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XX sajandi kroonika, I osa; Eesti Entsüklopeediakirjastus, Tallinn, 2002; p. 164 By the 1918 Estonian Constituent Assembly election, their support had risen to 30.4%. After Estonia declared independence on 24 February 1918, the Labourites were part of the Estonian Provisional Government, as were all the parties, that supported Estonian independence. In March 1918, Labourite leader Jüri Vilms went missing in Finland, where he was presumably executed.
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Barr later became a Labour Party member, recognised as a firmly old-school Labourite. Tony Benn became a lifelong friend and presented Barr with a medal to recognise his contribution at the 40th anniversary of the work-in in 2011. Barr also played an active part in local campaigns, such as successfully campaigning to prevent the closure of a park in the area of Partick where he lived.
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All results are sourced from the 3 January 1910 The Globe, page one. Two spots opened up on the Toronto Board of Control as a result of Controllers Geary and Hocken both running for mayor. Tommy Church and Thomas Foster joined the Board for the first time and Frank S. Spence returned, this time topping the vote, after being defeated the previous year. William Spence Harrison was defeated meaning only one incumbent, Labourite J.J. Ward, was re-elected.
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Abraham Albert Heaps (December 24, 1885 - April 4, 1954), known as A. A. Heaps, was a Canadian politician and labour leader. A strong labourite, he served as MP for Winnipeg North from 1925 to 1940. Born in Leeds, England, Heaps emigrated to Canada in 1911 and worked in Winnipeg as an upholsterer. He was one of the leaders of the Winnipeg general strike of 1919 and was a Labour alderman on the Winnipeg City Council from 1917 to 1925.
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Besides his political work, Gianni is the author of several books on the future and challenges of the European project such as a Brief History of the Future of the United States of Europe (2013). He is also a visiting professor at the University of East Anglia's London Academy of Diplomacy. Gianni Pittella is married and has two children. In September 2013 Pittella's younger brother, Marcello, a fellow Socialist, Labourite, Democrat of the Left and finally Democrat and very close to his brother Gianni, won the centre-left primary for President of Basilicata.
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Green claimed (probably correctly) that he was not challenging Paulley on ideological grounds, but his campaign was nevertheless depicted by some as "radical left". Paulley, in turn, was depicted as representing an "old labourite" demographic, unable to reach out to a younger voters or communities which had not previously supported the CCF and NDP. Paulley fended off Green's challenge by unusual means. During the campaign, eight NDP MLAs signed a letter calling for Paulley to be re-elected such that he could stand aside for Edward Schreyer the following year.
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As a young journalist of Mauritius Times Jagatsingh was mentored by social worker Bikramsingh Ramlallah who was also later elected to parliament in 1959. At the 1959 elections Jagatsingh was elected in Constituency No.40 Petite Rivière. Labourite Guy Forget (Mauritius) encouraged Jagatsingh to join politics. However at the October 1963 general elections Jagatsingh was not elected to Legislative Council as he was defeated by his rival Noutun Parsad Puduruth at Constituency No.40 Petite Rivière. At the General Elections held on 7 August 1967 Kher Jagatsingh was elected to Parliament in Constituency No.10 Montagne Blanche- Grand Rivière Sud Est (GRSE).
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In the 2015 UK general election, Grant expressed support for Liberal Democrat MP Danny Alexander and later hosted a dinner for the Liberal Democrats, in which he met the winner of a draw of donors to the Liberal Democrats.Tom Watson should be Prime Minister, says Hugh Grant , Express & Star (4 May 2015). In an email sent by former Liberal Democrat leader Paddy Ashdown, Grant wrote: "I am not a Lib Dem, a Tory, a Labourite or anything in particular but I recognise political guts." In the 2015 election, he endorsed two Labour candidates: Tom Watson and his former agent, Michael Foster.
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In The New Reckoning Marquand claimed: "The economies that have succeeded more spectacularly have been those fostered by developmental states, where public power, acting in concert with private interest, has induced market forces to flow in the desired direction".Dell, p. 527. Originally a tentative supporter of Blair's New Labour, he has since become a trenchant critic, arguing that "New Labour has 'modernised' the social- democratic tradition out of all recognition", even while retaining the over- centralisation and disdain for the radical intelligentsia of the old "Labourite" tradition. He is one of 20 signatories to the founding statement of the democratic left-wing group Compass.
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The result of this "class against class" policy was that the Social Democratic and Labourite parties were to be seen as equally as much a threat as the fascist parties and were therefore described as being social-fascist. Any kind of alliance with "social-fascists" was obviously to be prohibited. The Third Period also meant that the CPGB sought to develop revolutionary trade unions in rivalry to the established Trades Union Congress affiliated unions. They met with an almost total lack of success although a tiny handful of "red" unions were formed, amongst them a miners union in Scotland and tailoring union in East London.
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Desperate to hide the body, Alan stows it in the back of the cab and drives to his office, where Piers refuses to drive it into the country and set it on fire. Intending to do it himself, Alan gets lost and encounters Margaret Thatcher and the Tories' Chief Whip, whose car has broken down. Masquerading as a working class Labourite, Alan interrupts their conversation about how to punish him for his TV gaffe to tell them how much he and all his friends like "that B'Stard bloke." After dropping them off, he struggles to find a spot to dump the cab, eventually crashing it and discovering that the cabbie is not dead, but merely unconscious.
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She noted, in a dictated piece written in the 1950s: The New Zealand Howard League for Penal Reform was started in 1924 in Christchurch by three people all convinced of the need. One soon resigned, but the others carried on and got information from the Howard League in England. '' We began to hold meetings and to be well scoffed at, and badly reported in the newspapers – the name Howard being interpreted as that of E.J. Howard, M.P., a prominent Labourite. By 1928, however, we had managed to get groups interested in other centres and emphasised the fact that the League was for penal reform, and that we were not an ‘aftercare society’, though the Prisons Board wanted us to be.
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Karmenu Mifsud Bonnici studied at the Lyceum and graduated in Law at the University of Malta in 1954. He also later studied taxation and industrial law at the University College of London in 1967–68, and has since been alecturer in Industrial and Fiscal Law at the University of Malta. In the 1960s, at the height of the dispute between the Maltese Church and the Labour Party, Mifsud Bonnici was an official of a number of lay organisations connected to the Church, including the Catholic Social Guild and the Young Christian Workers Movement (also as editorial board member of their Il-Haddiem newspaper), and supported the "diocesan junta" of Church organisations opposing Dom Mintoff and his Party. He would later claim to be "a Nationalist by birth, but a Labourite through free choice and conviction".
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In 2008, Guardian columnist Jackie Ashley said that editorial contributors were a mix of "right-of-centre libertarians, greens, Blairites, Brownites, Labourite but less enthusiastic Brownites, etc," and that the newspaper was "clearly left of centre and vaguely progressive". She also said that "you can be absolutely certain that come the next general election, The Guardian stance will not be dictated by the editor, still less any foreign proprietor (it helps that there isn't one) but will be the result of vigorous debate within the paper". The paper's comment and opinion pages, though often written by centre-left contributors such as Polly Toynbee, have allowed some space for right-of-centre voices such as Sir Max Hastings and Michael Gove. Since an editorial in 2000, The Guardian has favoured abolition of the British monarchy.
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In August of that same year he assumed the role of General Secretary of the organisation. It was only in March 1930 that the CPNZ received a communication from ECCI directing it to take on ultra-radical policies in accord the Third Period analysis.Taylor, "The Communist Party of New Zealand and the Third Period," p. 274. The party's previous policies were deemed incorrect and the CPNZ was instructed to attempt to assume leadership of the New Zealand workers movement by working to "expose and destroy all the Labourite, pacifist, social democratic illusions about the possibility of solving social problems...under the existing political and economic regime."Letter from the Political Secretariat of ECCI to CPNZ, 4 March 1930, RGASPI f. 495, op. 20 d. 430; quoted in Taylor, "The Communist Party of New Zealand and the Third Period," p. 274.
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Armstrong served two spells on the Christchurch City Council, the first between 1929 and 1935. In 1929 Armstrong was successful as an Independent Socialist against the official Labour ticket. He believed the Christchurch City Council was neglecting the unemployed.Christchurch Press, 2 May 1929Christchurch Press, 18 May 1929 Armstrong did not mince his words about the labour leadership to a large meeting in Sydenham: "they are ready to cry and shed tears with the unemployed when deputations wait on them, but when asked to do something decent they are found wanting".Christchurch Times, 29 April 1931 Though not returned as an Independent Labourite in the 1935 election, primarily because preferential voting had been abolished, Armstrong still got over 11,000 votes. He represented the Napier electorate from the 1943 general election, when he defeated Bill Barnard who had left the Labour Party to join John A. Lee’s Democratic Labour Party.
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