They're usually made up of a bunch of pre-existing science-y infixes and stems Frankensteined together, all based on the drug's chemical structure, class, and what it does to the body, according to Nicole Hebert, a representative from the drug magnate Eli Lilly.
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Inflectional and derivational morphology are of moderate complexity and predominantly suffixing, together with the use of infixes in the nominal paradigm.
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Tboli makes use of prefixes and infixes. claim that suffixes do not exist in the language, though proclitic affixes may be thought of as such.
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Otherwise, subordination in Quechua can be expressed by means of suffixes and infixes like -pti- and -spa or (to substitute relative clauses) -q, -sqa and -na.
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Affixes can be grouped into three types: prefixes, infixes, and suffixes. There is cross-linguistic evidence that all three types can be implicated in volitional marking.
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However, in this example, vowel reduction occurred when the infixes were added before the vowel, causing the infixes -in- and -om- to become -inm-. When forming binombomtak, "were exploding," from betak, "explode," the reducible vowel and reduplication steps were re-ordered so no vowel reduction was experienced. Some highly marked affixes have an infixed glottal stop leading the second vowel such as when forming bangbangʡa, "little old pots, toy pots," from banga, "pot".
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English has almost no true infixes (as opposed to tmesis) and those it does have are marginal. A few are heard in colloquial speech, and a few more are found in technical terminology.
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Pendau uses affixation (including prefixes, infixes, and suffixes) and has seven verb classes which are categorized as transitive, intransitive, or mixed transitivity. Pendau shows extensive use of clitics, reduplication, and limited subject agreement.
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The language in its final form contains several elements which are uncommon in human languages, such as verbal conjugation using infixes. All Naʼvi linguistic elements are found in human languages, but the combination is unique.
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Udi is agglutinating with a tendency towards being fusional. Udi affixes are mostly suffixes or infixes, but there are a few prefixes. Old Udi used mostly suffixes. Most affixes are restricted to specific parts of speech.
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There are few simple nouns. The majority of nouns are formed by a composition of stems and affixes.Densmore, 11 The Chippewa uses prefixes, suffixes and even infixes. To show plurality, suffixes are added onto the ends of words.
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There are four infixes in this category, two indicating affect, two indicating speaker judgement. The infix -ei- indicate that the speaker is happy about the verb. The infix -äng- indicates that the speaker is unhappy about the verb.Annis § 3.6.
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There are two positions for infixes: after the onset (optional consonant(s)) of the penultimate syllable, and after the onset of the final syllable. Because many Na’vi verbs have two syllables, these commonly occur on the first and last syllable. In monosyllabic words like lu "be", they both appear after the initial onset, keeping their relative order. The first infix position is taken by infixes for tense, aspect, mood, or combinations thereof; also appearing in this position are participle, reflexive, and causative forms, the latter two of which may co-occur with a tense/aspect/mood infix by preceding it.
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Chemical nomenclature includes the infixes , signifying complete hydrogenation (from piperidine), and (from ethyl), signifying the ethyl radical C2H5. Thus from the existing word picoline is derived pipecoline, and from lutidine is derived lupetidine; from phenidine and xanthoxylin are derived phenetidine and xanthoxyletin.
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"Salishan languages are highly polysynthetic, employing numerous suffixes and reduplication patterns; prefixes and infixes are less numerous. Words often include lexical suffixes referring to concrete physical objects or abstract extensions from them."Smithsonian Institution handbook of North American Indians, Vol. 7 Northwest Coast, pp.
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Fula is based on verbonomial roots, from which verbal, noun, and modifier words are derived. It uses suffixes (sometimes inaccurately called infixes, as they come between the root and the inflectional ending) to modify meaning. These suffixes often serve the same purposes in Fula that prepositions do in English.
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When glossing, it is conventional to set off infixes with , rather than the hyphens used to set off prefixes and suffixes: :shit, saxophone, picoline Compare: :origin-al-ly which contains the suffix -ly added to the word original, which is itself formed by adding the suffix -al to the root origin.
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Ugaritic, like all Semitic languages, exhibits a unique pattern of stems consisting typically of "triliteral", or 3-consonant consonantal roots (2- and 4-consonant roots also exist), from which nouns, adjectives, and verbs are formed in various ways: e.g. by inserting vowels, doubling consonants, and/or adding prefixes, suffixes, or infixes.
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The nominal predicate (What something is) does not have a suffix of agreement nor a dynamic prefix, but it can take infixes for tense and mood, like the verb. Other grammatical roles (benefactive, instrumental, locative) appear outside the verb in the form of markers for case. There are 11 case suffixes.
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Similar to other Melanesian languages, Kwaio uses two morphological classes: bases and particles. More complex forms can be made by modifying bases by adding affixes (prefixes, suffixes, or infixes) or by conjoining bases. Particles attach to bases and show the relationship between phrases and clauses. The bases follow the syllable pattern CVCV, CVV or VCV.
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Sanskrit has ten classes of verbs divided into two broad groups: intransitive and transitive. The thematic verbs are so called because an a, called the theme vowel, is inserted between the stem and the ending. This serves to make the thematic verbs generally more regular. Exponents used in verb conjugation include prefixes, suffixes, infixes, and reduplication.
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A circumfix' (abbreviated ') (also confix or ambifix) is an affix which has two parts, one placed at the start of a word, and the other at the end. Circumfixes contrast with prefixes, attached to the beginnings of words; suffixes, attached at the end; and infixes, inserted in the middle. Circumfixes are common in Malay and Georgian.
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Chewa has a large number of tenses, some of which differ in some respects from the tenses met with in European languages. The distinction between one tense and another is made partly by the use of infixes, such as and , and partly by the intonation of the verb, since each tense has its own particular tonal pattern.
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Choctaw verbs display a wide range of inflectional and derivational morphology. In Choctaw, the category of verb may also include words that would be categorized as adjectives or quantifiers in English. Verbs may be preceded by up to three prefixes and followed by as many as five suffixes. In addition, verb roots may contain infixes that convey aspectual information.
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An infix is an affix inserted inside a word stem (an existing word or the core of a family of words). It contrasts with adfix, a rare term for an affix attached to the outside of a stem such as a prefix or suffix. When marking text for interlinear glossing, most affixes are separated with a hyphen but infixes are separated with .
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In Ganda, direct and indirect pronominal objects may be incorporated into the verb as object infixes. For example: In the second example, the applicative suffix -ira converts the (usually monotransitive) verb gamba to a ditransitive. While agreement with a verbal subject is compulsory, agreement with an object is required only when the object is omitted. Many other Bantu languages exhibit this feature.
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Verbs are conjugated for tense and aspect, but not for person. That is, they record distinctions like "I am, I was, I would", but not like "I am, we are, s/he is". Conjugation relies exclusively on infixes, which are like suffixes but go inside the verb. "To hunt", for example, is taron, but "hunted" is taron, with the infix '.
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After the tense- marker, there can be one or more aspect-markers, which add precision to the meaning of the tense.Hyman & Mtenje (1999a), pp. 94f. Altogether there are four aspect-markers, 'ever, usually, always', 'go and', 'in future', and 'just', which are always added in that order, though not usually all at once. These infixes add extra high tones to the verb.
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Old Irish has VSO word order shared by most Insular Celtic languages. Other orders are possible, especially under Bergin's Law. Verbs are all fully conjugated and have most forms typical of Indo-European languages. Personal pronouns, when used as direct objects, are prefixed to the verb with which they are associated (after other prefixes, and therefore are often referred to as infixes).
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Ilokano is typified by a predicate-initial structure. Verbs and adjectives occur in the first position of the sentence, then the rest of the sentence follows. Ilocano uses a highly complex list of affixes (prefixes, suffixes, infixes and enclitics) and reduplications to indicate a wide array of grammatical categories. Learning simple root words and corresponding affixes goes a long way in forming cohesive sentences.
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Verbs show a triliteral Semitic pattern, in which a verb is conjugated with prefixes, suffixes, and infixes (for example ktibna, Arabic katabna, Hebrew kathabhnu (Modern Hebrew: katavnu) "we wrote"). There are two tenses: present and perfect. The Maltese verb system incorporates Romance verbs and adds Maltese suffixes and prefixes to them (for example, iddeċidejna "we decided" ← (i)ddeċieda "decide", a Romance verb + -ejna, a Maltese first person plural perfect marker).
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Most roots of the Akkadian language consist of three consonants (called the radicals), but some roots are composed of four consonants (so-called quadriradicals). The radicals are occasionally represented in transcription in upper-case letters, for example PRS (to decide). Between and around these radicals various infixes, suffixes and prefixes, having word generating or grammatical functions, are inserted. The resulting consonant-vowel pattern differentiates the original meaning of the root.
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Additionally, chemically derived names provided little useful information to non-chemist health practitioners. Considering the needs of health professionals led to a system in which USANs reflect relationships between new entities and older drugs, and avoid names that might suggest non-existent relationships. Current nomenclature practices involve the adoption of standardized syllables called "stems" that relate new chemical entities to existing drug families. Stems may be prefixes, suffixes, or infixes in the nonproprietary name.
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These bound morphemes or affixes can be classified according to their position in relation to the root: prefixes precede the root, suffixes follow the root, and infixes are inserted in the middle of a root. Affixes serve to modify or elaborate the meaning of the root. Some languages change the meaning of words by changing the phonological structure of a word, for example, the English word "run", which in the past tense is "ran". This process is called ablaut.
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Relations between participants in an event are coded in Telugu words through suffixation; there are no prefixes or infixes in the language. There are six word classes in Telugu: nominals (proper nouns, pronouns), verbs (actions or events), modifiers (adjectives, quantifiers, numerals), adverbs (modify the way in which actions or events unfold), and clitics. Telugu nouns are inflected for number (singular, plural), noun class (three classes traditionally termed masculine, feminine, and neuter) and case (nominative, accusative, genitive, dative, vocative, instrumental, and locative).
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When an infix is added to a Na'vi syllable, the infix goes after the initial consonant but before the vowel. There are three positions where an infix is added: the pre- first preposition, which goes immediately before the first position, the first position, which goes in the penultimate syllable, and the second position, which goes in the final syllable. If the verb is monosyllabic, all three positions go after each other. If the verb is a compound, the infixes only go in the headAnnis, § 3.6.1.4.
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Most Austronesian languages are agglutinative languages with a relatively high number of affixes, and clear morpheme boundaries. Most affixes are prefixes (Malay ber-jalan 'walk' < jalan 'road'), with a smaller number of suffixes (Tagalog titis-án 'ashtray' < títis 'ash') and infixes (Roviana tavete 'work (noun)' < tavete 'work (verb)'). Reduplication is commonly employed in Austronesian languages. This includes full reduplication (Malay anak-anak 'children' < anak 'child'; Karo Batak nipe-nipe 'caterpillar' < nipe 'snake') or partial reduplication (Agta taktakki 'legs' < takki 'leg', at-atu 'puppy' < atu 'dog').
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Agglutinative languages rely primarily on discrete particles (prefixes, suffixes, and infixes) for inflection, while fusional languages "fuse" inflectional categories together, often allowing one word ending to contain several categories, such that the original root can be difficult to extract. A further subcategory of agglutinative languages are polysynthetic languages, which take agglutination to a higher level by constructing entire sentences, including nouns, as one word. Analytic, fusional, and agglutinative languages can all be found in many regions of the world. However, each category is dominant in some families and regions and essentially nonexistent in others.
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Somewhat like how wine may vary by strain of yeast and year of grape harvest, each one can be subtly different because living organisms are an integral part of production. The WHO MedNet community continually works to augment its system for biopharmaceuticals to ensure continued fulfillment of the goals served by having nonproprietary names. In recent years the development of the Biological Qualifier system has been an example. The prefixes and infixes have no pharmacological significance and are used to separate the drug from others in the same class.
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Bahasa Binan (or bahasa Béncong) is a distinctive Indonesian speech variety originating from the gay community. It has several regular patterns of word formation and is documented in both writing and speech. Boellstorf (2004): 248 One pattern of word formation modifies standard Indonesian roots (normally composed of two syllables) to have e as the first vowel and ong closing the second syllable—hence providing regular assonance with the standard Indonesian word bencong , a male homosexual, trans woman, or male crossdresser. Another word formation pattern adds -in- infixes to other Indonesian roots.
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Like all other Bantu languages, Sesotho is an agglutinative language spoken conjunctively; however, like many Bantu languages it is written disjunctively. The difference lies in the characteristically European word division used for writing the language, in contrast with some Bantu languages such as the South African Nguni languages. This issue is investigated in more detail in The Sesotho word. Roughly speaking the following principles may be used to explain the current orthographical word division: #Prefixes (except noun class prefixes) and infixes are written separately on their own, and the root and all following suffixes are written together.
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Affixes are uncommon in Goemai, and those that exist are predominantly prefixes, which must take the form CV, unless they consist of just a lone nasal. Two of the most common affixes are the affixes gòe-, which is used as a nominalizer, and N- (a single nasal matching the place of the following consonant), which is used as an adverbializer. While a handful of suffixes and infixes do exist in the language, they are almost always used nonproductively as plural markers. Around 10% of the verbs of Goemai mark number in this way, while most other verbs in the language are completely unmarked.
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Tenses are past, recent past, present (unmarked), future, and immediate future; aspects are perfective (completed or contained) and imperfective (ongoing or uncontained). The aspectual forms are not found in English but are somewhat like the distinction between 'having done' and 'was doing'. :taron [hunt] "hunts" :taron [hunt] "just hunted" :taron [hunt] "will hunt" :taron [hunt] "hunting" :taron [hunt] "hunted" :taron [hunt] "was just hunting" Tense and aspect need not be marked when they can be understood by context or elsewhere in the sentence. The second infix position is taken by infixes for affect (speaker attitude, whether positive or negative) and for evidentiality (uncertainty or indirect knowledge).
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The subject noun does not appear alone, but is accompanied by markers for gender or noun classifiers (which are determined by shape). These noun classifiers are as follows: :animate ::masculine :::present (-ya-) :::absent (-o-) ::feminine :::present (-î-) :::absent (-ô-) ::collective (-ə-) :inanimate ::flexible or hollow (-o-) ::rigid or elongated (-ó-) ::other (-ʌ-) Person markers include o- ("I"), ha- ("you (singular)"), ka- ("we") and kə- ("you (plural)"). The adjectival or verbal predicate has a suffix which agrees with the subject: -ʌ for animate subjects and flexible or hollow ones; -ó for rigid or elongated ones; -i for others. Adjectival and verbal predicates are also marked with prefixes indicating mood, direction or aspect, and infixes for tense.
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Verbs are conjugated with a subject prefix and with suffixes and infixes expressing aspect (continuous, immediate); tense (past, present, future) and mood (imperative, desiderative, interrogative). For example: :Past -nábé :Future -nátu' ::dubitative -náhitu' :Conditional -'náno' '' :Present ::imperfect -náka ::negative -kaná ::continuing -né' :Interrogative ::past -yáa ::future -pî' ::conditional -no'pî' ::present -ráa' :::negative -ka :Desiderative -iná- ("perhaps") :Planeative -ɨí' - ("to plan" an action) :Repetitive -pî- ("repeatedly") :Agentive -rít ("because", "due to") The imperative mood is formed by duplicating the last vowel of the verb stem, after the root final consonant or semivowel. The vowels [u] and [i] are pronounced as semivowels [w], [j] when duplicated after the final consonant. The past imperfect is formed by suffixing to the stem the duplicate of the last vowel in the stem plus [p]: (-VC-Vp).
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For example, : An underscore may be used instead of a period, as in go_out-, when a single word in the source language happens to correspond to a phrase in the glossing language, though a period would still be used for other situations, such as Greek oikíais house. 'to the houses'. However, sometimes finer distinctions may be made. For example, clitics may be separated with a double hyphen (or, for ease of typing, an equal sign) rather than a hyphen: : Affixes which cause discontinuity (infixes, circumfixes, transfixes, etc.) may be set off by angle brackets, and reduplication with tildes, rather than with hyphens: : (See affix for other examples.) Morphemes which cannot be easily separated out, such as umlaut, may be marked with a backslash rather than a period: : A few other conventions which are sometimes seen are illustrated in the Leipzig Glossing Rules.
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Namely, the loss of synthetic passive (which is hypothesized based on the more archaic though long-extinct Indo-European languages), synthetic perfect (formed via the means of reduplication) and aorist; forming subjunctive and imperative with the use of suffixes plus flexions as opposed to solely flections in, e. g., Ancient Greek; loss of the optative mood; merging and disappearing of the -t- and -nt- markers for the third-person singular and plural, respectively (this, however, occurs in Latvian and Old Prussian as well and may indicate a collective feature of all Baltic languages). On the other hand, the Lithuanian verbal morphology retains a number of archaic features absent from most modern Indo- European languages (but shared with Latvian). This includes the synthetic form of the future tense with the help of the -s- suffix; three principal verbal forms with the present tense stem employing the -n- and -st- infixes.
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Regarding word structure, Austroasiatic languages are well known for having an iambic "sesquisyllabic" pattern, with basic nouns and verbs consisting of an initial, unstressed, reduced minor syllable followed by a stressed, full syllable. This reduction of presyllables has led to a variety among modern languages of phonological shapes of the same original Proto-Austroasiatic prefixes, such as the causative prefix, ranging from CVC syllables to consonant clusters to single consonants. As for word formation, most Austroasiatic languages have a variety of derivational prefixes, many have infixes, but suffixes are almost completely non-existent in most branches except Munda, and a few specialized exceptions in other Austroasiatic branches.Alves 2014, 2015 The Austroasiatic languages are further characterized as having unusually large vowel inventories and employing some sort of register contrast, either between modal (normal) voice and breathy (lax) voice or between modal voice and creaky voice.
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