Mao explains that guerrilla troops should have no conception of defense or battle lines. They should attack orthodox Japanese troops from the front, the sides, and the rear. Guerrilla troops should always dictate the timing of conflicts with the enemy. They should be prepared to flee if need be.
|
|
By 1899, the Bulgarian guerrillas of the Internal Macedonian-Adrianople Revolutionary Organisation (IMRO) turned against Ottoman authorities. Gradually, tensions increased among the followers of the Patriarchate of Constantinople (mostly Greeks) and those of the Bulgarian Exarchate (mostly Bulgarians) to the point of armed conflict. The rioting in Macedonia, the atrocities of Bulgarian guerrilla troops against Greek locals and especially the death of Pavlos Melas (killed by Turks in 1904) caused intense nationalistic feelings in Greece. This led to the decision to send more Greek guerrilla troops in order to thwart Bulgarian efforts.
|
|
In March 1953, the Campaign to Suppress Bandits in Dabieshan ended with communist victory. In addition to completely annihilating over 15,400 nationalist guerrilla troops, the communists also succeeded in capturing 81 artillery pieces, 13,883 firearms, and large amount of supplies.
|
|
Before the Partitions of Poland the forests were the royal wilderness. During the January Uprising the area were used to be a base and shelter of insurgents led by priest Stanisław Brzóska. At the Second World War guerrilla troops also operate in the area.
|
|
Jiagu City became the 4th district of Ganyu County. During Anti-Japan war Japanese invaded and occupied Ganyu County, and the legal government was dismissed by Japan. They founded the pro-Japanese government with the help of some Chinese traitors. Then the Communist Party of China (CPC) came and organized some guerrilla troops to fight against Japanese troops and puppet armies.
|
|
For reasons which remain unknown, the guerrilla troops were dispersed, dissipated or destroyed and the action never took place. Haji Phir and Phir Saheba were captured by India in an attempt to eliminate the guerrilla bases, and Pakistan launched an offensive which captured Chhamb and Jourian. Indian Air Force bases in Amritsar were also attacked. In a counter- offensive, India launched operations across the international border.
|
|
When that time expired, Bird got back into the air charter business and created BirdAir. BirdAir operated Lockheed C-130s on loan from the United States Air Force and participated in the evacuation of former Hmong guerrilla troops in Laos. BirdAir also helped maintain the air bridge to Phnom Penh flying from U-Tapao to Phnom Penh daily in February and March 1975 until the day before the country fell.
|
|
Anti-Japanese Army For The Salvation Of The Country was a volunteer army led by Li Hai-ching resisting the pacification of Manchukuo. It had about 10,000 guerrilla troops described as being equipped with light artillery and numerous machine guns. They operated in the south of Kirin--now Heilongjiang--province. Li established his headquarters at Fuyu and was in control of the territory around there and southward as far as Nungan.
|
|
Two days later, they flew their first combat sorties, against PAVN and Pathet Lao covering Kong Le's retreat into the Plain of Jars. Anti-communist Hmong guerrilla troops in 1961. Russian Soviet air supply continued, bringing in heavy weapons to supplement the light arms previously delivered. On 7 January, the North Vietnamese presence was escalated by an additional four battalions; two of the battalions immediately moved to the point of conflict, on Route 7, which connected to Vientiane.
|
|
Cut Nyak Dhien, the historical inspiration for Tjoet Nja' Dhien Tjoet Nja' Dhien focuses on the six-year period between Umar's death and Dhien's capture by the Dutch. Leading her guerrilla troops, Dhien fights against the Dutch colonial army. Although she is supported by her troops and many Acehnese people, some Acehnese leaders have begun collaborating with the Dutch. Within the Dutch military, some commanders and troops commit "barbarous and cruel acts", while others supply weapons to the Acehnese.
|
|
Hoffman (née Paratasis), the spouse of a retired MWO (Militaire Willems-Orde) Knight who was executed for aiding Dutch guerrilla troops. On 8 February, the group repulsed a day-long Japanese attack at Kanejan, just east of Toempaän (Tumpaan). In reprisal for their loss at Kanejan, Japanese troops burned down a kampong (village) and beheaded five civilians, including two women. In another battle just four days later, they captured Meliëzer's group and brought them to Langoan.
|
|
On 28 July 1942, Druzhinin was appointed commander during a series of forest battles lasting from 27 July to 4 August in which the guerrilla partisans prevailed. In early 1943, Ukrainian Partisan Movement Headquarters ordered a raid in Shchors district of Chernihiv oblast, with heavy fighting against the Nazis. On 5 March, the guerrilla troops were divided into two partisan groups. A. F. Fedorov was appointed Commander of the Chernihiv-Volyn guerrilla groups, and Druzhinin was appointed Commissioner.
|
|
Geumdangsa was built in 814 during the reign of King Heondeok of the Silla Dynasty (57 BCE - 935 CE) and is known as the place where the Goryeo monk Naong Hwasang practiced his form of asceticism. According to another account, the daughter of General Jeon Bong-jun, who led the anti-establishment and anti-foreigner campaign Donghak Peasant Revolution in 1894, sought refuge here. The temple also served as a base for guerrilla troops in the Jinan area during the Japanese colonial period.
|
|
Mao says that guerrilla bands can be created from the masses or soldiers. Guerrilla units should learn to be independent of higher leadership because they may need to function without it. “The most important natural quality is that of complete loyalty to the idea of the people’s emancipation. If this is present, the others will develop; if it is not present, nothing can be done.” Guerrilla troops should acquire supplies, ammunition, and weapons from the Japanese after victories on the battle field.
|
|
Allied submarines also sank a large number of Imperial Japanese Army (IJA) troop transports, killing many thousands of Japanese soldiers and hampering the deployment of IJA reinforcements during the battles on the Pacific islands. They also conducted reconnaissance patrols, landed special forces and guerrilla troops and performed search and rescue tasks.Blair, Clay, Jr. Silent Victory (Bantam, 1947), pp.508, 521–2, 568, 574, 576, 609, 646, 724, 745–6, 784, 806, 818, 825, 827, 829, 842, 865–6, & 868–9.
|
|
Its rural area cut off from the besieged Leningrad by enemy German lines was controlled by the Soviet guerrilla troops and managed to collect and deliver to the starving city a food supply train of horse-drawn sleighs in the harsh winter of 1941-42. The school has its museum of these events and regional 2nd guerilla brigade. The school and the street were awarded the name of Mikhail Kharchenko, the Soviet officer in charge of the delivery operation guard. It was a girls' school until the mid-1950s.
|
|
Federal counter-guerrilla operations were very successful in preventing the success of Confederate guerrilla warfare. In Arkansas, Federal forces used a wide variety of strategies to defeat irregulars. These included the use of Arkansas Unionist forces as anti-guerrilla troops, the use of riverine forces such as gunboats to control the waterways, and the provost marshal military law enforcement system to spy on suspected guerrillas and to imprison those captured. Against Confederate raiders, the Federal army developed an effective cavalry themselves and reinforced that system by numerous blockhouses and fortification to defend strategic targets.
|
|
Federal counterguerrilla operations were successful in reducing the impact of Confederate guerrilla warfare. In Arkansas, Union forces used a wide variety of strategies to defeat irregulars. They included the use of Arkansas Unionist forces as anti-guerrilla troops, the use of riverine forces such as gunboats to control the waterways, and the provost marshal's military law enforcement system to spy on suspected guerrillas and to imprison those who were captured. Against Confederate raiders, the Union army developed an effective cavalry itself and reinforced that system by numerous blockhouses and fortification to defend strategic targets.
|
|
Following combat, Kim Il-sung made a speech, where he noted that the Korean people "turn out as one in the sacred anti-Japanese war". The battle is featured in Kim Il-sung's autobiography With the Century. In it, too, Kim describes his guerrilla troops acting spontaneously and motivated by emotion rather than reason and strategic insights. In it, he said of the event: This official version of the battle does not correspond with some contemporary records such as a Japanese newspaper, however, which suggest that the rebels were actually led by Choe Hyon.
|
|
155 The BNP started its practical activity in June 1944Туронак, С.155. by creating several undercover guerrilla troops in Belarus to fight against the approaching Red Army. (according to other sources, the training of such groups has been organized with the help of Abwehr in autumn 1943, especially actively in winter and spring of 1944Ёрш, С.15.). As its political programme the BNP proposed to use the "inevitable conflict" between the USSR and its Western Allies after the victory over Germany in the Second World War to gain independence for Belarus.
|
|
Just before war was declared, Peter Fleming, then a reserve officer in the Grenadier Guards, was recruited by the War Office research section investigating the potential of irregular warfare (MIR). His initial task was to develop ideas to assist the Chinese guerrillas fighting the Japanese. He served in the Norwegian campaign with the prototype commando units – Independent Companies – but in May 1940 he was tasked with research into the potential use of the new Local Defence Volunteers (later the Home Guard) as guerrilla troops. His ideas were first incorporated into General Thorne's XII Corps Observation Unit, forerunner of the GHQ Auxiliary Units.
|
|
The triumphant guerrilla troops entered Managua on 19 July 1979. Days earlier, on July 11, Borge attended a meeting of the National Directorate along with Daniel Ortega, Sergio Ramirez and Miguel d' Escoto in Costa Rica at the home of President Rodrigo Carazo Odio in Puntarenas with William Boudlerom, representative of the US government. At that meeting, Borge rejected the proposal to replace Somoza with Urcuyos Maliaños Francisco, President of the Congress, as established in the Constitution of 1974 would take place in the absence of the president. Somoza fled on 17 July and Urcuyos was named president.
|
|
The Laotian Armed Forces training Centre at Khang Khai, Laos, March 1960 Anti-communist Hmong guerrilla troops in 1961. Despite its repression of the Pathēt Lao, Phuy's government did not give the right-wingers the sort of power they wanted, and in December Phūmī Nôsavan staged Laos's first military coup. Viang Chan was occupied and Phuy arrested, but Phūmī was forced to back down when the King, at the urging of western ambassadors, refused to appoint him Prime Minister. A compromise was reached whereby a royal relative, Prince Somsanit Vongkotrattana, became nominal Prime Minister while Phūmī remained Defence Minister and became the real power in the government.
|
|
Li Hai-ching, or Li Hai-Tsing (died 1930s), was the leader of about 10,000 Anti-Japanese guerrilla troops in the south of Kirin, now Heilongjiang province, resisting the pacification of Manchukuo. They called themselves Anti-Japanese Army For The Salvation Of The Country and were described as being equipped with light artillery and numerous machine guns. Li established his headquarters at Fuyu and were in control of the territory there and southward as far as Nong’an. On 29 March 1932 his forces defeated regular troops of the Manchukuoan Governor Xi Qia outside the town of Nong′an, only 55 km from the Manchukuoan capital of Xinjing.
|
|
The Greek General Consulate in Thessaloniki, under Lambros Koromilas, became the centre of the struggle, coordinating the guerrilla troops, distributing military material and nursing the wounded. Fierce conflicts between the Greeks and Bulgarians started in the area of Kostur, in the Giannitsa Lake area, and elsewhere. During 1905, guerilla activity increased and the Makedonomachoi gained significant advantage within 10 months, extending their control towards the areas of Mariovo and East Macedonia, Kastanohoria (near Kastoria), the plains north and south of Florina and the routes around Monastir. However, from early 1906 the situation became critical and the forces of the Makedonomachoi were forced to withdraw from various areas.
|
|
Pappas was born in Dovista (Δοβίστα), Serres regional unit, a village which is now named after him (Emmanouil Papas). Son of a priest, Pappas excelled in commerce and banking, not only in Macedonia, but also in Europe, establishing trading posts in Istanbul, Vienna and Budapest, despite the limited education he received. Being one of the founding members of Filiki Etaireia, after the outbreak of the War, he dedicated his fortune to organising and financing guerrilla troops. In March, 1821, he tried to coordinate his actions in Eastern Macedonia, with Anastasios Karatasos, who had started the revolution in West, with a view to spread it through the entire region, but their actions were not well synchronized, and had little success.
|
|
Periklis Drakos from Kavala with co-fighters The band of slavophone Gonos Yotas fought with the Greek side. The Greek state became concerned, not only because of Bulgarian penetration in Macedonia but also due to Serbian interests, which were concentrated mainly in Skopje and Bitola area. The rioting in Macedonia and especially the death of Pavlos Melas in 1904 (he was the first Greek officer to enter Macedonia with guerrillas and was killed in battle with the Ottoman army) caused intense nationalistic feelings in Greece. This led to the decision to send more guerrilla troops in order to thwart Bulgarian efforts to bring all of the Slavic-speaking population of Macedonia on their side.
|
|
Nationally, there are two main political parties in El Salvador with roots in the Civil War. The main right-wing party is La Alianza Republicana Nacionalista (Nactionalist Republican Alliance—ARENA), founded on September 30, 1981, retained strong links to the military during the Civil War and have held power for the later years of the war and most of the post-war period. The Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN) the socialist party, is the direct descendant of the communist guerrilla troops that fought against the Salvadoran government, and was legally constituted as a political party on September 1, 1992. Since the Civil War the two have remained the country's principal political parties, still divided by the left-right binary.
|
|
Agras was born in Gargalianoi (now in Trifylia municipality), Messenia in 1880, from an important family of that region, members of which had participated in the Greek War of Independence. He entered the Hellenic Military Academy, from where he graduated as lieutenant of the Hellenic Army in 1901. The increasing presence of Bulgarian Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization guerrilla troops in Ottoman-held Macedonia and their actions against the followers of the Patriarchate of Constantinople and generally against the Macedonian Greek population concerned Greek public opinion in Athens, which led to the creation of some underground organizations financed by wealthy Greeks, initially without official support, with the intention of establishing Greek military bands in Macedonia to confront the threat. Agras entered one of these organizations, the Macedonian Committee in 1904, after the death of Pavlos Melas.
|
|
But on November 14, 1906 Agras was seriously injured after an unsuccessful attack against the leader of the Bulgarian guerrilla troops, Apostol Petkov, near the village of Zervochori and was recalled to Thessaloniki to be healed. He continued his activity in the area for some months but his health deteriorated by his continuous presence and fights in the lake, resulting in his infection by malaria. The coordinator of the Greek forces, Konstantinos Mazarakis- Ainian, concerned for his life, ordered Agras to withdraw to Naoussa in April 1907, where he started recruiting locals to man the band of his substitute Captain Amyntas, alias Lieutenant Doumpiotis. However, by that time, Ottoman forces, although initially passive and not intervening in Greek-Bulgarian fights, began attacking both, worried by the presence of so many armed bands in the area.
|
|
They believed that well-trained irregulars could undermine tanks and the Blitzkrieg. As Wintringham noted: > The guerrilla, on the other hand, can exert against the communications of > any enemy force, against his dumps as well as his lorries his headquarters > as well as his stragglers, a continual pressure a threat that wears out men > and forces. And guerrilla warfare is a method of fighting a useful method, > that will, I believe, in future campaigns become absolutely essential to > success—that can be achieved and developed by democracies and by socialist > societies, but cannot be developed by Fascism, particularly in the areas > where Fascism rules by force against the will of the population. Successful > guerrilla fighting needs the self-confidence and initiative of millions of > free men, the support at risk and at heavy sacrifice of almost all the > population, and a feeling of close comradeship and solidarity between the > guerrilla troops and any regular army and air force supporting them.
|
|
White low laced leather shoes were prescribed to wear the earlier ANL white cotton full dress, whilst brown ones were worn with the khaki service/work uniform for all-ranks and, after 1954 the latter were required for RLA officers wearing the new FAR officers’ khaki dress uniform on formal occasions. ANL personnel on the field initially wore a mixture of American and French regulation footwear, including brown leather US M-1943 Combat Service Boots, French M1917 brown leather hobnailed ankle boots (French: Brodequins modéle 1917), French M1953 brown leather "Rangers" (French: Rangers modéle 1953) and French canvas-and-rubber Pataugas tropical boots; paratroopers received the calf-length French M1950 or M1950/53 TAP (French: Bottes de saut modéle 1950 et 1950/53) black leather jump-boot models. Black leather combat boots were also provided by the Americans who issued both the early US Army M-1962 "McNamara" model and the M-1967 model with "ripple" pattern rubbler sole; the highly prized US Army Jungle boot was not issued to the RLA but saw limited use after 1971 amongst members of elite units (e.g. Paratroopers, Special Forces) or by irregular guerrilla troops fighting in the jungle environment of southern Laos.
|
|
There are two main political parties in El Salvador, whose roots lie in the Civil War (Foley 2006, Stahler-Sholk 1994). The main right-wing party is La Alianza Republicana Nacionalista (Nationalist Republican Alliance—ARENA), founded on September 30, 1981, and was in power during the last few wars of the Civil War (ARENA 2007). The Frente Farabundo Martí para la Liberación Nacional (Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front—FMLN) the socialist party, is the direct descendant of the guerrilla troops that fought against the Salvadoran government, and was legally constituted as a political party on September 1, 1992 (Stahler-Sholk 1994:3). Since the Civil War the two have remained the country’s principal political parties, still divided by the left-right binary. Today ARENA describes itself as a party in whose “forming principles express that a democratic and representational system, which guarantees the freedom of action and the consequences of individual peaceful goals, are the quickest and stablest path to achieve integral development of the nation” (ARENA 2007). The FMLN “has begun to take steps…to act as a consequence of the historically created challenges, in order to make the party an organization of ‘social fighters…’and ‘to unify more’ the struggle for power (Comisión Nacional de Educación Política 2002).
|
|
There are two main political parties in El Salvador, whose roots lie in the Civil War (Foley 2006, Stahler- Sholk 1994). The main right-wing party is La Alianza Republicana Nacionalista (Nactionalist Republican Alliance—ARENA), founded on September 30, 1981, and was in power during the last few wars of the Civil War (ARENA 2007). The Frente Farabundo Marti para La Liberacion Nacional (Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front—FMLN) the socialist party, is the direct descendant of the guerrilla troops that fought against the Salvadoran government, and was legally constituted as a political party on September 1, 1992 (Stahler-Sholk 1994:3). Since the Civil War the two have remained the country’s principal political parties, still divided by the left-right binary. Today ARENA describes itself as a party in whose “forming principals express that a democratic and representational system, which guarantees the freedom of action and the consequences of individual peaceful goals, are the quickest and stablest path to achieve integral development of the nation” (ARENA 2007). The FMLN “has begun to take steps…to act as a consequence of the historically created challenges, in order to make the party an organization of ‘social fighters…’and ‘to unify more’ the struggle for power (Comisión Nacional de Educación Política 2002).
|
|
There are two main political parties in El Salvador, whose roots lie in the Civil War (Foley 2006, Stahler-Sholk 1994). The main right-wing party is La Alianza Republicana Nacionalista (Nactionalist Republican Alliance—ARENA), founded on September 30, 1981, and was in power during the last few wars of the Civil War (ARENA 2007). The Frente Farabundo Marti para La Liberacion Nacional (Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front—FMLN) the socialist party, is the direct descendant of the guerrilla troops that fought against the Salvadoran government, and was legally constituted as a political party on September 1, 1992 (Stahler-Sholk 1994:3). Since the Civil War the two have remained the country’s principal political parties, still divided by the left-right binary. Today ARENA describes itself as a party in whose “forming principals express that a democratic and representational system, which guarantees the freedom of action and the consequences of individual peaceful goals, are the quickest and stablest path to achieve integral development of the nation” (ARENA 2007). The FMLN “has begun to take steps…to act as a consequence of the historically created challenges, in order to make the party an organization of ‘social fighters…’and ‘to unify more’ the struggle for power (Comisión Nacional de Educación Política 2002).
|
|
There are two main political parties in El Salvador, whose roots lie in the Civil War.(Foley 2006, Stahler-Sholk 1994) The main right-wing party, La Alianza Republicana Nacionalista (Nationalist Republican Alliance—ARENA), founded on September 30, 1981, was in power during the last few wars of the Civil War.(ARENA 2007) The Frente Farabundo Marti para La Liberacion Nacional (Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front—FMLN) the socialist party, is the direct descendant of the guerrilla troops that fought against the Salvadoran government, and was legally constituted as a political party on September 1, 1992.(Stahler-Sholk 1994:3) Since the Civil War the two have remained the country's principal political parties, still divided by the left-right binary. Today ARENA describes itself as a party in whose “forming principals express that a democratic and representational system, which guarantees the freedom of action and the consequences of individual peaceful goals, are the quickest and stablest path to achieve integral development of the nation”. The FMLN “has begun to take steps…to act as a consequence of the historically created challenges, in order to make the party an organization of ‘social fighters…’and ‘to unify more’ the struggle for power.
|
|