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53 Sentences With "industrial peace"

How to use industrial peace in a sentence? Find typical usage patterns (collocations)/phrases/context for "industrial peace" and check conjugation/comparative form for "industrial peace". Mastering all the usages of "industrial peace" from sentence examples published by news publications.

The UFO labour union is obligated to "maintain industrial peace," Lufthansa said in a statement.
Washington's promises of industrial peace were welcomed by capitalists throughout the country and by the beleaguered President Cleveland, who sent Washington his congratulations.
The country has been hit by a string of strikes by public sector workers in the past two years after relative industrial peace during the country's 2010-13 bailout.
The deal, which must be approved by union members, will "put pension provision on a more sustainable footing and secure industrial peace," Minister for Public Expenditure Paschal Donohoe said in a statement.
DUBLIN (Reuters) - Irish police officers will go on strike for the first time in November in a dispute over pay, their representative body said on Wednesday, the latest sign that industrial peace in the fast-growing economy is unraveling.
The Times - Royal Mail Plc and its main trade union have declared industrial peace with an agreement to cut working hours, a two-and-a-half-year pay settlement worth 22 percent and a groundbreaking new pension arrangement. bit.
DUBLIN (Reuters) - Six years of almost unbroken industrial peace in Ireland is beginning to fray, as a recovering economy breeds contested wage demands, weekly threats of strikes and a headache for the country's new government - whenever one is formed.
DUBLIN, June 8 (Reuters) - Ireland's government on Thursday struck a three-year pay deal with public sector trade unions which it said would help restore industrial peace and could use up a significant amount of funds available for tax cuts and spending increases next year.
Now called the Labor-Management-Citizens Committee, the Industrial Peace Board became a national model for strike resolution in the post-World War II period.Rosenbloom, Victor H. "How Cities Keep Industrial Peace." Labor Law Journal. 3:10 (October 1952); Clapp, Tom.
In 1938, McGrady was awarded the Industrial Peace Gold Medal by the American Arbitration Association.
In 1925 he helped found the Steel House Constructors Union, claiming a programme of building steel houses could employ 150,000 men.Case for Dilution in Building Industry, the Times, 26 March 1925, p.18 He became a member of the Industrial Peace Union of the British Empire formed after the General Strike of 1926.Industrial Peace Union, The Times, 9 February 1928, p.
Other union shop provisions are tied to various requirements that the union promote "industrial peace", such as mandatory arbitration for all disputes and a relinquishment of the right to strike.Chalmers, p. 139.
Pakulski, Gary T. "As Auto-Lite's Labor Battle Became a War, Union Seeds Took Root." Toledo Blade. October 24, 1999. The strike led to the creation of the Toledo Industrial Peace Board.
Naval was awarded the Padma Bhushan by the President of India on Republic Day, 1969. The same year he was given recognition for his role in industrial peace and awarded the Sir Jehangir Ghandy Medal. He was conferred the life membership of the National Institute of Personnel Management.
1770 and 1787. The growing use of strikebreakers under the Mackay ruling might have contributed to the development by unions of extra-legal organizing and collective bargaining tools. Allowing employers the permanent replacement of striking workers leads to union capitulation, not to bargaining or industrial peace, many legal scholars note.
At his death, AFL-CIO president George Meany noted, "He contributed as much to the cause of industrial peace and labor-management understanding as any man of his generation." Ching was inducted into the Labor Department's Labor Hall of Honor in 1989."Labor Department Dedicates Hall of Fame," Associated Press, January 11, 1989.
Lyndon B. Johnson appointed Bechtel to the President’s Committee on Urban Housing. Richard Nixon named him to membership on the National Industrial Pollution Control Council, the National Commission on Productivity, the Labor Management Advisory Committee, and the National Commission for Industrial Peace. Gerald Ford asked Bechtel to serve on the President’s Labor-Management Committee.
He was president and director of the Chamber of Commerce of the United States in 1941 and 1942, a member of the Newark Labor Board, and a member of the Board to Maintain Industrial Peace in New Jersey 1941-1942. Hawkes was a member of the National War Labor Board, Washington, D.C., in 1942.
The Port of London Authority negotiated with a single union. Morgan, a lockman, was a member of a breakaway union. The first union threatened to strike unless the breakaway union members were dismissed, Fry arguing it was a genuine threat to industrial peace. He did not intend for anyone to be dismissed in particular.
Hong Kong people have the right and freedom to form and join trade unions. At the end of December there were 654 registered trade unions, consisting of 610 employees' unions, 25 employers' associations and 19 mixed organisations of employers and employees. The total estimated membership was around 683,000. Hong Kong has an outstanding record of industrial peace.
Azucena has received awards for professional dedication, leadership, and scholarly work. He received Sikap-Gawa Industrial Peace Award from the Bishops'-Businessmen's Conference of the Philippines, Outstanding Achievement Award from the Personnel Management Association of the Philippines, and the Supreme Court Centenary Book Award from the Supreme Court of the Philippines during its centennial anniversary celebrations on June 8, 2001.
18 recorded their receipts to total $507,053 and spending $390,419. Prop. 18 opposition outspent the supporters three to one. It was reported that General Electric was the biggest supporter of the proposition residing outside of California, with the majority being spend on advertising. The largest out-of-state check written for the opposition was by the National Council for Industrial Peace in Washington.
Panayi, p. 113. It stood for patriotism, social reform, industrial peace, promotion of the Empire and anti-socialism.Kenneth D. Brown, ‘The Anti-Socialist Union, 1908-49’, in Brown (ed.), Essays in Anti-Labour History (London: Macmillan, 1974), p. 255. On 28 July 1916 the Vice-Presidents of the BEU, Lord and Lady Bathurst, subscribed to a full-page advertisement in The Morning Post stating their objectives: > 1\.
This included the treatment of the workers, the workers' hours, and the safety precautions that were taken by the employer. This new law also created factory inspectors who were charged with preserving industrial peace. Despite these changes, strike activity again reached high proportions during the 1890s, resulting in the restriction of the workday to eleven and a half hours in 1897.Sablinsky, The Road to Bloody Sunday, 25.
The Hindu : Open Page : No work, no pay The Hindu dated July 30, 2006 Even when a general strike or countrywide ban disrupts public transport systems, and consequently employees are unable to reach their workplaces, the same principle prevails. Even die-hard trade union leaders respect this principle of equity and natural justice. "No work, no pay" lays a strong foundation to industrial peace and harmony in the long run.
Morris suffered a reduction in his majority to 3,665 at the 1950 general election. He pressed in the new Parliament for increased charges or subsidy to the railways in order to have industrial peace."Parliament", The Times, 16 March 1950, p. 8. In 1951 he criticised an opposition motion which called for increased railway charges to be annulled, arguing that the new charges on their own would not solve the problem.
Kollie Friedstein, also the executive director of the Israel Tennis Centers ("ITC") and one of the founders of Kibbutz Shoval in the Negev, become chairman of the ITA in 1988 for a 2-year period, at which time "a state of turbulence" existed between the ITA and the ITC. Appointed to head both bodies at the same time, Friedstein felt that by 1990 he had succeeded in bringing "industrial peace" between them.
Industrial peace was never restored and the season never completed. Due to limited matches now being available, Merrick was dismissed by the BRFA. Following his football comeback in 1926-28 Merrick applied for a position with the VFL, initially as a boundary umpire. He was appointed for the 1929 season but it seems likely that some injury delayed his start as there is no reference to his taking the field until 6 July.
During this time he traveled 165,000 miles by plane. He officiated in the General Motors, Seamen's, A&P;, and Toledo general strikes. He is credited as having originated the Toledo industrial peace plan, and in 1938 he published "How Peace Came to Toledo" in The Atlantic. As Assistant Secretary of Labor, McGrady also served on the Federal Steel Mediation Board, the Interdepartmental Committee to Coordinate Health and Welfare Activities, and the National Longshoremen's Board.
James Scullin had assumed the leadership of the ALP earlier in the year, upon the retirement of Charlton, and the party was invigorated as a consequence. Bruce was undeterred, though, and became convinced that unless costs of production for industry in Australia could be lowered and industrial peace secured, Australia was heading towards a major economic crisis. This doctrine was the basis of his appeals to the public for the next year and a half.
As World War I continued and the Russians met defeat after defeat, and the provisional government proved inadequate at establishing industrial peace, the Bolsheviks began to grow in support. By degrees, the Bolsheviks dominated with a leadership which demanded "all power to the soviets." The Bolsheviks promised the workers a government run by workers' councils to overthrow the bourgeoisie's main government body - the Provisional Government. In October 1917, the provisional government was overthrown, giving all power to the Soviets.
From reading the preamble there is no indication that labour was to be included, which said that the federal interest was for the safety, health and security concerns. Labour relations only aims at "industrial peace" and better working conditions for employees, which is not directly related to the plant. This is supported by section 92A of the Constitution Act, 1867. If Parliament wants to include labour relations they could easily do so with their declaratory power.
Trustees of Labour () were government-appointed officials in Nazi Germany in charge of labour relations supervised by the Reich Ministry of Labour. Established by the Trustees of Labour law (') of 19 May 1933, the Trustees of Labour were responsible for the maintenance of industrial peace, i.e., defining minimum (and from 1938 also maximum) wages, resolving individual conflicts and overseeing the establishment of Councils of Trust (') in businesses and companies as mandated by the Labour organization law (') of 20 January 1934.
A festival initiated for entrepreneurs and workers, first held in April 2004 to commemorate the 30th anniversary of the establishment of Changwon National Industrial Complex. The main events are the CEO/worker/research team of the year award, the industrial peace award, and migrant worker role model award. Both before and after this event, an enterprise square will be present in main street. In addition, diverse events will be held to harmonize enterprises not only with workers and their families but also citizens.
The AQ Labor Management Council has been a national finalist in the 2005 Search for Outstanding LMC for Industrial Peace, reflecting the harmonious labor-management relations in the University. Established in 2002, the Aquinas University Foundation, Inc. (AQFI) has incubated various sustainable enterprises growing and producing indigenous and environment-friendly products, in the process helping reach out and bring employment to people in the rural areas. The AQFI now has about 300 hectares devoted to reestablishing abaca as a top grosser for Albay and Bikol.
In 1928 Walsh lost control of the union to Johnson after advocating decreased militancy in order to consolidate its achievements. He attempted to form a new union founded on industrial peace but was unsuccessful, remaining exiled from the Seamen's Union until 1936. Walsh worked as a journalist during this period, the family surviving the Great Depression on his journalist's wages and Adela's income as a public speaker. The Walshes, increasingly anti-communist, advocated trade with Japan and in 1939-1940 visited the country as guests of the Japanese government, returning convinced of Japan's benevolent intentions towards Australia.
A tramway and general strike erupted in Brisbane on 18 January 1912, and Denham enlisted the police and special constables to deal with the strikers, who were criticised for their violent handling of the dispute. When the Commonwealth refused his request to send in the armed forces, Denham contemplated landing troops from a German warship to assist. He called an election, in which his government lost seats in Brisbane (mostly to Labor) but won new seats in rural areas and retained office. The Industrial Peace Act 1912 established an Industrial Court which did not recognise trade unions.
He specifically studied under Alfred Marshall and focused on normative economics. He became intrigued by welfare economics, which examines the overall benefit to society that comes from all the decisions made: those that individuals make about buying, selling and working, and those that firms make about production and employment. His first work was more philosophical than his later work, as he expanded the essay which had won him the Adam Smith Prize in 1903 into Principles and Methods of Industrial Peace. In 1908 Pigou was elected Professor of Political Economy at the University of Cambridge in succession to Alfred Marshall.
An act to make provision for the investigation and settlement of industrial disputes, and for certain other purposes. The objective of the Industrial Disputes Act is to secure industrial peace and harmony by providing mechanism and procedure for the investigation and settlement of industrial disputes by conciliation, arbitration and adjudication which is provided under the statute. The main and ultimate objective of this act is "Maintenance of Peaceful work culture in the Industry in India" which is clearly provided under the Statement of Objects & Reasons of the statute. The laws apply only to the organised sector.
In November 1897, he purchased (with assistance from his family) Hoskins & Company, a manufacturer of metal ship berths. Chamberlain served as managing director of Hoskins for 17 years, during which time the company prospered. Chamberlain introduced a profit-sharing scheme at Hoskins which he credited with ensuring industrial peace, and opened a medical clinic for the workers. His business acumen raised him in the eyes of his father, who told a friend that of his two sons, "Neville is really the clever one" and but for his lack of interest in politics, "I would back him to be Prime Minister".
The National Labor Relations Commission (Filipino: Pambansang Komisyon sa Ugnayang Paggawa, abbreviated NLRC) is a quasi-judicial agency tasked to promote and maintain industrial peace based on social justice by resolving labor and management disputes involving local and overseas workers through compulsory arbitration and alternative modes of dispute resolution. The NLRC is a subsequent part of the Department of Labor and Employment where its policies and programs are coordinated. The commission dates back to the commonwealth period, when the contract labor law act was passed in the United States Congress on January 23, 1885, it was then implemented in the Philippines on June 6, 1899.
Caricature of Bruce as prime minister These heavy- handed tactics drew outrage from the Labor Party, which challenged the Prime Minister to seek approval from the people. This Bruce did, and the elections of 1925 were Australia's first "red scare" election. He campaigned for industrial peace and an increased Commonwealth role in securing it, but also denounced "foreign agitators" and "class war" in appealing for law and order on the waterfront. He openly challenged pre-existing federal arrangements, stating on the campaign trail that Australia "should now consider whether that great historic instrument, the Constitution, meets the needs of to-day in the light of the developments which have taken place".
However, elections take place and the government is attuned to the needs of its citizenry. It also counts with highly a skillful and corrupt- free body of civil servants, offering high prestige and pay that is competitive with the private sector. The government has developed a culture of innovation, adaptation, and embracing change, of paying constant attention to doing things better, improving logistics, rebuilding the country with world- class infrastructure and connectivity with the rest of the world, and in developing a healthy, skilled, and hard-working labor force (currently with an emphasis in the knowledge and IT economy) in an atmosphere of industrial peace. Singaporeans keep a sense of vulnerability in their great dependence of factors beyond their control, which keeps them alert, flexible, and innovative.
Jones 66–67 The situation was still unsettled after Greenfield became premier in autumn 1921. Greenfield was at a loss as to how to respond to this crisis, complaining that both employees and employers were the most difficult people in the province to deal with and that they showed "very little spirit of compromise". He tried to be balanced in his approach to this labour-employer friction but was not aided by his own Minister of Public Works, Labour MLA Alex Ross, who took the side of the miners and objected to the government's provision of police escorts for strikebreakers. Though the problems originated before Greenfield took office, many Albertans felt that a stronger leader might have been more successful than Greenfield in achieving industrial peace.
He oversaw the investigation and verdict of the Woodhouse Report in 1966, chaired by Owen Woodhouse, which proposed a radical "no-fault" accident compensation system (which later became the Accident Compensation Corporation). He broke ranks with the rest of cabinet in 1968 and joined the FOL in its opposition to the "nil wage order", however cabinet voted for it anyway to ensure an end to the practice of wage fixing by the Court of Arbitration. Shand had a predilection for "buying" industrial peace by accommodating (partially at least) higher wage demands which often caused problems for other ministers as it caused inflation and higher taxation. Shand lobbied Holyoake for the role of Minister of Finance following the death of Harry Lake in 1967.
World War II created a significant feeling of sympathy for the Soviet Union among Australian workers, and the CPA attempted to take advantage of this by industrial agitation after the war in the 1948 Queensland Railway strike and the 1949 Australian coal strike (the first time the military were used in peacetime to break a strike), and disputes on the waterfront and in the meat industry. This attempt to seize control of the union movement failed and was the start of the decline in communist leadership and influence in the labour movement. At the same time, agitation by Catholic organisations such as the National Civic Council (or Groupers) started setting up of Industrial Groups within unions to counter the influence of communists. The 1950s and 1960s period was generally one of industrial peace, dictated by preference agreements and closed shops.
Perhaps as a result of the strain he was under, earlier in August 1911, Charles Hoskins had made some ungracious public remarks—about the previous owner, William Sandford, and his management of the Lithgow plant—resulting in a bitter public dispute between the two old friends. By then, both men felt that they had been deceived by the other; Sandford believed that Hoskins had connived in his downfall and besmirched his reputation and Hoskins believed that Sandford had not disclosed that the Lithgow works has been losing money. The two men also had very different views of their workforce; Hoskins had little of Sandford's paternalistic concern for his workers and was more concerned about profits. The strike continued for another nine months—an uneasy industrial peace resulted from a compromise outcome in April 1912—but Hoskins did achieve a wage cut.
In the 1930s he also served as President of the National Association of Manufacturers. Hook was awarded a series of honorary degrees, such as the D.Eng from Michigan College of Mining and Technology in 1935, and from the Stevens Institute of Technology in 1944; the LL.D. from Ohio State University in 1939, from Harding College in 1941, from Miami University in 1951, from Cedarville University in 1951, from Marietta College in 1952, and from Centre College in 1955; the DCS from Oglethorpe University in 1938; the Dr. Humanities from Muskingum University in 1950; and the Dr. Public Service from the University of Cincinnati in 1956. In 1950 Hook was awarded by the American Management Association and ASME the Henry Laurence Gantt Medal for his accomplishments and for being a "proponent of incentives and industrial peace at Armco Steel Corporation."Lester Robert Bittel, Muriel Albers Bittel.
The Journal of Legal Studies lists Cox as one of the most- cited legal scholars of the twentieth century. The framework he developed, first in the two articles with Dunlop in 1950-51, then elaborated on his own, became the standard view of the Wagner and Taft-Hartley Acts. It assumed roughly equal bargaining power between union and management and interpreted the labor laws (often contrary to the language of the statutes themselves) to limit individual employee rights unless pursued by his bargaining agent, to restrict the subjects on which management is required to bargain based on past practices, to permit unions to waive rights the statutes otherwise gave to employees and in general to advocate the notion that labor statutes should be interpreted to promote industrial peace over enhancing the economic power of labor.See The framework remained the dominant view of federal labor relations until the late 1950s when concerns over member participation began to shape policy.
Adamson felt that the CBI ought to be fundamentally engaged in attempts to secure industrial peace. After the Conservatives took power, Adamson welcomed the abolition of the Prices and Incomes Board and the requirement for companies to give "early warning" of pay and price increases.Maurice Corina, "CBI welcomes move", The Times, 24 July 1970, p. 19. Adamson generally welcomed the Government's policy of non-intervention in industry, but made Ministers (including his predecessor John Davies, who had become Minister of Technology) aware that there would still be a role for the Industrial Reorganisation Corporation and that investment grants should not be altered too speedily for industry to adjust."CBI worry over Tory industrial policy", The Times, 18 September 1970, p. 20. Throughout 1971, Adamson worked with CBI members to persuade them to restrain pay rises; it was revealed in April 1971 that he had talked personally with Vic Feather of the TUC about an agreement between them, which Adamson thought "much nearer than it was before".
The campaign was a success and the Bruce government was easily re-elected, increasing by 11 seats its majority over a disheartened ALP, whose leader Matthew Charlton was in poor health. "My government was returned to power on a clear issue and with a definite mission ... to introduce measures for the preservation of industrial peace", Bruce declared during his second term, and called a referendum to amend the Australian Constitution and bring industrial relations under the exclusive jurisdiction of the Commonwealth. Attempts to amend the constitution for this purpose had been rejected narrowly in 1911, 1913 and 1919, but against a background of ongoing industrial strife, Bruce made clear the problems of mixed jurisdiction, confusing dual-awards, and insufficient regulatory and enforcement powers at the Commonwealth level. Controversially, he also formulated an "essential services" question to be put at the same time, giving the government the power to protect the public from any "actual or probable disruption to essential services".
Prior to the Marcos Martial Law Era in the Philippines, all labor laws were not codified. President Marcos tasked a committee from the then-called Department of Labor (now the Department of Labor and Employment or DOLE) to consolidate all the existing labor laws of the Philippines. The committee was composed of: Amado G. Inciong, the then Undersecretary of Labor, acting as the chairman of the committee, Director Ricardo Castro, the head of the subcommittee on Labor Relations, Director Diego Atienza, the head of the subcommittee on Labor Standards, and Director Rony Diaz, the head of the subcommittee on Employment and Training. The result was Presidential Decree No. 442 ("PD 442") or "A Decree Instituting the Labor Code and Consolidating Labor and Social Laws to Afford Protection to Labor, Promote Employment and Human Resources Development and Insure the Industrial Peace Based on Social Justice," otherwise known as the "Labor Code of the Philippines".
Bridges' attitude changed sharply after the end of World War II. While he still advocated the post-war plan for industrial peace that the Communist Party, along with the leaders of the CIO, the AFL and the Chamber of Commerce, were advocating, he differed sharply with CIO leadership on Cold War politics. He had his own opinions about the Marshall Plan and the application of the Truman Doctrine in Greece and Turkey, as well as participation in the World Federation of Trade Unions, viewing every element from the point of how it would affect his constituents. Those foreign policy issues became labor issues for the ILWU in 1948, when the employers claimed that the union was preparing to strike in order to cripple the Marshall Plan. Emboldened by the new provisions of the Taft-Hartley Act, which required union officers to sign an oath that they were not members of the Communist Party, outlawed the closed shop, and gave the President authority to seek an 80-day "cooling off" period before a strike that would imperil the national health or safety, the employers pushed for a strike.

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