686 Sentences With "glasnost" | Random Sentence Generator

Five years later, the era of glasnost and perestroika began.

All these notions are subsumed in the one Russian word, glasnost.

" (an Easter egg) and "What does the Russian word 'glasnost' mean?

It was a catalyst for glasnost, the opening up of the media.

By the time the cave was finished, glasnost made it seem obsolete.

To another leader, glasnost or perestroika would not have seemed like obvious policies.

His programs of glasnost, or openness, and perestroika, economic restructuring, changed Russian society.

Fortunately, it was during the glasnost period of open reform under Mikhail Gorbachev.

Now, we remember Reagan and Gorbachev in Glasnost, you know, it took several meetings.

Amid Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev's glasnost and perestroika, Nagorno-Karabakh became a war zone.

"The idea was that it was glasnost, and a new world order," Tool said.

Within weeks glasnost began in earnest, undermining the pillar on which the system rested: lies.

Glasnost may be stirring in Russia, but an Iron Curtain is descending in their home.

In a rapid demonstration of digital glasnost, within minutes the Russian Embassy in Washington had retweeted it.

Not until Mikhail S. Gorbachev and the glasnost era a decade later was he able to return.

The duo hatched the idea for a festival that would take advantage of the Cuban glasnost currently unfolding.

We think of Mikhail Gorbachev, with his policies of glasnost ("opening") and perestroika ("restructuring"), unleashing this liberal body.

Kim may pursue a version of perestroika to stave off economic collapse, but there will be no glasnost.

Celebrities don't owe anything to their fans, nor should viewers expect any real glasnost in documentaries about their lives.

The Russians would not co-operate to solve it until glasnost, in the 1990s, began to melt the ice.

In Poland's case, the rapid transformation started with Mikhail Gorbachev's policies of perestroika and glasnost, or restructuring and openness.

As Mr. Gorbachev's adoption of the word "glasnost" conceded, there had to be change in civil society as well.

I was among the first journalists to get inside the K.G.B. headquarters in Moscow during a brief experiment in glasnost.

Secondhand Time rehearses the familiar story of perestroika, glasnost, and the wild hopes and lost illusions of the post-Soviet 1990s.

Take, for example, Aleksandr Petrovich Utkin's satirical Glasnost-era painting "He Who Doesn't Work, Doesn't Eat" (1990), which tackles Soviet-era dogma.

But his disappearance went unexplained, right through the Gorbachev era of glasnost and the chaos after the collapse of the Soviet Union.

But the openness, known as glasnost, ushered in by the Soviet leader Mikhail S. Gorbachev presented Mr. Askoldov with an unexpected opportunity.

A decade ago, Arabic media was returning home from exile, lured by the opening of glitzy "media cities" and promises of Arab glasnost.

It was only during the late '80s, with restrictions loosened by Mikhail Gorbachev's glasnost, that the Holocaust began appearing in the Soviet press.

There are other examples, too, but these accidents weren't publicized, because they took place in the U.S.S.R. during the secretive era before glasnost.

Backdropped against the waning days of the Soviet Union, as Mikhail Gorbachev angles for perestroika and glasnost, the show tidily divorces morality from nationalism.

The Times called it an effort to undercut Europe's growing approval of the Russian, who had instituted a liberalizing policy called Glasnost, or openness.

The Times called Reagan's address an effort to undercut Europe's growing approval of Gorbachev, who had instituted a liberalizing policy called glasnost, or openness.

She was finally freed in October 1986 in a gesture of glasnost, the more permissive policy pursued by the Soviet leader Mikhail S. Gorbachev.

And while American music became more prevalent on the Soviet radiowaves under glasnost, Gorbachev wanted to import the real thing in the form of concerts.

In fact, a bit more glasnost would be in everyone's interest and could lead to a new era of détente between Congress and the Commission.

Some adore him for introducing perestroika, or restructuring, combined with glasnost, or openness, which together helped to jettison the worst repressions of the Communist system.

"That shift out of communism, through perestroika and glasnost, and into the rise of the oligarchs — it's such a lost opportunity," he said by telephone.

Glasnost — Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev&aposs program of opening up the government to the people — was already in place by the time of the disaster.

"This is the closest thing in the Middle East to glasnost," says Sam Blatteis, a former head of public policy in the Persian Gulf for Google.

A strong wind of change was blowing in Moscow, triggered by Mikhail Gorbachev's perestroika and glasnost, but risks and social tensions in the city were elevated.

Alexander Solzhenitsyn's impassioned essay "Live Not by Lies" appeared the day before he was exiled in 1974; Mikhail Gorbachev's most radical reform was "glasnost," or openness.

As early as 1987, he painted a grim picture of the consequences of perestroika and glasnost, the liberalization programs that Mr. Gorbachev had put in place.

Softened interpretations of communism such as glasnost, perestroika and, in Hungary, "goulash" eased restrictions on speech and opened some economies to market-based trade in the 1980s.

He attends a pick-up bootcamp in Miami, at which he is dispatched to chat up a Russian woman ("I deploy my full repertoire—glasnost, perestroika, pogrom").

After military service, Mr. Dorenko joined state-run Soviet Central Television in 1985, just before censorship policies were being relaxed under President Mikhail S. Gorbachev's glasnost program.

But unlike the heady days of glasnost, there will be no chic, Raisa Gorbachev-type first lady from the Russian side to satisfy the appetites of fashion watchers.

Memorial, based in Moscow, began the event in the late 1980s, during the periods of glasnost and perestroika under President Mikhail Gorbachev, to catalog the crimes of Stalinism.

During the period of Glasnost, the thaw of the Soviet Union in the late 1980s, artists in Russia experienced freedom as it had never existed for them before.

There's no comparable intra-American debate to the Soviet fight over perestroika and glasnost, no question about whether maybe the US should become a little more like the USSR.

When Orwell reviewed "We" in 1946, the novel had been published in English, French and Czech, but it would not appear in the Soviet Union until 1988, during glasnost.

It's the ballet company's 25th anniversary 'Nutcracker' tour following Glasnost -- the policy calling for increased artistic openness between the US and Russia after the end of the Cold War.

The full scale of our collective misfortune we, the grandchildren of the revolution, understood only during the brief period of Mikhail Gorbachev's glasnost, or openness, in the late 1980s.

It is hard to walk past the barricades today without remembering America's innocence, and even harder to explain to our children the glasnost we took for granted back then.

The 1990s represent "the opposite of today," Mr. Trembley said, since in some ways it was a period of the opening of borders, post-glasnost, and the beginning of globalism.

Hans-Dietrich Genscher, the foreign minister of West Germany, urged the West to be receptive to the perestroika and glasnost initiatives begun by Mikhail S. Gorbachev in the Soviet Union.

" Former Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev — the architect of glasnost or "openness" reform policies that hastened the end the Communist U.S.S.R. — has warned that U.S.-Russia ties were at "a dangerous point.

It appears to have learned lessons from both the rise of the British Empire (piracy is quite a good primer) and the fall of the Soviet Union (Glasnost can cause chaos).

One could argue that not since Mikhail Gorbachev — another Nobel Peace Prize laureate — introduced glasnost to the Soviet Union in the mid-1980s has any country embarked on such radical reforms.

The second blow is to the reformist faction headed by Mr Rouhani—and to all those who have pinned their hopes on him as the architect of a sort of Iranian glasnost.

He would also introduce the policies of glasnost ("openness") and perestroika ("restructuring") in order to liberalize the Soviet system, creating room for dissenting viewpoints and artistic experimentation as well as economic modernization.

Sylvie Kauffmann PARIS — In 1987, at the height of Mikhail S. Gorbachev's glasnost, I sat down in a Moscow theater with a few hundred others to watch a just-released somber film.

" — Hopeful, Bethesda, Md. "'The Sound of Glasnost': To escape the Nazis, the Von Trapps had the Mother Abbess; to evade the F.B.I. and Claudia's anti-Gorby fifth column, the Jenningses have Father Andrei.

Mr. Gorbachev saw this campaign for "new thinking" in foreign affairs to run parallel with glasnost, his new policy of openness in the press, and perestroika, a reconstruction of the lumbering Soviet economy.

Christmas Day of that year brought an official end to the Soviet Union, largely due to the drastic cultural shift brought on by Gorbachev's glasnost, and the Berlin Wall would be demolished by 1992.

Chernobyl struck at a critical juncture in Soviet history, only a year after Mikhail Gorbachev came to power with the promise of reforming the stultifying police state through "glasnost" and "perestroika," openness and reconstruction.

More horrifically antiwar than romantically partisan or patriotic in the tradition of Soviet combat films, "Come and See" ends with intimations of nuclear catastrophe, presaging what came to be called the cinema of glasnost.

Reagan's embrace of Gorbachev and praise for his reforms gave the Soviet leader the latitude to enact the political and social changes – perestroika, glasnost, demokratizatsiya – that ultimately caused the collapse of the Soviet Union.

Even in 19903, after Mikhail Gorbachev launched perestroika and glasnost in a bid to bring some sort of modernity to the USSR, visiting the country involved reconciling ideals and propaganda abroad, and harsh politics at home.

Apple has never fully embraced Twitter, but we've seen a sort of glasnost in recent years as executives and CEO Tim Cook have taken to the microblogging platform to share deep thoughts and, occasionally, blurry pictures.

In contrast to the Glasnost era of the late nineties in which the press and the public enjoyed unprecedented freedom of expression, Putin brought the major Russian channels, including Channel One and Russia One, under state control.

On the surface, he was simply embracing his own policy of glasnost, the new openness introduced alongside perestroika, the restructuring of the Soviet Union's command economy that was meant to rescue the country from geopolitical free-fall.

In "The Winter Palettes," an evocative time capsule written for Harpers & Queen in 25.993, Solomon meets avant-garde Soviet artists in the age of glasnost and finds their solidarity fraying in the face of overnight fame and fortune.

Therefore, American foreign policy was fairly pro-China, with the goal of getting it to adopt its own version of "perestroika" and "glasnost" while expecting Chinese people to demand democratic reforms when prosperity had reached a certain level.

" The treaty marked a historic shift in U.S.-Russian relations and came at a time of Gorbachev-led reforms in Russia — most notably, his policies of "perestroika" and "glasnost" — essentially, a series of political and economic reforms and "openness.

When Mr. Roginsky was released, the Soviet Union was celebrating the emergence of Mr. Gorbachev, whose liberalizing programs, known as perestroika and glasnost, had lifted press censorship and fostered a new debate about the darkest pages of Soviet history.

Those commitments are not, of course, to hardline Soviet communism, of the kind that Elizabeth espoused in the early seasons (or even earlier this season, with her stating misgivings to Philip about glasnost and fear of becoming just like Americans).

With the arrival of Mikhail S. Gorbachev and the policies of glasnost and perestroika, Mr. King's collection became a coveted resource for scholars intent on re-examining Soviet history and for museum curators keen to organize exhibitions on Soviet design and political art.

He shows how Chernobyl embodied the Soviet system's failings, and in turn played a role in the system's collapse, ultimately acting as a catalyst for Mikhail Gorbachev's policy of glasnost, or openness, and for nationalist movements in republics such as Ukraine, Belarus and Lithuania.

In truth, Glasnost allowed the real Legasov to present his position on the safety flaws in nuclear reactors to the Soviet scientific community — not through a trial, as the series depicts (he never participated in the Chernobyl trials), but through the regular media and in private conversation.

But actions rather than words will determine whether the GOP leadership's sudden embrace of racial glasnost reflects a genuine recognition that the party has been too solicitous of Trumpism, or whether it's simply a cynical attempt to put some distance between Trump and the GOP brand.

The dissident movement in Cuba that developed among young people in the mid-1980s, including many that had studied in the Soviet Union and other Eastern European countries, grew out of their firsthand knowledge of communism and their attempts at glasnost and perestroika to reform communism from within.

Two of the young people, Zhanna and Seryozha, are picked primarily because of their relatives: In the first case her father was Boris Nemtsov, the liberal reformer who was assassinated in 2015, and in the second his grandfather was Alexander Yakovlev, the intellectual force behind Gorbachev's perestroika and glasnost.

Historically, periods of low oil prices have been associated with market liberalization in Russia, beginning with the Soviet-era reforms of perestroika and glasnost under Mikhail S. Gorbachev in the 1980s and continuing with the introduction of a flat tax and other business-friendly measures at the turn of the century.

Cut off from publishing because they didn't and wouldn't adhere to the state's heroic Socialist Realist conventions of art and poetry, even in post-thaw, pre-Glasnost Russia, they traded manuscripts in samizdat, much in the same way New York School poets outside academia exchanged mimeos and self-published pamphlets.

Letter To the Editor: "Defecting From North Korea, Vowing: 'We Are Ready to Die' " (front page, March 26) is a reminder of the unparalleled brutality of the North Korean regime, even as its supreme leader, Kim Jong-un, appears to seek diplomatic glasnost with South Korea, the United States and perhaps China.

In 1989, when she was nine and a half years old, Spektor and her family fled Soviet Russia during perestroika and glasnost (a heavy political restructuring and move to openness which unleashed a wave of suppressed antisemitism in certain areas of society), taking the opportunity to escape fierce persecution of their faith.

This was also the era of perestroika and glasnost, economic and cultural changes promoted by Mr. Gorbachev that had sparked optimism among some in the West — along with skepticism from many others — that the Kremlin was prepared to adopt a more conciliatory stance abroad and provide greater freedoms to its own people.

ZULEIKHA By Guzel Yakhina Whenever I have taught Andrei Platonov's hallucinatory masterpiece, "Soul," a novella about the Soviet expansion into Central Asia, I've noticed that many of my otherwise knowledgeable undergraduates have only a vague idea of what happened in Eastern Europe between the Russian Revolution and the 1980s liberalizations of Glasnost.

There is still more that can and should be done because waiting for Glasnost — Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev's policy of easing tensions and increased transparency — without taking any actions to bring Russia to the understanding that its current path is untenable, is the moral equivalent of suggesting the Munich Agreement ended Hitler's territorial claims in Europe.

" Reviewing "Grey Is the Color of Hope" in The Chicago Tribune, Natan Sharansky, the former Soviet dissident, wrote, "In the present age of glasnost and perestroika, this moving book, which deserves a wide audience in the West, is powerful testimony that change comes about through the efforts of people like Irina Ratushinskaya and through Western support for such people.

It's unclear how much Trump himself knew about his in-laws' encounters with Czech intelligence, but when Mikhail Gorbachev, the last leader of the Soviet Union, rose to power in 1985, and put forth the policies of perestroika (literally "restructuring" in Russian) and glasnost ("openness"), which eased the tensions of the Cold War, Trump became deeply infected with a severe case of Russophilia.

In the early days of every summer, while I was growing up, he would come home one evening with four tickets and a visa form, and announce that we would be decamping, in a fortnight or so, to some unfamiliar foreign location—Cairo, Addis Ababa, Bangkok, pre-glasnost Moscow, post-Shah Tehran—while my mother stewed privately about what to pack, whom to ask for advice, and what to feed the children during the trip.

When Mikhail Gorbachev took over as leader of the Communist Party there in 21987, he steered the Soviet Union onto a drastically new course, promoting policies of glasnost (openness) and perestroika (restructuring) in an effort to end the political and economic rivalry between the Soviets and the US that arose after World War II. Western culture had previously been explicitly banned under the nation's old totalitarian rule, though rock and roll, a distinctly American export, had managed to seep in via the black market.

But if you read between the lines of the early Cosmist ideas to the suprematism of the Russian avant-garde (supremas, the basic unit of Malevich's work, are one of the basic characters in Pepperstein's painting as well as his fiction, as I wrote in a review of an earlier show) and the Glasnost-era culture dissected by 1980s artist collective Inspection Medical Hermeneutics, of which Pepperstein was a founding member, it is possible to see in A History of Futuristic Hallucinations a century of Russian thought and art, mediated through the irony of a tragic history disowning itself.

Neither could publish in the Soviet Union until the advent of Perestroika and Glasnost.

Borovik criticized the media blackout imposed by the Soviet government, claiming that it ran against Gorbachev's aims of greater openness under glasnost."Soviet TV surprise: Ethnic strife shown; Program rips news blackout, defends glasnost ." Chicago Sun-Times. April 28, 1988. p. 36.

Up until the era of glasnost, it was not permitted to speak openly of the deportations.

These laws were only relaxed during the 1980s as part of the glasnost policies of Mikhail Gorbachev.

From Gulag to Glasnost: Nonconformist Art from the Soviet Union. p. 218-226. Thames and Hudson, USA, 1995, .

Glasnost was intended to reduce the corruption at the top of the Communist Party and moderate the abuse of power in the Central Committee. Glasnost also enabled increased contact between Soviet citizens and the western world, particularly with the United States, contributing to the accelerating détente between the two nations.

It was one of the occasions during the glasnost and perestroika era in which the USSR used force against dissidents.

In 1986 Mikhail Gorbachev and his advisers adopted "glasnost" as a political slogan, together with the obscure term "perestroika" in order to invoke the term's historical and contemporaneous resonance. Glasnost was taken to mean increased openness and transparency in government institutions and activities in the Soviet Union (USSR). Glasnost reflected a commitment of the Gorbachev administration to allowing Soviet citizens to discuss publicly the problems of their system and potential solutions. Gorbachev encouraged popular scrutiny and criticism of leaders, as well as a certain level of exposure by the mass media.

This arrangement was intended to last for one year and was made possible by the Glasnost events in the Soviet Union.

With the glasnost and perestroika of the final days of the Soviet Union, the time seemed right for a new journey.

Details of both Soviet programs were kept secret until 1990 when the government allowed them to be published under the policy of glasnost.

In 1988, in the spirit of Glasnost, Soviet premier Mikhail Gorbachev promised increased religious toleration."Russia", Encyclopædia Britannica. Retrieved on 2011-06-15.

Between 1986 and 1991, during an era of reforms in the USSR, glasnost was frequently linked with other generalised concepts such as perestroika (literally: restructuring or regrouping) and demokratizatsiya (democratisation). Gorbachev often appealed to glasnost when promoting policies aimed at reducing corruption at the top of the Communist Party and the Soviet government, and moderating the abuse of administrative power in the Central Committee. The ambiguity of "glasnost" defines the distinctive five-year period (1986–1991) at the end of the USSR's existence. There was decreasing pre-publication and pre-broadcast censorship and greater freedom of information.

In 1988, glasnost and continuing international pressure finally forced the Soviet government to permit 250 foreign citizens to stay in Uman over Rosh Hashana.

U.S. Department of State, "Disinformation, The Media, and Foreign Policy." Conference Report. May 1987. U.S. Information Agency, Soviet Active Measures in the Era of Glasnost.

The glasnost meeting (), also known as the glasnost rally, was the first spontaneous public political demonstration in the Soviet Union after the Second World War. It took place in Moscow on 5 December 1965 as a response to the trial of writers Andrei Sinyavsky and Yuli Daniel. The demonstration is considered to mark the beginning of a movement for civil rights in the Soviet Union.

Gorbachev's interpretation of "glasnost" can best be summarised in English as "openness". While associated with freedom of speech, the main goal of this policy was to make the country's management transparent, and circumvent the holding of near-complete control of the economy and bureaucracy of the Soviet Union by a concentrated body of officials and bureaucratic personnel. During Glasnost, Soviet history under Stalin was re-examined; censored literature in the libraries was made more widely available;Glasnost im sowjetischen Bibliothekswesen (by Peter Bruhn)А.П. Шикман: Совершенно несекретно in: Советская библиография, 1988,6 (231), P.3-12 and there was a greater freedom of speech for citizens and openness in the media.

Its last volume displayed signs of the intellectual freedom that arose in the 1980s during the Glasnost movement in Russia and the Sąjūdis movement in Lithuania.

Mikhail Gorbachev (born 1931), who took control in 1985, was the first Soviet leader to have been born after the October revolution. He is remembered for three initiatives: glasnost, perestroika, and the "Frank Sinatra doctrine". Glasnost, or "openness", was Gorbachev's term for allowing public debate in the Soviet Union to an unprecedented degree. Perestroika was his term for market-oriented economic reforms, in recognition of the stagnating effects of central planning.

These policies included glasnost (literally, public "voicing"), which made possible open discussion of democratic reforms and long-ignored public problems such as pollution. Glasnost also brought constitutional reforms that led to the election of new republic legislatures with substantial blocs of pro-reform representatives. In the RSFSR a new legislature, called the Congress of People's Deputies, was elected in March 1990 in a largely free and competitive vote.

Volkogonov published books that contributed to the strain of liberal Russian thought that emerged during Glasnost in the late 1980s and the post-Soviet era of the early 1990s.

Hendrix, Kathleen. (1988, July 15). The Great American Glasnost Tour: In a Peace Walk Across the U.S., Soviets Explore the Basics: Bikers, Barbecues and the Beach. Los Angeles Times.

On 19 December 1986, Mikhail Gorbachev, who had initiated the policies of perestroika and glasnost, called Sakharov to tell him that he and his wife could return to Moscow.

The Soviet Union was facing a period of severe economic decline and needed Western technology. Subsidies to foreign client states further strained the moribund Soviet economy. The first signs of major reform came in 1986 when Gorbachev launched a policy of glasnost (openness) in the Soviet Union, and emphasized the need for perestroika (economic restructuring). Though glasnost advocated openness and political criticism, at the time, it was only permitted in accordance with the political views of the ruling powers.

These stoked a number of miners' strikes in 1989. By 1987, the ethos of glasnost had spread through Soviet society: journalists were writing increasingly openly, many economic problems were being publicly revealed, and studies appeared that critically reassessed Soviet history. Gorbachev was broadly supportive, describing glasnost as "the crucial, irreplaceable weapon of perestroika". He nevertheless insisted that people should use the newfound freedom responsibly, stating that journalists and writers should avoid "sensationalism" and be "completely objective" in their reporting.

Glasnost The Game is a strategic board game, produced by the Cypriot company YL Games. It was invented in 1989 by neuroscientist Yiannis Laouris, with help and inspiration from his daughter Romina, and his friend George Vakanas in Tucson, Arizona. Glasnost The Game is a turn-based game for ideally four players. It is played on a board depicting a partly modified political map of the Earth, divided into territories, which are grouped into seven continents.

In 1948, Mordyukova was married to actor Vyacheslav Tikhonov and had a son (now deceased) by him.NONNA MORDYUKOVA; Star of 'The Commissar', cause celèbre of glasnost cinema. John Riley. The Independent (London).

Under the influence of Mikhail Gorbachev's glasnost and perestroika initiatives, the flag of independent Latvia was restored on 15 February 1990, one and a half years before the formal recognition of Latvian independence.

Sleepers is a 1991 comedy-drama produced by Cinema Verity for the BBC, and that aired on BBC2 from 10 April to 1 May 1991, set around the period of Glasnost in the Soviet Union.

Though restrained by the Soviet system, Vilnius University grew and gained significance and developed its own, Lithuanian identity. Vilnius University began to free itself from Soviet ideology in 1988, thanks to the policy of glasnost.

Christoph Zürcher, The Post-Soviet Wars: Rebellion, Ethnic Conflict, and Nationhood in the Caucasus (New York: New York University Press, 2007), pp. 154 As the new general secretary of the Soviet Union, Mikhail Gorbachev, came to power in 1985, he began implementing his plans to reform the Soviet Union. These were encapsulated in two policies: perestroika and glasnost. While perestroika had more to do with economic reform, glasnost or "openness" granted limited freedom to Soviet citizens to express grievances about the Soviet system itself and its leaders.

Alexander Nikolaevich Yakovlev (; 2 December 1923 – 18 October 2005) was a Soviet and Russian politician and historian. During the 1980s he was a member of the Politburo and Secretariat of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. He was called the "godfather of glasnost" as he is considered to be the intellectual force behind Mikhail Gorbachev's reform program of glasnost and perestroika. Yakovlev was the first Soviet politician to acknowledge the existence of the secret protocols of the 1939 Ribbentrop-Molotov Pact with Nazi Germany.

The first publications in the Soviet Union about the number of fatalities of the Luzhniki tragedy appeared only after the introduction of the Glasnost policy by Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev at the end of the 1980s.

Glasnost is the second full-length album by Nottingham alternative metal band illuminatus. The album was released through Headroom Records on February 7, 2011. All songs were written by illuminatus, with all lyrics by Julio Taylor.

Meanwhile, relaxation of censorship under glasnost made the middle class even more aware of their Western counterparts. They felt that they deserved fashionable clothing as a status symbol, but still could not easily obtain it.Bartlett, FashionEast, 240.

He participated at the opening of "The Free Will – 20 Years Glasnost" art exhibition in Berlin and handed over his present (painting named “GLASNOST”) to Gorbachev. Scholarship by the Otto- Flath-Foundation. In May 2006 Didillon made his WALK OF FLAME, a pilgrimage from San Francisco to Hollywood, dedicating his pilgrimage to the actress Kirsten Dunst and to his grandfather Johannes Schumacher, who had been a prisoner of war in Russia during World War II, and had escaped by walking hundreds of miles home to his family in Germany.

The Glasnost Bowl was a planned attempt to stage an American college football game in Moscow, USSR at the beginning of the 1989 season. The game was named after the policy of glasnost ("openness") introduced by Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev in 1985. Scheduled for the Dynamo Stadium, the game was similar to the Mirage Bowl/Coca-Cola Classic, a college football game being played annually in Tokyo, Japan at the time, with plans to have it be an annual contest with different participants each year.Section: SPORTS, Philadelphia Inquirer, November 16, 1988.

The game also survived a February–March 1989 legal battle between American promoters involved with Raycom.Promotors' battle puts Glasnost Bowl in doubt, St. Louis Post-Dispatch, February 19, 1989.Ed Sherman, Illinois relieved to learn Glasnost Bowl has cleared red tape,Chicago Tribune, March 26, 1989. Illinois head coach John Mackovic, USC head coach Larry Smith and their staffs visited Moscow in Spring 1989 to plan around the facilities and accommodations; the Soviet officials remained worried about the violence of the game, asking if ten ambulances were enough.

Gorbachev's efforts to streamline the Communist system offered promise, but ultimately proved uncontrollable and resulted in a cascade of events that eventually concluded with the dissolution of the Soviet Union. Initially intended as tools to bolster the Soviet economy, the policies of perestroika and glasnost soon led to unintended consequences. Relaxation under glasnost resulted in the Communist Party losing its absolute grip on the media. Before long, and much to the embarrassment of the authorities, the media began to expose severe social and economic problems the Soviet government had long denied and actively concealed.

In December 1965, Bukovsky helped prepare a demonstration on Pushkin Square in central Moscow to protest against the trial of the writers Andrei Sinyavsky and Yuli Daniel. He circulated the "Civic Appeal" by mathematician and poet Alexander Esenin- Volpin, which called on the authorities to obey the Soviet laws requiring glasnost in the judicial process, e.g. the admission of the public and the media to any trial. The demonstration on 5 December 1965 (Constitution Day) became known as the Glasnost Meeting or rally, and marked the beginning of the openly active Soviet civil rights movement.

It marked a turning point in the initial insistence of Mikhail Gorbachev that there were no political prisoners in the USSR. In 1986, Mikhail Gorbachev, who had initiated the policies of perestroika and glasnost, called Sakharov to tell him that he and his wife could return to Moscow. In the late 1980s, with glasnost and perestroika underway, some of the Helsinki watch groups resumed their work. With the return of the first Ukrainian group members from the camps, they resumed their work for a democratic Ukraine in 1987.

During the introduction of glasnost, many writers claimed that they did not know about the repression of citizens who did not support the Brezhnev politics.Sofia Kallistratova. We were not silent! – open letter to writer Chingiz Aitmatov, in Russian.

According to official data, the number of men convicted under Article 121 had been steadily decreasing during the Glasnost period. In 1987, 831 men were sentenced under Article 121; in 1989, 539; in 1990, 497; and in 1991, 462.

12" single :A1. "Russian Radio" (Glasnost Club Mix) 7:28 :B1. "Russian Radio" (Radio Moscow Edit) 3:30 :B2. "Russian Radio" (Tremont and Webster Mix) 4:40 12" maxi-single :A1. "Russian Radio" (Razormaid Club Mix) 6:13 :A2.

Hoepp says, it was spread by the Turkish publisher and later in the Soviet Union of the Glasnost. There was no more talk of Elfriede Ehrenfels.Hoepp 2001 p. 59. The Chamanzaminli theory was researched by the magazine Azerbaijan International.

Give War a Chance is a 1992 book by American writer P J O'Rourke. The pieces in the book start with reports about glasnost and end with his accounts as a reporter for Rolling Stone on the Gulf War.

The "Era of Glasnost" saw greater contact between Soviet citizens and the Western world, particularly the United States: restrictions on travel were loosened for many soviet citizens which further eased pressures on international exchange between the Soviet Union and the West.

In the period of Soviet liberalization of the mid-to-end 1980s until the early 1990s (see Glasnost and Perestroika) the city became the centre of Rukh (People's Movement of Ukraine), a political movement advocating Ukrainian independence from the USSR.

The expiration of the Soviet Union, beginning with the fall of the Berlin Wall and Glasnost in 1989 and culminating in the USSR's breakup into its republics in 1991, constituted a major upheaval that continued to influence global politics into the 21st century.

Retrieved 22 November 2007. Ligachyov clearly demonstrated conservative ideas in his opposition of Yeltsin's political ideas, on the other hand, opposing the principles of glasnost."Excerpts From Remarks by Yeltsin and Ligachev": New York Times, 2 July 1988. Retrieved 20 November 2007.

In the 1980s, amid political conditions created by the glasnost and perestroika, a Democratic Movement of Moldova was formed, which in 1989 became known as the nationalist Popular Front of Moldova (FPM). Horia C. Matei, "State lumii. Enciclopedie de istorie." Meronia, București, 2006, p.

The Uzbek Soviet Encyclopedia contains extensive writings on Sufism, and generally positive coverage of Uzbek Sufi philosophers such as Khoja Akhmet Yassawi. The encyclopedia initially criticized anti-Soviet writers such as Abdulrauf Fitrat and Choʻlpon as bourgeois nationalists, but these figures were rehabilitated during glasnost.

In October 1988, during Glasnost, and for the first time in 26 years, Popov was permitted by Bulgarian authorities to visit the church he pastored in Bulgaria. He died the next month on November 14, 1988 in Glendale, California of complications related to cancer.

The paper was founded in 1989. The first issue was published on 22 September 1989. Making use of Gorbachev's policies of perestroika and glasnost, it was established as a weekly newspaper in 1989 by Hans H. Luik and others. The headquarters is in Tallinn.

Retrieved December 31, 2006. Eduard Shevardnadze later remarked on the failure to report the massacre in Sumgait as a failure of glasnost itself: "the old mechanisms kicked in, simplifying, distorting or just eliminating the truth about [this event]."Shevardnadze, Eduard. The Future Belongs to Freedom.

On 5 December 1965 the Glasnost rally took place in Moscow, considered to be a key event in the emergence of the Soviet civil rights movement. Protesters on Pushkin Square led by Alexander Yesenin-Volpin demanded access to the closed trial of Yuly Daniel and Andrei Sinyavsky. The protestors made specific requests for "glasnost", herein referring to the specific admission of the public, independent observers and foreign journalists, to the trial that had been legislated in the then newly issued Code of Criminal Procedure. With a few specified exceptions, Article 111 of the Code stated that judicial hearings in the USSR should be held in public.

Opinions differed as to the effectiveness and impact of the revived Moscow Helsinki Group. In the late 1980s and early 1990s it was no longer alone, but one among a variety of new organisations (Memorial, For Human Rights, the Glasnost Defence Foundation) that were engaged in defending human rights and freedom of expression, and carrying out missions to hot-spots in different parts of the USSR and, later, in Russia (above all, Chechnya). Human rights activist Sergei Grigoryants, founder of the Glasnost periodical, was particularly scathing. Instead of the heroic and sacrificial traditions of the original Helsinki Groups, the re-established body was an intelligentsia- oriented elite club, forgotten by all.

Nivat completed her doctorate in political science after education at Paris Institute of Political Studies, or Sciences Po, in Paris. Nivat became an expert on politics in Russia. Her first book was about Russian media during the period of glasnost in the former Soviet Union, the dissolution of the country, and its aftermath until 1995 (Anne Nivat, Quand les médias russes ont pris la parole : de la glasnost à la liberté d'expression: 1985-1995, published in 1997). After a stay at Harvard University with the Davis Center for Russian and Eurasian Studies (1997-1998), she went to Russia and reported from Chechnya in 1999.

The summons followed Shchiryakova's public comments criticizing the state's treatment of Viasna Human Rights Centre personnel.October 22 Gomel independent journalist Larisa Schiryakova was summoned to the regional prosecutor's office Coalition for Fundamental Freedoms in Eurasia The State Security Committee (KGB) detained her in December 2014.Glasnost Defence Foundation Digest No. 687 Glasnost Defence Foundation In January 2015, Shchiryakova and Konstantin Zhukovsky were fined 900,000 rubles for participating in a picket in Svietlahorsk, which they had covered in the media. On 8 March 2015, she was brought before police authorities again for illegally interviewing businessmen on camera, asking about the effects of new taxes on entrepreneurs.

The 1924 Zilboorg translation (from a 1959 republication) Zamyatin's literary position deteriorated throughout the 1920s, and he was eventually allowed to emigrate to Paris in 1931, probably after the intercession of Maxim Gorky. The novel was first published in English in 1924 by E. P. Dutton in New York in a translation by Gregory Zilboorg,In a translation by Zilboorg, but its first publication in the Soviet Union had to wait until 1988,Brown translation, p. xiv. Tall notes that glasnost resulted in many other literary classics being published in the USSR during 1988–1989. when glasnost resulted in it appearing alongside George Orwell's Nineteen Eighty-Four.

The costs of maintaining its military, the KGB, and subsidies to foreign client states further strained the moribund Soviet economy. Ronald Reagan and Mikhail Gorbachev in Red Square, Moscow, 1988 The first signs of major reform came in 1986 when Gorbachev launched a policy of glasnost (openness) in the Soviet Union, and emphasized the need for perestroika (economic restructuring). By the spring of 1989, the Soviet Union had not only experienced lively media debate, but had also held its first multi-candidate elections in the newly established Congress of People's Deputies. While glasnost ostensibly advocated openness and political criticism, these were only permitted within a narrow spectrum dictated by the state.

Glasnost Defense Foundation is a non-profit organization with the stated goals of the defense of journalists, journalism, and freedom of expression in Russia. Its president is Alexei Simonov, a member of the Moscow Helsinki Group and the Presidential Council on Civil Society and Human Rights. Glasnost Defense Foundation (GDF) was organized on June 6, 1991 by Yegor Yakovlev, Vladimir Molchanov, Igor Golembiovsky, Mark Rozovsky, Elem Klimov, Aleksei German and other prominent Russian filmmakers and journalists. It provides legal help to journalists in conflict situations, supports the families of dead journalists and records individual cases of journalist's rights violations in Russia in collaboration with Reporters Without Borders and Amnesty International.

There are indications Gorbachev may have been in control prior to Chernenko's death as he was announced as the new General Secretary the day after Chernenko died on March 10, 1985. Gorbachev instituted policies of glasnost, perestroika, and acceleration. Glasnost allowed freedom of speech in the Soviet Union and a flourishing of political debate within the Communist Party to a degree not seen since the Russian Revolution, perestroika was an attempt to restructure the political and particularly the economic organisation of the country, while acceleration meant faster development of the economy. This period of liberalisation ultimately ended in the dissolution of the Soviet bloc in Eastern Europe.

He completed it by 1983, but it was banned by the Central Committee. It was published under Mikhail Gorbachev's policy of Glasnost before the dissolution of the Soviet Union. The publication of the book on Stalin within Russia made Volkogonov "a pariah among his fellow senior officers".

Time magazine described Project Pearl as "A remarkable mission… the largest operation of its kind in the history of China." In 1988, Open Doors used Glasnost as an opportunity to openly provide one million Russian Bibles to the Russian Orthodox Church, at a cost of $2.5 million.

In February 1988, within the context of Mikhail Gorbachev's glasnost and perestroika policies, the Supreme Soviet of the NKAO voted to unite itself with Armenia.De Waal, Thomas. Black Garden: Armenia and Azerbaijan Through Peace and War. New York: New York University Press, 2003, pp. 10-11.

There, Elbegdorj announced the creation of the Mongolian Democratic Union, and the first pro-democracy movement in Mongolia began. The protesters called for Mongolia to adopt perestroika and glasnost. Dissident leaders demanded free elections and economic reform, but within the context of a "human democratic socialism".

Some critics, especially among legal reformers and dissidents, regarded the Soviet authorities' new slogans as vague and limited alternatives to more basic liberties. Alexei Simonov, president of the Glasnost Defence Foundation, makes a critical definition of the term in suggesting it was "a tortoise crawling towards Freedom of Speech".

Harvey Klehr, John Earl Haynes and Kyrill M. Anderson, The Soviet World of American Communism, Yale University Press (1998); ; p. 74. The CPUSA opposed glasnost and perestroika in the Soviet Union and as a result major funding from the Communist Party of the Soviet Union ended in 1989.

Before glasnost, most of these methods were dangerous, because copy machines, printing presses, and even typewriters in offices were under control of the organisation's First Department (part of the KGB); reference printouts from all of these machines were stored for subsequent identification purposes, should samizdat output be found.

Mazierska, Ewa; Kristensen, Lars; Naripea, Eva (2013) Postcolonial Approaches to Eastern European Cinema: Portraying Neighbours on Screen, I.B. Tauris, , p. 310Horton, Andrew & Brashinsky, Michael (1992) The Zero Hour: Glasnost and Soviet Cinema in Transition, Princeton University Press, , p. 237 He followed this with Only for the Insane (1990).

Superior Authority of Russian National Research Medical University is the Academic Council. The term of office of the Academic Council is for 5 years. Following the principles of transparency (Glasnost), it allows broad discussion and sharing of information about the development prospect of the university with public address.

The founding members of the group were Pavel Pepperstein, Sergei Anufriev, and Yuri Leiderman. An associate of the group, the journalist Anton Nosik, originally coined the phrase 'Medical Hermeneutics'. According to the OED, hermeneutics is the branch of knowledge that deals with interpretation, especially of the bible or literary texts. The group created installations and performances which experimented with language and meaning, imagining their work as an investigation of their culture at a time when Glasnost was opening it up to the West. They described Glasnost as a moment when ‘the sky opened up’, akin to psychedelic experience, when a rupture between systems brings anxiety as well as the promise of renewal.

After World War II, the Baltic states had been fully incorporated into the USSR after military occupation and annexation first in 1940 and then again in 1944. Mikhail Gorbachev introduced "glasnost" (openness) and "perestroika" (restructuring) in 1985, hoping to stimulate the failing Soviet economy and encourage productivity, particularly in the areas of consumer goods, the liberalisation of cooperative businesses, and growing the service economy. Glasnost rescinded limitations on political freedoms in the Soviet Union which led to problems within the non-Russian nations occupied in the build-up to war in the 1940s. Hitherto unrecognised issues previously kept secret by the Moscow government were admitted to in public, causing dissatisfaction within the Baltic states.

Upon reducing central heating in 1986, he lectured the PCR Central Committee: "there's no shame in us wearing sweaters inside the house, especially at night". Interest in Soviet liberalisation, as expressed in the Soviet policies of Glasnost and Perestroika, was maintained by Radio Moscow, which expanded its news coverage in Romanian.

However, most of Malevich's work and the story of the Russian avant-garde remained under lock and key until Glasnost. In 1989, the Stedelijk Museum in Amsterdam held the West's first large-scale Malevich retrospective, including the paintings they owned and works from the collection of Russian art critic Nikolai Khardzhiev.

Many other games have dealt with the same period of time, e.g. Avalon Hill's "Empires in Arms". War and Peace: 1796-1815 is a computer game. In Glasnost The Game (1989), which was inspired by a Cypriot peace builder, the winner is the player who manages to disarm their territories first.

Reagan later wrote in his autobiography An American Life that he "did not see the profound changes that would occur in the Soviet Union after Gorbachev rose to power." To confront the Soviet Union's serious economic problems, Gorbachev implemented bold new policies for freedom and openness called glasnost and perestroika.

In October 1986, Magnum T.A. was involved in a career-ending car accident. Dusty Rhodes saw an alternate opportunity. The Soviet Premier Mikhail Gorbachev had been growing in popularity throughout the country with his political reform of Glasnost and Perestroika. The era of evil Russian heels was coming to an end.

On 1 October 1791, the Legislative Assembly was formed, elected by those 4 million men out of a population of 25 million who paid a certain minimum amount of taxes.(German) 'Die Französische Revolution von 1789 bis 1794' (The French Revolution from 1789 until 1794). Glasnost archiv. Retrieved 22 January 2017.

A positive effect of integrating homeless children with other school children was the further de-stigmatization of orphans.Kelly, Children's World, 262-67. This period experienced a continuation of the previous era's endorsement of foster care and adoption. Perestroika and glasnost ended press censorship, exposing the decrepit state of orphanages to the public.

The term Soviet Nonconformist Art refers to Soviet art produced in the former Soviet Union from 1953 to 1986 (after the death of Joseph Stalin until the advent of Perestroika and Glasnost) outside of the rubric of Socialist Realism. Other terms used to refer to this phenomenon are "underground art" or "unofficial art".

He was one of the first authors to introduce realism into Uzbek literature. Choʻlpon used clear and straightforward language in his works. He appealed to Uzbek national identity in some of his works and because of it was criticized as a bourgeois nationalist in Soviet sources. He was finally rehabilitated during glasnost.

The Supreme Soviet of the Tajik SSR () was the supreme soviet (main legislative institution) of the Tajik SSR, one of the republics comprising the Soviet Union. The Supreme Soviet had very little power and carried out orders given by the Communist Party of Tajikistan (CPT), until democratic elections held during glasnost and perestroika.

Gavrielov’s murder aroused international condemnation and investigations from groups such as Human Rights Watch and Committee to Protect Journalists. Glasnost Defense Foundation wrote an appeal addressed to President Emomali Rahmonov to vigorously investigate Gavrielov killing and prosecute the murders. There was no reply. The perpetrators of Gavrielov’s murder remain anonymous and unpunished.

The Foundation also receives financial support from the MacArthur Foundation, the National Endowment for Democracy, the Ford Foundation and the Embassy of the Netherlands in Moscow. In November 2015, the Russian Ministry of Justice designated Glasnost Defence Foundation a "foreign agent" NGO, drawing criticism from the OSCE and the President's Human Rights Council.

Berkman, Seth. "'Dream' land: A look at the Canadian developers behind the Meadowlands megamall project", Inside Jersey magazine, November 17, 2014."Aid Offer Rescinded for Niagara Falls Project", New York Times, April 12, 1987. The late-1980s Soviet policy of glasnost encouraged Western businesses to seek opportunities in Russia and the other Soviet republics.

Tchmil was born in Khabarovsk, Russia. His family moved to Ukraine during the days of the Soviet Union. He started cycling and showed enough talent to be moved to a cycling school in Moldova. The glasnost in the Soviet Union allowed him to try a professional career with the Italian Alfa Lum team in 1989.

Some Soviets were even interested if anyone was ever killed during the games.Soviets get fill of Xs and Os, Dallas Morning News, May 4, 1989. In addition, Dynamo Stadium's grass field was 10 yards too short to meet football specifications.Dave Dorr, Glasnost Game: Football Plans Test Soviet Ingenuity, St. Louis Post-Dispatch, May 21, 1989.

All crewed Soviet lunar programs, including a Zvezda moonbase, had been classified as top secret and were only published in the glasnost epoch since 1990. Before this time, the Soviet Union officially denied the existence of these programs but confirmed the existence of near-Earth crewed orbital stations and Moon exploration by robotic spacecraft.

The period of stagnation brought the crisis of the Soviet system. The new Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev came to power in 1985 and responded with glasnost and perestroika. They were attempts to reform the Soviet system from above to avoid revolution from below. The reforms occasioned the reawakening of nationalism in the Baltic republics.

40 songs that changed the world / / Rolling Stone Russia . -Moscow : Publishing House SPN, in October 2007. Tsoi's simple, relatable lyrical style was very accessible to Kino's audience and helped them gain popularity throughout the Soviet Union. While not excessively political, their music, which coincided with Mikhail Gorbachev's liberal reforms such as glasnost and perestroika.

The boosters were deliberately broken up in an effort to cover up the USSR's failed Moon attempts, which was publicly stated to be a paper project in order to fool the US into thinking there was a race going on. This cover story lasted until glasnost, when the remaining hardware was seen publicly on display.

Propaganda of success, contrasting grim, everyday reality with an idealized fictional vision of it has been described as achieving contrary results to the intended and has been named as one of the factors responsible for growing social unrest in Poland. The term has also been used to describe Soviet propaganda before the era of glasnost.

4), 2015 (in Russian). Retrieved 25 March 2018. In 1987, Podrabinek founded the weekly samizdat newspaper Express Chronicle, which appeared in Russian and English between 1987 and 2000. As the first uncensored media outlet in the USSR, with the Glasnost journal of Sergei Grigoryants, the Chronicle drew the interest of Western journalists in Moscow .

The Legislative Assembly first met on 1 October 1791, elected by those 4 million men – out of a population of 6 million men over the age of 25 – who paid a certain minimum amount of taxes.(German) 'Die Französische Revolution von 1789 bis 1794' (The French Revolution from 1789 until 1794). Glasnost archiv. Retrieved 22 January 2017.

Lazarski, "Vladimir Vysotsky," 65. Gradually, Soviet authorities eased their reactions to the bards who sang outlaw songs. In 1981, after Vysotsky's death, the state allowed the publication of a collection of his poetry (although official state poets still attacked Vysotsky's poems).Lazarski, "Vladimir Vysotsky,", 67–68. During Gorbachev’s reign, Gorbachev's policy of glasnost made the outlaw songs officially acceptable.

Although the Kremlin wanted to preserve socialism in its satellites, the decision was not to intervene. Gorbachev's Glasnost and Perestroika finally opened the door for Soviet Bloc countries and republics to make reforms without fear of Soviet intervention. When East Germany desperately asked for Soviet troops to put down growing unrest in 1989, Gorbachev flatly refused.

From the Soviet occupation of Estonia from 1940 to the era of Perestroika and Glasnost in the Soviet history of the Estonian SSR the communist coup attempt was referred to as Tallinn Uprising of December 1, 1924 against the Yoke of the National Bourgeoisie Government of Estonia and described as an event in the series of World revolution.

This was the first public demonstration of such high numbers in the USSR, which defended national interests rather than collective ones. In the late 1980s, Armenia was suffering from pollution. With Mikhail Gorbachev's introduction of glasnost and perestroika, public demonstrations became more common. Thousands of Armenians demonstrated in Yerevan because of the USSR's inability to address simple ecological concerns.

Troitsky, p. 95-101. Elsewhere in the Eastern Bloc, punk was beginning to take hold due to dissatisfaction with political and economic situation for the youth in Czechoslovakia and East Germany.Ryback, p. 199-205. In 1985, with the election of Gorbachev and the inauguration of glasnost and perestroika, official attitudes toward rock music became much more permissive.

In the new political conditions created after 1985 by the glasnost policy introduced by Mikhail Gorbachev, in 1986, to support the perestroika (restructuring), a Democratic Movement of Moldova () was formed, which in 1989 became known as the pro-nationalist Popular Front of Moldova (PFM; ). Horia C. Matei, "State lumii. Enciclopedie de istorie." Meronibna, Bucureşti, 2006, p.

The inventor witnessed the effects of Cold War while he was studying medicine in Leipzig, then East Germany, when the country was communist. The inventor moved to Göttingen, then West Germany at the time when Mikhail Gorbachev published his Peristroika and Glasnost books. While watching deadly wars in the news, and playing board games like Anti-Monopoly and Risk with his 7-year-old daughter, she was annoyed by the suffering of people all over the planet, and she expressed a wish to “demilitarize” the earth. As the father used the word “glasnost”, to explain the impossibility of a world without armies, she suggested the creation of a game that begins with wars and armies and the winner would be the player who manages to get rid of them.

The effects of glasnost on political criticism and discussion in the U.S.S.R. further strained the Cuban-Soviet alliance. After Fidel Castro bashed glasnost during a joint Soviet-Cuban conference in Havana in 1988, the Soviet elite became more critical of Soviet foreign policy towards Cuba. Critical articles in Soviet newspapers soon emerged. Although Havana could not afford to upset the Soviets their main ally, in February 1989 Fidel Castro led a small expulsion of Soviet diplomats at the Soviet embassy in Havana and banned the sale of Soviet publications and news outlets, He stated, “We could not hesitate to prevent the circulation of Soviet publications in Cuba” In his visit to rekindle ties with Cuba in April 1989, Soviet leader Gorbachev attempted to convince Castro to take a more positive attitude towards the Soviet Union.

During the Gorbachev era of the 1980s, with the reforms of Glasnost and Perestroika, Armenians began to demand better environmental care for their country, opposing the pollution that Soviet-built factories brought. Tensions also developed between Soviet Azerbaijan and its autonomous district of Nagorno-Karabakh, a majority-Armenian region. About 484,000 Armenians lived in Azerbaijan in 1970."Azerbaijan Soviet Socialist Republic ".

With the advent of glasnost and perestroika in the late 1980s, Abkhaz leaders called for their state to be re-formed and secede from Georgia, citing the SSR Abkhazia as a precedent. This led to them restoring the 1925 SSR Abkhazian constitution, which led to the 1992–1993 war between Abkhazian secessionists and Georgia, and the modern Abkhaz–Georgian conflict.

The Helsinki Group informed the Western world about the situation in the Soviet Lithuania and violations of human rights. With the beginning of the increased openness and transparency in government institutions and activities (glasnost) in the Soviet Union, on 3 June 1988, the Sąjūdis was established in Lithuania. Very soon it began to seek country's independence. Vytautas Landsbergis became movement's leader.

In the mid-1980s Mikhail Gorbachev instituted glasnost, allowing greater freedom of speech and organization than ever before in the USSR. This openness generated a burst in women's political action, academic research, and artistic and business ventures.Racioppi and O'Sullivan, Women's Activism, 3. Additionally, women were aware that the new government would offer little assistance with their economic and social struggles.

After 19 years in hiding, he reappeared in public at the Council's annual congress at Rostov-on-Don in July 1989, in the wake of Mikhail Gorbachev's glasnost and perestroika reforms. After speaking, he quickly made his escape before the waiting KGB could arrest him. His wife died before him in 2007. He died in Tula on 15 July 2007.

The rise of rock music in the middle of 1980s was inspired by Gorbachevs perestroika with its doctrinals of glasnost and uskoreniye. Several rock bands were formed in the rock club "Kuznia", in Kiev. Among them are Adem (1985), Vopli Vidopliasova (1986), Komu Vnyz (1988). The most prominent event was Chervona Ruta music festival held for the first time in Chernivtsi in 1989.

By the end of the 1980s, with the new policies of glasnost and perestroika, and with the impending dissolution of the Soviet Union, the old Soviet regime had lost its stability and many of those plans had to be cancelled. Finally it was dismantled in October 1994. Some materials produced by the AZCSP were used by ultra-nationalist groups such as Pamyat.

In the mid-1980s Mikhail Gorbachev instituted glasnost, allowing greater freedom of speech and organization than ever before in the USSR. This openness generated a burst in women’s political action, academic research, and artistic and business ventures.Racioppi and O’Sullivan, Women’s Activism, 3. Additionally, women were aware that the new government would offer little assistance with their economic and social struggles.

The early 1980s were another period of elevated tension. The United States increased diplomatic, military, and economic pressures on the Soviet Union, at a time when it was already suffering from economic stagnation. In the mid-1980s, the new Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev introduced the liberalizing reforms of glasnost ("openness", c. 1985) and perestroika ("reorganization", 1987) and ended Soviet involvement in Afghanistan.

Sergei Ivanovich Grigoryants (, , born 12 May 1941, Kyiv, Ukrainian SSR, Soviet Union) is a Soviet dissident and former political prisoner, journalist, literary critic, chairman of the Glasnost Defense Foundation. He was imprisoned for 10 years in Chistopol jail as a political prisoner for anti- Soviet activities, from 1975 to 1980 and then four more years starting in 1983 on similar charges.

He was a major translator of French poetry including a collection of poems by Guillaume Apollinaire. Elsbergs also has translated works of Kurt Vonnegut (Slaughterhouse-Five). Also he was one of the founding editors of Avots, an influential intellectual monthly that introduced avant garde and politically charged subjects during the period of Glasnost. In 1978 he married Latvian poet Irēna Auziņa.

It was not until early 1970 that Livonian singers were allowed to found a choir named "Līvlist" ("The Livonians") in the western Latvian city of Ventspils. The 1980s, Soviet Premier Mikhail Gorbachev's policies of glasnost and perestroika opened the Iron Curtain, bringing change. In 1986, the Livonian Cultural Society was founded. It was later renamed the Livonian Union (Livonian: Līvõd Īt).

Gorbachev and his allies envisioned the introduction of an economy similar to Lenin's earlier New Economic Policy through a program of "perestroika", or restructuring, but their reforms, along with the institution of free multi-candidate elections led to a decline in the party's power, and after the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the banning of the party by later last RSFSR President Boris Yeltsin and subsequent first President of an evolving democratic and free-market economy of the successor Russian Federation. A number of causes contributed to CPSU's loss of control and the dissolution of the Soviet Union during the early 1990s. Some historians have written that Gorbachev's policy of "glasnost" (political openness) was the root cause, noting that it weakened the party's control over society. Gorbachev maintained that perestroika without glasnost was doomed to failure anyway.

Faisal was supportive of the new policies of perestroika and glasnost being pursued by Soviet party secretary Mikhail Gorbachev; Bakdash was opposed. Many of the intellectuals in the party left with Faisal, while Bakdash retained the support of the party's considerable Kurdish base. Khalid Bakdash died in Damascus in 1995 at the age of 83. His widow, Wisal Farha Bakdash, succeeded him as party secretary.

His wife, Roma, played a major role in guiding his career, and his daughter, Ekaterina, also had a successful career as a Moscow actress. For a month during the summer of 1987, Raikin hosted his American cousin, Washington D.C. attorney Steven Raikin, as a guest in his Moscow flat.Elizabeth Kastor (5 September 1987) "Love & Glasnost; An East-West Romance With Comic Relief." Washington Post. p. C1.

It was founded in 1978 by the All-Union Organisation "Knowledge" and was published throughout the whole Soviet Union. In 1980 AiF was transformed into a weekly but was available only by subscription. In late 1980s, it was one of the leading publications in the Glasnost period. AiF was listed in the Guinness Book of Records with the largest circulation of any weekly publication.

The realization of the project depended on key parts of the N1-L3 program - the N-1 superheavy launcher, all 4 launches of which failed between 1969 and 1972. Zvezda moonbase was canceled with the rest of the Soviet human lunar programs. All crewed Soviet lunar programs, including a Zvezda moonbase, had been classified as top secret and were only published in the glasnost epoch since 1990.

Each of the weekly half-hour episodes would lampoon a particular political theme, e.g. party politics, the environment, health care, privatisations, the Cold War, the European Union, the criminal justice system, glasnost and perestroika, South Africa under apartheid. Current events would be used for some plot elements, e.g. the release of Nelson Mandela, the election of Solidarity in Poland, or the England football team versus West Germany.

Credited with having developed the Trotskyist critique of Stalinism as "bureaucratic centrism", Rakovsky was subject to internal exile. Submitting to Stalin's leadership in 1934 and being briefly reinstated, he was nonetheless implicated in the Trial of the Twenty One (part of the Moscow Trials), imprisoned, and executed by the NKVD during World War II. He was rehabilitated in 1988, during the Soviet Glasnost period.

Latvia, Estonia and Lithuania were occupied by the Soviet Union in 1940. Almost immediately an armed resistance started, which under the name of Forest Brothers continued until 1956. A chance to regain independence came in 1980s when Soviet premier Mikhail Gorbachev attempted to reform the Soviet Union. In particular, Gorbachev's glasnost policy allowed more freedom of speech in the Soviet Union than ever before.

Article about the Mitki by Mikhail Guerman (professor, doctor of Art History; Member of International Association of Art Criticism; Curator of Modern Arts at the St.Petersburg Russian Museum). Accessed on: August 5, 2008. After Glasnost the group's work became accepted and was soon shown beyond St. Petersburg. Mitki, written before and after Mikhail Gorbachev’s Perestroika in 1987, expresses the transitions and associated anxieties of its time.

Shalamov died on January 17, 1982, and, despite having been an atheist, was given an Orthodox funeral ceremony (at the insistence of his friend, Zakharova) and was interred at Kuntsevo Cemetery, Moscow. The historian Valery Yesipov wrote that only forty people attended Shalamov's funeral, not counting plainclothes policemen. Kolyma Tales was finally published on Russian soil in 1987, as a result of Mikhail Gorbachev's glasnost policy.

The Glasnost Foundation is a registered NGO with over 30 regional and volunteer centers in the Russian Federation. It is a member of the International Freedom of Expression Exchange. It works in close collaboration with Reporters without Borders, Amnesty International, International PEN, Memorial society, and other human rights organizations. It also works with the Russian PEN Club and the journalism faculty of Moscow State University.

The Frozen Autumn After the new wave and post-punk movements faded in the mid-1980s,Schilz, Andrea: Flyer der Schwarzen Szene Deutschlands: Visualisierungen, Strukturen, Mentalitäten. Waxmann Verlag, 2010, , p. 92 dark wave was renewed as an underground movementSchmidt, Axel; Neumann-Braun, Klaus: Die Welt der Gothics. Spielräume düster konnotierter Transzendenz., Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften 2004, , pp. 258/259Köble, Oliver: Editorial, Glasnost magazine, issue 28, p.

February 2008) In April Skies (2005) the actual live musicians take part. The music is influenced by classical musicOliver Köble: Interview mit der deutschen Band Deine Lakaien im Glasnost Wave-Magazin, Heft-Nr. 31, Seite 15, Januar/Februar 1992 and several artists of the 1970s and 1980s like Ultravox, Kraftwerk, Bauhaus and Joy Division.DJ Ollie: Interview: DEINE LAKAIEN in Klangtanke 2/92 (German, accessed 25.

The initials were removed completely and in their place a horizontal blue stripe was added. In late May 1988, amid rising nationalist tensions from glasnost and perestroika, Armenia's new Communist party leader allowed the banned tricolour of the DRA to fly in Yerevan for the first time in over sixty years.De Waal, Thomas. Black Garden: Armenia and Azerbaijan Through Peace and War, pp. 60-1\.

While the Soviet public trials are commonly associated with Stalin era show trials, such as Moscow Trials, nevertheless in Russian culture the term "public trial" did not acquire negative connotations, despite the apparent attributes of a show, primarily because the publicity of any information in pre-glasnost era was severely limited by the Soviet state. The term "show trial" corresponds to Russian "показной процесс" (pokaznoy process).

Economic and social development also was notable. Many aspects of the Kyrgyz national culture were retained despite the suppression of nationalist activity under Joseph Stalin. The early years of glasnost had little effect on the political climate in Kyrgyzstan. However, the Republic's press was permitted to adopt a more liberal stance and to establish a new publication, Literaturny Kirghizstan, by the Union of Writers.

Yalçın Küçük and his group published Toplumsal Kurtuluş while Metin Çulhaoğlu and his group published Gelenek magazine after his release from jail in 1986. TKP stems from Gelenek magazine organisation. Gelenek defined the left in three categories as; orthodox, revolutionary democratic and new. From this perspective it defended the orthodox left view and criticized the ongoing glasnost and perestroika processes in the Soviet Union.

The Communist era had quite a strong effect on the art and writing of Ukraine. In 1932, Stalin made socialist realism state policy in the Soviet Union when he promulgated the decree "On the Reconstruction of Literary and Art Organisations". This greatly stifled creativity. During the 1980s glasnost (openness) was introduced and Soviet artists and writers again became free to express themselves as they wanted.

Even within Soviet ranks, these claims met with great skepticism. In 1991, Ivry met a Czech general who had been serving in Moscow in 1982. He told Ivry that the operation made the Soviets understand that Western technology was superior to theirs, and that in his view, the blow to the Beqaa Valley SAMs was an impetus to Glasnost and the Soviet Union's collapse.

Marina Popovich spoke about her experience with UFOs in her book titled UFO Glasnost (published in 2003 in Germany) and in public lectures and interviews. She claimed that the Soviet military and civilian pilots had confirmed 3000 UFO sightings and that the Soviet Air Force and KGB had recovered fragments of five crashed UFOs. The crash sites were Tunguska (1908), Novosibirsk, Tallinn, Ordzhonikidze and Dalnegorsk (1986).

As the first non-governmental channel of political and economic information about the USSR, Interfax was formed in September 1989, during Mikhail Gorbachev’s perestroika and glasnost period, by Mikhail Komissar and his colleagues from international broadcasting station 'Radio Moscow', a part of Soviet Gosteleradio system. Interfax originally used fax machines for text transmission, hence the company name.Михаил Комиссар: задача «Интерфакса» — быть номером один. — TV-channel 'Russia-24', 9 September 2009.

The first punk zine in Lithuania was published in 1986 by punk-rocker Atsuktuvas (Nėrius Pečiūra). It was called Mūsų ašigalyje (In Our Pole) . During The Soviet era zine publishing was extremely difficult because private ownership of Xerox machines was prohibited and state-owned Xerox machines were under close watch by KGB . During Perestroyka and Glasnost reforms ban of private ownership of Xerox machines was lifted and zine publishing flourished.

Ulaanbaatar was the site of demonstrations that led to Mongolia's transition to democracy and market economy in 1990. On 10 December 1989, protesters outside the Youth Culture Centre called for Mongolia to implement perestroika and glasnost in their full sense. Dissident leaders demanded free elections and economic reform. On 14 January 1990, the protesters, having grown from two hundred to over a thousand, met at the Lenin Museum in Ulaanbaatar.

Shulgin then created "Merry Christmas to the World", an East-West collaboration between Shulgin and BBC Worldwide. With music by Shulgin and lyrics and production by Richard Niles, it expressed the ethos of glasnost. London studio musicians performed with members of the Moscow Symphony and the Soviet Folk Orchestra. Sung by Valeria, the video was directed by Ken Russell who used it in his film "Alice in Russialand" (1998).

Developing New Ritual, David E. Anderson (UPI Religion Writer), Ellensburg Daily Record, Apr 1, 1989. Another major change in the RA Lewis oversaw as President was the inclusion of Hungarian and Czechoslovakian rabbis in the organization.Orlando Sentinel, July 29, 1989. Lewis hailed this expansion as a move "in the spirit of glasnost," saying it presaged a new resurgency of Eastern European Jewry decimated at the hands of Nazism.Ibid.

Second, with the dawning of glasnost, those who were still alive and had known Shostakovich when he had written the Leningrad Symphony could now share their own stories with impunity. By doing so, they helped corroborate what had appeared in Testimony, allowing the West to reevaluate the symphony in light of their statements. In recent years the Seventh Symphony has again become more popular, along with the rest of Shostakovich's work.

Prominent parties influenced by it outside of Europe were the Communist Party of Australia, the Japanese Communist Party, the Mexican Communist Party and the Venezuelan Movement for Socialism.Bucharin, N. I. Selected Writings on the State and the Transition to Socialism. Armonk, N.Y.: M.E. Sharpe, 1982. p. xxi. Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev also referred to Eurocommunism as a key influence on the ideas of glasnost and perestroika in his memoirs.

Following the atrocities of the second world war, there was a lot of antisemitic violence in Ukraine. However, after the period known as Glasnost, the view of Jews became more positive as they realized a need for change. The number of Jews in Ukraine has drastically decreased since the late 20th century. The 2001 census showed that 380,000 Jews left Ukraine since 1989, which was ¾ of the entire Jewish population.

Russian women's grassroots organizations were organizations formed by women during glasnost and the post-Soviet era in Russia. Eschewing an overtly feminist agenda, these organizations focused on providing better economic support and social services for women in Russia, and lobbied for awareness on women's issues. The organizations differed in their tactics, with some more dedicated to political action than others, but they shared a reluctance to uproot traditional gender norms.

Ulaanbaatar was the site of demonstrations that led to Mongolia's transition to democracy and market economy in 1990. On December 10, 1989, protesters outside the Youth Culture Centre called for Mongolia to implement perestroika and glasnost in their full sense. Dissident leaders demanded free elections and economic reform. On January 14, 1990 the protesters, having grown from two hundred to over a thousand, met at the Lenin Museum in Ulaanbaatar.

Scott has developed over two dozen games with major game companies, including Hasbro, Pressman, and Mag-Nif. She licensed Glasnost: The Game of Soviet-American Peace and Diplomacy to John N. Hansen (1988), which received a 1989 International Clio for packaging. She was a spokesperson for Nintendo's Tetris II game in 1994, and licensed two games to Briarpatch for introduction at the American Toy Fair show in October 2006.

The Solidarność movement in the 1980s weakened the Communist government in Poland. At the time the Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev initiated perestroika and glasnost, which weakened Soviet influence in Europe, particularly in the USSR. In 1989 the Berlin Wall came down and Communist governments outside the Soviet Union were deposed. In 1990 the Federal Republic of Germany absorbed East Germany, after making large cash payments to the USSR.

Castro feared a U.S. invasion of Nicaragua and sent Arnaldo Ochoa to train the governing Sandinistas in guerrilla warfare, but received little support from the Soviet Union.Coltman 2003. pp. 254-255. In 1985, Mikhail Gorbachev became General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. A reformer, he implemented measures to increase freedom of the press (glasnost) and economic decentralisation (perestroika) in an attempt to strengthen socialism.

In post-Glasnost Moscow, the KGB stumble across an old disused training facility recreating 1960s London. They soon discover that the purpose of the facility was to integrate KGB agents into British society. Two of these agents are still missing 25 years later. In fact, the two agents have become integrated into British society so well they themselves have forgotten the reason they were sent there in the first place.

The Khrushchev report's "Secret Speech" name came because it was delivered at an unpublicized closed session of party delegates, with guests and members of the press excluded. The text of the Khrushchev report was widely discussed in party cells in early March, often with the participation of non-party members; however, the official Russian text was openly published only in 1989 during the glasnost campaign of the Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev.

This was only the tip of the iceberg. Soon ethnic minorities, confessional groups and entire nations were asserting their rights, respectively, to cultural autonomy, freedom of religion and, led by the Baltic states, to national independence. Just as glasnost did not represent "freedom of speech", so attempts by activists to hold their own events and create independent associations and political movements met with disapproval and obstruction from Gorbachev and his Politburo.

Prior to this show, rock music was barely gaining ground in the Soviet Union. The implementation of Gorbachev's glasnost allowed people of the Soviet Union to witness Western Rock. As a result, the government had to learn how to put on concerts, while the people of Russia had to learn how to participate in them. Joel's Russian tour was the first live rock radio broadcast in Soviet History.

Teams like Wisconsin and Penn State were concerned about losing a home game and the extra income generated by such games (in some cases over $1 million). Also, with the game to be broadcast on ABC,USC, Illinois in Glasnost Bowl?, San Francisco Chronicle, November 9, 1988. teams in the Southeastern Conference, like Florida, had to further sort out complications with their exclusive television contract with TBS.Gators-Miss.

Mastny, Vojtech (1998) The Soviet Non-Invasion of Poland in 1980/81 and the End of the Cold War . Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars (PDF). Retrieved 22 August 2019 Having initiated a policy of glasnost (openness) and emphasized the need for perestroika (economic restructuring), in July 1989, Gorbachev permitted the Warsaw Pact nations to initiate their own political and economic reforms within the terms of the treaty.

Estimates for Soviet losses in the Second World War range from 7 million to over 43 million. During the Communist era in the Soviet Union historical writing about World War II was subject to censorship and only official approved statistical data was published. In the USSR during the Glasnost period under Gorbachev and in post communist Russia the casualties in World War II were re-evaluated and the official figures revised.

Public protest forced the Soviet authorities to release him.. Alexander was again jailed from 1978 until 1987, when he was released by Gorbachev under the Glasnost. Shortly after the fall of communism Alexander returned to Moscow in 1995 and set up the Christian Democratic Union of Russia and the Christian Mercy Society. In 1995 Alexander started what was among other things a drug treatment facility, the Island of Hope.

In early 1965, together with Vladimir Aleinikov, Vladimir Batshev, Yuri Kublanovsky and others, he participated in the creation of the independent literary and artistic association SMOG. On December 5, 1965, he took part in a glasnost meeting on Pushkin Square in Moscow. After some time, he was forcibly incarcerated in a special Soviet "psychiatric hospital". During the era of stagnation, Leonid Gubanov did not take part in official literary life.

Until the era of glasnost, freedom of expression did not entail the right to criticize the government. The constitution did provide a "freedom of conscience, that is, the right to profess or not to profess any religion, and to conduct religious worship or atheistic propaganda." It prohibited incitement of hatred or hostility on religious grounds. The Constitution also failed to provide political and judicial mechanisms for the protection of rights.

He was told that the single copy of the film had been destroyed.COMMISSAR-(A). Mordyukova and Bykov, major Soviet movie stars, had to plead with the authorities to spare him of even bigger charges. The film was shelved by the KGB for twenty years. In 1986, due to glasnost policies, the Conflict Commission of the Soviet Film-makers Union recommended the re- release of the movie, but Goskino refused to act.

Youth's contribution to this revolutionary matter is not by supportive talks but by certain work. Our contribution is our objectives to be fulfilled. Our objectives are: ... following democracy and transparency and contributing to glasnost, ... and supporting fair progressive power ... These are the objectives of an initiatives' group-an organization that shall work. After the congress I hope we will gather and discuss with you about it in this (newly forming group).

A yoga studio in Tyumen, 2019 Yoga in Russia is the practice of yoga, including modern yoga as exercise, in Russia. The actor Constantin Stanislavski made extensive use of Hatha Yoga in his system for training actors in the 1910s. Yoga was banned in the Soviet Union, but grew rapidly after glasnost in the 1990s. B. K. S. Iyengar visited Russia and helped to create a network of 50 yoga studios.

In the Soviet Union, despite Glasnost, the public was never informed of the huge disaster. The lessons learned from the Black Dragon fire helped to improve response to wildfires throughout the world, as well as demonstrating the impact that governments can have on the environment. The effect that the fire had on the environment in the region generated new found concern and speculation about the future about the forest's ecology.

Salye was born into a distinguished St. Petersburg family, and her great-great-grandfather was a watchmaker to the tsar. She earned a doctorate of geology and became a research scientist at Leningrad's Institute of Geology until 1990. She studied rocks across the Soviet Union, but during Mikhail Gorbachev's attempted political openness, glasnost in the late 1980s, Salye rose as a leader of a new group of democratic activists.

In 1985, Mikhail Gorbachev became Secretary-General of the Soviet Communist Party. A reformer, he implemented measures to increase freedom of the press (glasnost) and economic decentralization (perestroika) in an attempt to strengthen socialism. Like many orthodox Marxist critics, Castro feared that the reforms would weaken the socialist state and allow capitalist elements to regain control. Gorbachev conceded to U.S. demands to reduce support for Cuba, with Soviet-Cuban relations deteriorating.

Sali Berisha of the Democratic Party became the second President of the Republic. In 1991, Ramiz Alia became the first President of Albania. Alia tried to follow in Enver Hoxha's footsteps, but the changes had already started and the collapse of communism throughout Europe led to widespread changes within the society of Albania. Mikhail Gorbachev had appeared in the Soviet Union with new rules and policies (glasnost and perestroika).

On October 18, 1988, Rick Ray, CEO of Raycom, announced an agreement with Sovintersport, a division of the Soviet Ministry of Sports and Physical Culture, to hold "The Glasnost Bowl", a regular-season opening game between two American college football teams. Tom Foreman Jr., Sports News, AP Online, October 19, 1988. The announcement was the culmination of five years of negotiations with the Soviet authoritiesMaryAnn Hudson, USC, Illinois to Open '89 Season in Glasnost Bowl, The Los Angeles Times, November 16, 1988. and a positive step in U.S.-Soviet relations, especially in light of the decade's previous American-led boycott of the 1980 Summer Olympics in Moscow and Soviet-led boycott of the 1984 Summer Olympics in Los Angeles. Scheduled for September 2, 1989, the chosen site was Moscow's Dynamo Stadium, a soccer facility in the northwest of the city with a then-stadium capacity of 50,000 persons (it currently has a 36,540 person capacity).

Press freedom in the Russian regions, 2001-2006 Green: Quite free Orange: Not quite free Red: unfree Grey: No data No free region was found Source: Glasnost Defense FoundationThe list of criminal cases compiled by the Glasnost Defense Foundation in 2006 represents 1,345 conflicts including 9 killed and 69 assaulted journalists.GLASNOST DEFENSE FOUNDATION'S DIGEST, 2006 Summaries of assaults in 2006 (Russian) The report includes assaults unrelated to the journalists' professional duties.Summaries of murders in 2006 (Russian) The report includes murders unrelated to the journalists' professional duties. In 2005, the list of all recorded cases includes 6 murders, 63 assaults, 12 pogroms of editorial offices, 23 cases of censorship, 42 criminal prosecutions, 11 illegal layoffs, 47 arrests, 382 lawsuits, 233 cases of obstruction, 23 closings of editorial offices by authorities, 10 evictions, 28 confiscations of printed production, 23 cases of stopping broadcasting, 38 refusals to distribute or print production, 25 acts of intimidation, and 344 other violations of Russian journalist's rights .

Hill returned to the buddy-cop genre with Red Heat (1988), a sort of Glasnost-era reworking of 48 Hrs. with Arnold Schwarzenegger as a stoic Soviet cop who travels to Chicago to catch a Russian drug-dealer (Ed O'Ross). Schwarzenegger is partnered with a wisecracking American cop (Jim Belushi), who is as laid-back and mouthy as his Soviet counterpart is taciturn and humorless. Hill directed and rewrote Troy Kennedy Martin's script.

Contemporary historians regard the beginning of de-Stalinization as a turning point in the history of the Soviet Union that began during the Khrushchev Thaw. It subsided during the Brezhnev period until the mid-1980s, and accelerated again with the policies of perestroika and glasnost under Mikhail Gorbachev. De-Stalinization has been considered a fragile process. Historian Polly Jones said that "re-Stalinization" was highly likely after a brief period of "thaw".

Pankin was the last Soviet Ambassador to Czechoslovakia (1990–1991)Радио Свобода. Лицом к лицу. Pankin is credited with preventing the Communist-Czechoslovak government from interfering in the Velvet Revolution - which led to playwright and dissident Václav Havel's rise to the presidency. Pankin is best known for being the highest-ranking diplomat to stand against the August putsch which sought to bring down Mikhail Gorbachev, the last Soviet leader and promulgator of Glasnost and Perestroika.

The Politburo and the Central Committee elected Gorbachev as General Secretary unanimously. Ryzhkov, in retrospect, claimed that the Soviet system had "created, nursed and formed" Gorbachev, but that "long ago Gorbachev had internally rebelled against the native System." In the same vein, Gorbachev's adviser Andrey Grachev, noted that he was a "genetic error of the system." 19th Party Conference Gorbachev's policy of glasnost (literally openness) meant the gradual democratisation of the party.

As the war was viewed as "a Russian war fought by non Russians against Afghans", outside of Russia it undermined the legitimacy of the Soviet Union as a trans-national political union. The war created new forms of political participation, in the form of new civil organizations of war veterans (Afghansti), which weakened the political hegemony of the communist party. It also started the transformation of the press and media, which continued under glasnost.

Hungary was at that time a popular tourist destination for East Germans, due to the trappings of prosperity that were absent at home – good and plentiful food and wine, pleasant camping and a lively capital city.Meyer (2009), p. 68 At home, the desire for reform was being driven by East Germany's worsening economic stagnation and the example of other eastern bloc nations who were following Gorbachev's example in instituting glasnost (openness) and perestroika (reform).

These concerns motivated the first unsanctioned public political demonstration in the Soviet Union after the Second World War. On Soviet Constitution Day, December 5, 1965, supporters of Sinyavsky and Daniel protested on Moscow's Pushkin Square with the call for a fair and open trial. Among the organizers of the demonstration were mathematician Alexander Esenin- Volpin, historian and poet Yuri Galanskov and student Vladimir Bukovsky. The demonstration became known as the "glasnost meeting" (митинг гласности).

Ivan Osadchy Her name and deeds are immortal, Glasnost, September 24, 1997 The protocols stated that Kosmodemyanskaya was caught while trying to destroy a stable containing more than 300 German horses. They also described her torture and execution. A slightly different story was recorded in the notes of researcher Pyotr Lidov, published in Parlamentskaya Gazeta in 1999. According to these, Kosmodemyanskaya and Vasily Klubkov were caught while asleep on the outskirts of Petrishchevo.

An alternative account of his death surfaced only in June 1990, after several years of Glasnost had led to the opening up of previously secret Soviet records. According to this version, which was passed to his daughter through the German Red Cross, Mirko Beer did actually face a trial at which he received a five year prison sentence, but he died on 11 August 1942, not as a result of being shot, but from Dysentery.

A unified Ukrainian alphabet (the Skrypnykivka, after Mykola Skrypnyk) was officially established at a 1927 international Orthographic Conference in Kharkiv, during the period of Ukrainization in Soviet Ukraine. But the policy was reversed in the 1930s, and the Soviet Ukrainian orthography diverged from that used by the diaspora. The Ukrainian letter ge ґ was banned in the Soviet Union from 1933 until the period of Glasnost in 1990.Magocsi 1996, pp 567, 570–71.

Lawrence "Larry" Parr (May 21, 1946 – April 2, 2011) was a chess player, author and editor. Born in 1946 and originally from Bothell, Washington, Parr served from 1985 to 1988 as editor of Chess Life magazine, the official publication of the United States Chess Federation. Later, Parr was the editor of Glasnost magazine, an anti-Soviet periodical. Politically, Parr, known to be a passionate anti-communist ideologue, classified himself as a libertarian.

In January 1990, the first revolts started in Shkodra, where a few hundred people wanted to demolish Joseph Stalin's statue, and from there they spread to a few other cities. Eventually, the existing regime introduced some liberalization, including measures in 1990 providing for freedom to travel abroad. Efforts were begun to improve ties with the outside world. Mikhail Gorbachev had adopted new policies of glasnost and perestroika in the Soviet Union in 1985.

Brian Mulroney and Ronald Reagan had a close relationship, but the 1980s also saw widespread protests against American testing of cruise missiles in Canada's north. In addition, Canada may have played a small role in helping to bring about glasnost and perestroika. In the mid-1970s, Alexander Yakovlev was appointed as ambassador to Canada, remaining at that post for a decade. During this time, he and Canadian Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau became close friends.

On June 8, just three months before the game, the Los Angeles Herald Examiner broke the surprise bad news: the Glasnost Bowl in Moscow was canceled by Raycom.John Nadel, Section: Sports, AP Online, June 8, 1989. All sides expressed deep disappointment in the result. Raycom CEO Rick Ray cited "contractual concerns" over the previous weeks for the cancellation that were not resolved to their satisfaction, specifically citing arrangements for hotel rooms and transportation.

Russian Gay History The precise number of persons prosecuted under Article 121 is unknown, with the first official information was released only in 1988, but it is believed to be about 1000 prosecuted a year. According to official data, the number of men convicted under Article 121 had been steadily decreasing during the Glasnost period. In 1987, 831 men were sentenced under Article 121; in 1989, 539; in 1990, 497; and in 1991, 462.

Grigory Yakovlevich Baklanov () (September 11, 1923 - December 23, 2009) was a Russian writer, well known for his novels about World War II, and as the editor of the literary magazine Znamya. Becoming the editor in 1986, during Mikhail Gorbachev's reforms, Baklanov published the works that were previously banned by Soviet censors; his drive for glasnost boosted the magazine's circulation to 1 million copies.Russian author Grigory Baklanov dies, CBC News, December 23, 2009.

During the period of Glasnost the official figure of 20 million war dead was challenged by Soviet scholars. In 1988–1989 estimates of 26 to 28 million total war dead appeared in the Soviet press. The Russian scholar Dmitri Volkogonov writing at this time estimated total war deaths at 26–27,000,000 including 10,000,000 in the military. In March 1989 Mikhail Gorbachev set up a committee to investigate Soviet losses in the war.

The Era of Stagnation brought about the crisis of the Soviet system and reforms could not be long delayed. The new Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev came to power in 1985 and responded with glasnost and perestroika. They were attempts to reform the Soviet system from above to avoid revolution from below. The reforms failed to take into account that the USSR was held together by military force which repressed all forms of nationalism.

The freedoms of Glasnost released long-held feelings of nationalism in the Baltic republics, in a development known as the Singing Revolution.Hiden & Salmon (1994). p. 147. The first major demonstrations against the system were in Riga in November 1986 and the following spring in Tallinn. Small successful protests encouraged key individuals and by the end of 1988 the reform wing had gained a decisive position in the Baltic republics.Hiden & Salmon (1994). p. 149.

From 1990-2001 Tajikistan was one of the most dangerous countries in the world for journalists. Estimates for the number of journalists killed number from fifty to eighty. In the late 1980s and early 1990s, journalism in Tajikistan underwent a transformation as the Soviet Union liberalized under glasnost and perestroika. Journalists in both private and state-run media were permitted greater editorial and investigative freedoms to report on issues and to challenge government propaganda.

In 1986, he introduced his twin reforms of perestroika and glasnost, which would change the political and economic conditions of the Soviet Union.Brands, pp. 675–676 Seeking to reduce military expenditures and minimize the possibility of nuclear war, he also sought to re-open negotiations with the United States over arms control. As his influence on domestic affairs waned during his second term, Reagan increasingly focused on relations with the Soviet Union.

Daniil Aleksandrovich Granin's novel Зубр (translated as The Bison: A Novel about the Scientist Who Defied Stalin [1990]) appeared in Russia in 1987, during the dawn of glasnost’ and perestrojka. The book depicted the life of Timofeev-Resovskij and the impact of Joseph Stalin on biology. The West German edition, Der Genetiker (The Geneticist),Daniil Granin Der Genetiker. Das Leben des Nikolai Timofejew-Ressowski, genannt Ur. (Pahl- Rugenstein, 1988) published in Köln, appeared in 1988.

Within thirteen weeks, over 4,000 of the deportees related to Nazino Island had died or disappeared, and a majority of the survivors were in ill health. The Nazino affair was virtually unknown until 1988, when an investigation by Memorial began during the glasnost reforms in the Soviet Union. The events were popularized in 2002 when reports of a September 1933 special commission by the Communist Party of Western Siberia were published by Memorial.

Peter Florin was married, and had three children. His wife Edel was, in the late 1980s, a professor of Russian literature at Humboldt University in East Berlin. Florin spoke fluent German, Russian and English, and good French. During his presidency of the United Nations General Assembly, he was, according to the New York Times, "nicknamed 'Comrade Glasnost' by delegates, who s[aw] him as him a symbol of the modern Communist of the Gorbachev era".

In the 1980s at the onset of glasnost in the Soviet Union Khatloni began worked as a BBC correspondent. In 1996 he became a correspondent for the Tajik language division of the Prague- based Radio Free Europe. In addition to his journalistic work, Khatloni was a distinguished poet and had published four volumes of verse. Before his death Khatloni had been assigned to Moscow to report on human rights abuses in Chechnya.

After the beginning of Gorbachev's perestroika he was released in 1987 under an amnesty. He immediately resumed his human rights activities and proceeded to publish Glasnost magazine, criticizing the communist system. In May 1989 Grigoryants created and headed the union of independent journalists, which included a number of journalists representing independent (samizdat) printed in the USSR. In 1989, Grigoryants was awarded Golden Pen of Freedom Award of the World Association of Newspapers.

In addition to the flailing economy, the prolonged war in Afghanistan, often referred to as the Soviet Union's "Vietnam War", led to increased public dissatisfaction with the Communist regime. Also, the Chernobyl disaster in 1986 added motive force to Gorbachev's glasnost and perestroika reforms, which eventually spiraled out of control and caused the Soviet system to collapse.William Zimmerman and Robert Axelrod, "The 'lessons' of Vietnam and Soviet foreign policy." World Politics 34.1 (1981): 1-24.

Muslim family in Tajikistan celebrating Eid-i Fatr The policy of glasnost put into practice by Mikhail Gorbachev in the mid-1980s meant that by 1988 the Soviet government relaxed its controls on Islam. As a result, there was a rapid religious revival, including new mosques, literature, and the return of private religious schooling. Many Central Asians were interested in the ethical and spiritual values that Islam could offer.Schwab, Wendell (Summer 2011).

They protested, published samizdat, had seminars on Jewish history, and started Hebrew ulpans. Some of these activists, such as Natan Sharansky, Yosef Begun, and Ida Nudel were arrested as a result. During Glasnost and Perestroika, Jewish life in Moscow expanded and new cultural organizations formed. At the same time, anti-semitic organizations grew louder and there were rumors that a pogrom could occur during the Moscow celebrations of the millennium of Christianity in Russia.

He was also a delegate of the Supreme Soviet of the Lithuanian SSR (since 1965), delegate of the Supreme Soviet of the Soviet Union (since 1974), and member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (since 1976). Griškevičius was described as a Brezhnevite, conservative and "mediocre apparatchik", who opposed perestroika and especially glasnost. He supported suppression of Lithuanian history and cultural heritage, replacing them with Soviet propaganda.

Eventually, eleven hours after splashdown, the cosmonauts opened the hatch and emerged alive and well, if badly chilled (the interior of the descent module was coated with frost). Press releases by Soviet news agency TASS announced that there had been a water landing and that the cosmonauts were recovered safely, but made no mention of the rescue operation involved and the details of it were not revealed until the era of glasnost a decade later.

It was not long before many dismissed it as a white elephant, so much so that it was even discussed in James Oberg's 1988 book Uncovering Soviet Disasters.Uncovering Soviet Disasters: Exploring the Limits of Glasnost, James Oberg, A third mirror, with an improved figure and no cracks, was installed in 1978. Although this improved the major problems, a number of unrelated issues continued to seriously degrade the overall performance of the telescope.

Chernenko did little to prevent the escalation of the cold war with the United States and Western Europe. Mikhail Gorbachev became the last leader of the Soviet Union in 1985 and led until the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. Gorbachev improved relations and trade with the West and reduced the Cold War tensions. He implemented Glasnost, which meant that Soviet people had freedom they never previously had; this included greater freedom of speech.

During Easter in 1990, he was in the Soviet Union and was a part of the most original music video that a Norwegian had ever made at the time. Under glasnost, Sputnik stood in Red Square in Moscow and sang Lukk opp din hjertedør. The video was later shown in its entirety in Norwegian on Dagsrevyen. Sputnik stole the show during the opening of TV2 in Grieghallen in the fall of 1992, in a duet with Kjell Bekkelund.

Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania were independent states since 1918 after the fall of the Russian Empire. During the outbreak of World War II, under the Ribbentrop-Molotov Pact, they were illegally annexed by the Soviet Union in 1940. This occupation continued for fifty years. Under Mikhail Gorbachev, the last Soviet leader, the policies of glasnost and perestroika has led to the restoration of independence between 1990 and 1991 which led the three countries to break away.

He took an interest in historiography and in 1988, during the period of the collapse of the USSR when the whole corpus of Soviet history was being re-evaluated under what has been called an "historical glasnost", participated in a roundtable discussion by dissident, establishment and revisionist historiansThe others were I. Koval'chenko, A. Samsonov, lu. Poliakov, V. Zhuravlev, and R. Medvedev. of pressing historiographical problems such as access to archives, the treatment of Stalinism, and political rehabilitations.

During World War II Latvia had been occupied by USSR. In 1985, Mikhail Gorbachev introduced glasnost and perestroika policies, hoping to salvage the failing Soviet economy. The reforms also lessened restrictions on political freedom in the Soviet Union. This led to unintended consequences as problems within the Soviet Union and crimes of the Soviet regime, previously kept secret and denied by the government, were exposed, causing public dissatisfaction, further deepened by the war in Afghanistan and the Chernobyl disaster.

Many historians compare Khrushchev's Thaw and his massive efforts to change the Soviet society and move away from its past, with Gorbachev's perestroika and glasnost during the 1980s. Although they led the Soviet Union in different eras, both Khrushchev and Gorbachev had initiated dramatic reforms. Both efforts lasted only a few years and were supported by the people, while being opposed by the hard-liners. Both leaders were dismissed, albeit with completely different results for their country.

Zyuganov emerged as a leading critic of Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev's perestroika and glasnost in the party's Agitation and Propaganda division (later the Ideological division), a hotbed of opposition to reform. As the party began to crumble in the late 1980s, Zyuganov took the side of hard-liners against reforms that would ultimately culminate in the end of CPSU rule and the dissolution of the Soviet Union. In May 1991, he published a fiercely critical piece on Alexander Yakovlev.

Olga Lipovskaya (born 1954) is a Russian poet and feminist. Working in Leningrad during the glasnost period from 1989 to 1991 Lipovskaya edited Women's Reading (Женское чтение, Zhenskoe Chtenie), a samizdat journal of about 30 copies per issue that she produced at home and circulated for other women to reproduce and pass along. Lipovskaya has acted as chairperson of the St Petersburg Centre for Gender Issues since 1992. She has worked as a journalist and interpreter.

In 1986, Bakdash and deputy secretary Yusuf Faisal differed over the policies of perestroika and glasnost adopted by Soviet Communist Party general secretary Mikhail Gorbachev. Faisal was supportive of Gorbachev's reforms, while Bakdash was opposed. This led to another split in the party, with many of the party's intellectuals leaving with Faisal while much of its Kurdish base remained supportive of Bakdash. Both factions retained the name "Syrian Communist Party" and continued to participate in the NPF.

To mark the 71st anniversary of the signing of the Act Zluky in 1990, over 300,000 UkrainiansSubtelny, p. 576. created a human chain (approx. long) from the capital Kyiv to the western Ukrainian city of Lviv on 21 January 1990. The chain, the largest public demonstration in Ukraine since the beginning of Glasnost, was funded by the People's Movement of Ukraine (Rukh) and was partly inspired by the Baltic Way which had taken place the previous year.

McCartney originally wanted to release the album in the United Kingdom outside regular distribution channels, making it appear as if the album had been smuggled in from the Soviet Union. EMI turned down that idea. Nonetheless, McCartney's manager had a batch of LPs pressed, with Russian- language covers, as a Christmas present to McCartney. This gave McCartney the idea to release the album in the Soviet Union as a gesture of peace in the spirit of glasnost.

Throughout the 1980s, German electronic music evolved into techno, drawing from Detroit, Chicago and Frankfurt influences. In the mid 1980s as Gorbachev, leader of USSR, implemented open-minded policies of perestroika and glasnost, East Berlin churches began to be used as alternative venues for concerts. For example, West German punk band, Die Toten Hosen, performed illegally in 1983 and 1988 in East Berlin churches. In July 1989 the first Love Parade festival was held, a celebration of electronic music.

Particularly popular among the Soviet intelligentsia, who became key Gorbachev supporters, glasnost boosted his domestic popularity but alarmed many Communist Party hardliners. For many Soviet citizens, this newfound level of freedom of speech and press—and its accompanying revelations about the country's past—was uncomfortable. Some in the party thought Gorbachev was not going far enough in his reforms; a prominent liberal critic was Yeltsin. He had risen rapidly since 1985, attaining the role of Moscow city boss.

Throughout the history of the Soviet Union, millions of people suffered political repression, which was an instrument of the state since the October Revolution. It culminated during the Stalin era, then declined, but it continued to exist during the "Khrushchev Thaw", followed by increased persecution of Soviet dissidents during the Brezhnev stagnation, and it did not cease to exist until late in Mikhail Gorbachev's rule when it was ended in keeping with his policies of glasnost and perestroika.

III The upheavals in the Communist world in the mid 1980s had profound repercussions in Vietnam. After the 1986 Party congress, the term Đổi Mới—or "Renovation", the Vietnamese version of glasnost, entered the vernacular. In literature, the new era was announced by Secretary General Nguyễn Văn Linh at a gathering of writers in October 1987. Admitting that the Party had been "less than democratic [in the past], and often dogmatic and brutal" in its treatment of writers.

More open elections led to the election of candidates opposed to Communist Party rule. Glasnost had inadvertently released the long-suppressed national sentiments of all peoples within the borders of the multinational Soviet state. These nationalist movements were further strengthened by the rapid deterioration of the Soviet economy, whose ramshackle foundations were exposed with the removal of Communist discipline. Gorbachev's reforms had failed to improve the economy, with the old Soviet command structure completely breaking down.

In February 1993, he was said to have as many as 430,000 files on people imprisoned or executed. Dimitry Yurasov is mentioned in David Remnick's Lenin's Tomb book, where Remnick offers a hike to Yurasov. According to Walter Laqueur, who mentions him in his 1990 book Stalin - The Glasnost Revelations, Yurasov gave TV interviews on the programs Vzglyad and with Sobesednik and Sovetskaya molodyozh on December 24, 1988. He was also published in Sovetskaya bibliografiya 5, pp.

Ligachyov, having made some speeches criticising Gorbachev, was demoted from his more prestigious position as Secretary for Ideology to Secretary for Agriculture on 30 September 1988. Perhaps the highlight of Ligachyov's career was the 28th Congress of the CPSU in 1990. He criticized Gorbachev for circumventing the Party via Soviet Presidency, and he argued Glasnost had gone too far. During the Party Congress, Ligachyov challenged Gorbachev for the office of General Secretary, standing as the "Leninist" candidate.

The reforms of Mikhail Gorbachev, perestroika and glasnost, finally revealed that the quality of Komsomol management was bad. The Komsomol, long associated with conservatism and bureaucracy, had always largely lacked political power. The radical Twentieth Congress of the Komsomol (April 1987) altered the rules of the organization to represent a market orientation. However, the reforms of the Twentieth Congress eventually destroyed the Komsomol, with lack of purpose and the waning of interest, membership, and quality of membership.

Due to heavy losses organized structures broke down and partisans continued their struggles individually. Ramanauskas officially ordered cessation of armed struggle in favour of passive resistance. former KGB building in Vilnius He obtained fake documents and lived in hiding. While in hiding he wrote three-part memoirs, which were hidden by trusted people and uncovered only in 1988–89 during the era of glasnost and first published as Daugel krito sūnų… (Many Sons Have Fallen…) in 1991.

Armenians from Fresno and the East Coast also moved to Los Angeles because of the large community there. Approximately 9,500 Armenians came to the United States in 1979 and 1980, and most settled in Hollywood. In August 1987, as part of glasnost, the Soviet Union began approving for exit visas for Armenians wishing to emigrate to the United States to reunite with relatives. As a result, from October 1987 through March 1988, 2,000 Armenians arrived in Los Angeles County.

Igor Smirnov, first president of Transnistria from 1991–2011 Soviet symbols are still used in Transnistria. In the 1980s, Mikhail Gorbachev's policies of perestroika and glasnost in the Soviet Union allowed political liberalisation at a regional level. This led to the creation of various informal movements all over the country, and to a rise of nationalism within most Soviet republics. In the Moldavian SSR in particular, there was a significant resurgence of pro-Romanian nationalism among ethnic Moldovans.

Tomas Venclova, a son of Antanas Venclova, a prominent Soviet writer, was allowed to emigrate to the United States just two months after the group's formation. Viktoras Petkus was arrested on August 23, 1977. After a trial in 1978, he was sentenced to 10 years in prison and 5 years in exile. He was freed after the introduction of glasnost in 1988. Karolis Garuckas died of cancer on April 5, 1979; Ona Lukauskaitė-Poškienė died on December 4, 1983.

The 1989 USC Trojans football team represented the University of Southern California during the 1989 NCAA Division I-A football season. The season was intended to start historic fashion, with USC set to play Illinois in Moscow in what was dubbed the Glasnost Bowl. However, the plan to play the game at Dynamo Stadium fell through, and the game was rescheduled at Memorial Coliseum. The Trojans lost the game as the Illini scored two touchdowns in the fourth quarter.

They were the first Western rock band to perform in an open-air concert in East Germany (after Glasnost had begun in the Eastern bloc but over two years before the Berlin Wall fell), playing in Treptower Park, East Berlin on 14 July 1987 to a 170,000-plus audience. The band continued as a trio with regular guest-musicians until 1998. One album, Welcome to the Show, produced in 1990, was released under the abbreviated name BJH.

March 2, 1988 p. 13. Retrieved December 30, 2006. The spirit of glasnost had seen the Soviet Union more tolerant in responding to such politically-charged issues. However, Soviet officials in Azerbaijan, some of whom were witnessing the attacks, appealed to Kremlin leaders to dispatch Soviet troops to Sumgait. In a Soviet Politburo session on the third day of the rioting (February 29), Gorbachev and his senior cabinet conferred on several subjects before discussing the events of Sumgait.

In 1988 he was expelled from the Communist Party, but next year's membership was restored. He was a member of the Supreme Council of the Bulgarian Socialist Party (1990–1998) and Chairman of the Union for Social Democracy in BSP deputy chairman of the BSP (1990–1991). Kyuranov is a founding member of the Club for Support of Glasnost and Perestroika (3 November 1988) and an opponent of the inclusion of this organization in the UDF.

Gennady Zyuganov, a member of the State Duma since 1993, leader of the Communist Party and four-time Russian presidential candidate, has taken positions on many political issues through his public comments, his presidential campaign statements, and his voting record. During the 1980s, Zyuganov was an ardent opponent of reforms introduced by Mikhail Gorbachev, such as glasnost and perestroika. As leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation Zyuganov has been widely considered to be a nationalist.

In the Soviet days of Vremya, the programme had a pro-government bias and typically did not report on news that could potentially fuel anti- government sentiment. The programme presented reports that promoted socialism and portrayed the West in a negative manner. The newsroom was tied to the Politburo of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union's Central Committee. This situation changed after Glasnost, when a director of news was introduced alongside the news being sourced from official outlets.

The decree published by newspapers in the Soviet Union presented Safronov the Order of the Red Banner along with Major Mikhail Voronov and Captain Nikolai Sheludko (the commanders of the two missile batteries which had engaged the U-2). The decree did not mention that Sergei Safronov died and several subsequent publications did not state that he died.Khrushchev, p. 363. His death was not revealed until thirty years later during Glasnost with the publication of several news articles.

A movement for the unification of Romania and Moldova began in both countries after the Romanian Revolution and the glasnost policy in the Soviet Union, advocating the peaceful integration of the two states. Individuals supporting the movement are called "Unioniști" (Unionists). In Moldova, those against the movement are called "Moldoveniști" (Moldovenists). Unionist organizations in Romanian and in Moldovan civil society include "Noii Golani" (The New Hooligans), "Deșteptarea" (The Awakening), or the movement "Basarabia - Pământ Românesc" ("Bessarabia - Romanian Land").

In the 1980s acclaimed Russian director Andrei Konchalovsky was the first filmmaker to find success in Hollywood. In America he directed Maria's Lovers, Runaway Train and Tango & Cash. With the onset of Perestroika and Glasnost in the mid-1980s, Soviet films emerged which began to address formerly censored topics, such as drug addiction, The Needle, and sexuality and alienation in Soviet society, Little Vera. Several Soviet films have received Oscars; War and Peace, Dersu Uzala, Moscow Does Not Believe in Tears.

On the other hand, the government attempted to control accused anti-Semitism and fought against pogroms. For the most part, however, the propagation of atheism had the greater effect on Jewish church organisation, and as a result the synagogue's social role diminished along with the services it provided. By 1938 the synagogue, club and national society had been abolished. With glasnost during the late 1980s and the subsequent fall of the Soviet government, the Jewish community of Nizhny Novgorod experienced a renaissance.

Barricade in Riga to prevent the Soviet Army from reaching the Latvian Parliament, July 1991. Liberalization in the communist regime began in the mid-1980s in the USSR with the perestroika and glasnost instituted by Mikhail Gorbachev. In Latvia, several mass political organizations were constituted that made use of this opportunity – Popular Front of Latvia (Tautas Fronte), Latvian National Independence Movement (Latvijas Nacionālās Neatkarības Kustība) and Citizens' Congress (Pilsoņu kongress). These groups began to agitate for the restoration of national independence.

As a mathematician, Shparo insisted that the North Pole, as an ever-shifting spot, existed only as a mathematical concept. But even with such an abstract goal in mind, his trips always had a very practical component. Shparo had become one of the earliest Soviet ambassadors of goodwill to the West, before glasnost and perestroika. In 1988, Shparo co-led the Soviet-Canadian expedition, first to cross Arctic Ocean from Russia via the North Pole to Canada, lifting the Ice Curtain.

Glasnost allowed Kancheli to regain exposure, and he began to receive frequent commissions, as well as performances within Europe and North America. Championed internationally by Lera Auerbach, Dennis Russell Davies, Jansug Kakhidze, Gidon Kremer, Yuri Bashmet, Kim Kashkashian, Mstislav Rostropovich, and the Kronos Quartet, Kancheli saw world premieres of his works in Seattle, as well as with the New York Philharmonic under Kurt Masur. He continued to receive regular commissions. Recordings of his recent works are regularly released, notably on the ECM label.

Kremlin is a board game satire of power struggles within the pre-glasnost Soviet Union government of the 1980s. The game takes its name from the Kremlin in Moscow, the location associated with the central Soviet government offices. The original German-language edition was designed by Urs Hostettler and released in 1986 by the Swiss board game company Fata Morgana Spiele under the name Kreml. An English translation of the game with slightly modified rules was published by Avalon Hill in 1988.

The burial site was discovered in 1979 by Alexander Avdonin, an amateur sleuth. The Soviet Union did not acknowledge the existence of these remains publicly until 1989, during the glasnost period.Rappaport, p. 220. The identity of the remains was later confirmed by forensic and DNA analysis and investigation, with the assistance of British experts. In 1998, 80 years after the executions, the remains of the Romanov family were reinterred in a state funeral in the Peter and Paul Cathedral in Saint Petersburg.

He believed that the CCM had become too hidebound and corrupt and that competition with other parties would force it to improve. His belief in reform was influenced by his observation of what had occurred in other socialist states: the Eastern Bloc had collapsed, Mikhail Gorbachev had pursued perestroika and glasnost in the Soviet Union, and Deng Xiaoping had overseen economic reform in China. Nyerere stated: "we cannot remain an island. We must manage our own change – don't wait to be pushed".

They released two albums each year between 1985 and 1987, while also promoting their singles on television all over Europe, eventually selling sixty-five million records within three years. Particularly notable is that Modern Talking were one of the first Western bloc bands in the Cold War which were allowed to officially sell their records in the Soviet Union, as part of Mikhail Gorbachev's Glasnost reforms in 1986. As a result, they still maintain a large fanbase in Eastern Europe.

After returning to Moscow, Kim worked as a school teacher, and at the same time participated in the Soviet dissident movement, which cost him his job in 1968. Subsequently, Kim earned a living by writing songs for plays and movies as well as publishing plays under the pseudonym Yu. Mikhailov, which he used until 1986. At the same time, while he was barred from giving concerts, he continued his singing underground. With the advent of glasnost, Kim was finally able to perform legally.

In addition, following the introduction of greater media freedom as a result of glasnost, the Soviet news media was much less repressed than it had been in the early years of the manhunt and as such, devoted extensive publicity to the case. Fetisov had also noted laxity in some areas of the investigation and warned that people would be fired if the killer was not caught soon.The Red Ripper, pp. 158–59 Chikatilo had killed three further victims by August 1990.

Gorbachev initiated a policy of glasnost (openness) in the Soviet Union, and emphasized the need for perestroika (economic restructuring). The Soviet Union was struggling economically after the long war in Afghanistan and did not have the resources to control Central and Eastern Europe. In 1989, a wave of revolutions, sometimes called the "Autumn of Nations",See various uses of this term in the following publications . The term is a play on a more widely used term for 1848 revolutions, the Spring of Nations.

From 1988–1991, Roland Jaquarello was Artistic Director of The Lyric Theatre Belfast. During his tenure, four new plays by Robin Glendinning, Christina Reid, John McLelland and Robert Ellison were produced. There was also the premiere of a 'glasnost' play Threshold by Alexei Dudarev which was directed and designed by a visiting Belarusian team. During this time, The Lyric Theatre also visited The Glasgow Mayfest with his production of Sam Thompson's Over The Bridge, a play about sectarianism in the Belfast shipyards.

In the mid-1980s, Lithuania's Communist Party leadership hesitated to embrace Gorbachev's perestroika and glasnost. The death of Petras Griškevičius, first secretary of the Communist Party of Lithuania, in 1987 was merely followed by the appointment of another rigid communist, Ringaudas Songaila. However, encouraged by the rhetoric of Mikhail Gorbachev, noting the strengthening position of Solidarity in Poland and encouraged by the Pope and the U.S. Government, Baltic independence activists began to hold public demonstrations in Riga, Tallinn, and Vilnius.

Soviet ex-POWs and civilians repatriated from abroad were suspected of having been Nazi collaborators, and 226,127 of them were sent to forced labour camps after scrutiny by Soviet intelligence, NKVD. Many ex-POWs and young civilians were also conscripted to serve in the Red Army. Others worked in labour battalions to rebuild infrastructure destroyed during the war.Edwin Bacon, "Glasnost and the Gulag: New Information on Soviet Forced Labour around World War II", Soviet Studies, Vol. 44, No. 6 (1992), pp. 1069-1086.

It became more active again in early 1979 and published further documents primarily protesting arrests of various dissidents, including Antanas Terleckas, and statements critical of the Czechoslovakian government and the Soviet–Afghan War. However, arrests of four other members effectively discontinued the activities of the Lithuanian Helsinki Group. The group was reestablished in 1988 when glasnost and perestroika policies allowed freer political expressions. On November 20, 1988, the group admitted three new members Balys Gajauskas, Kazimieras Kryževičius, and Nijolė Sadūnaitė.

On October 7, Mikhail Gorbachev, a supporter of those reforms, visits East Berlin. During his return flight, the hard-line Communist leadership stages a coup that deposes Gorbachev and installs (fictional) General Vladimir Soshkin as the new Soviet leader. The Soviet government announces that Gorbachev resigned for "reasons of ill health," but Gorbachev is never heard from again, his true fate "lost in the darkness of history." Soshkin and the hard-liners fiercely resist the rise of glasnost and perestroika.

At the January 28–30, 1987, Central Committee plenum, Gorbachev suggested a new policy of demokratizatsiya throughout Soviet society. He proposed that future Communist Party elections should offer a choice between multiple candidates, elected by secret ballot. However, the CPSU delegates at the Plenum watered down Gorbachev's proposal, and democratic choice within the Communist Party was never significantly implemented. Gorbachev also radically expanded the scope of Glasnost, stating that no subject was off-limits for open discussion in the media.

The Communist Soviet Union collapsed after Mikhail Gorbachev tried to open the country via his policies of perestroika (1986) and glasnost (1988). While his actions brought the Soviet Union out of isolation from the international community, the initiatives are also seen as a failure because he tried to implement them too quickly. The shift from a state-run economy to a market economy was not gradual, it was abrupt. The nation was not ready for such a quick, drastic change.

Even Aquino meets Soviet General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev in another state visit in Moscow for the first time in 1987. She and Gorbachev agreed that the Philippines and the Soviet Union established the two-nation economic ties and to promote their reforms based on the perestroika and glasnost systems paved their way to democracy, it also includes a Philippine- Soviet friendship. She returned between 1991 and 1992 for the state visit with President Boris Yeltsin since Russia was independent on December 25, 1991.

According to White House experts Philip Zelikow and Condoleezza Rice, Gorbachev looked to Communist leaders in Eastern Europe to follow his example of perestroika and glasnost. They argue: : Gorbachev himself had no particular sympathy for Erich Honecker, chairman of the East German Communist Party, and his hard-line comrades and the government. As early as 1985... [Gorbachev] had told East German party officials that kindergarten was over; no one would lead them by the hand. They were responsible for their own people.

Some of his articles were collected in the books Youth, Pure Dawn, and 525 Days that Shook Samarkand. In 1990, at the age of 35, Mamatov received the title "Honored Journalist of Uzbekistan". In the same year he was elected from the Jomboy electoral district to the Uzbek Supreme Soviet (parliament), serving as a high-ranking official on its Glasnost Committee until 1993. During this period, he wrote the book Press Law and founded the newspaper Xalq So’zi, the main publication of the Uzbek Parliament.

There have been special issues on China, reporting from the Middle East, and on internet censorship. The Russia issue (January 2008) won an Amnesty International Media Award 2008 for features by Russian journalists Fatima Tlisova and Sergei Bachinin, and veteran Russian free speech campaigner Alexei Simonov, founder of the Glasnost Defence Foundation. Since January 2010 it has been published by Sage Publications, an independent for-profit academic publisher. Between 2005 and 2009, the magazine was published and distributed by Routledge, part of the Taylor & Francis group.

For the Zapatistas, "El Encuentro" [The Encounter] against Neoliberalism and for all of humanity, was a peaceful mode of obtaining international support and resistance aid. Director Wild considers it "a post-Glasnost revolutionary Woodstock, without the Acid". Three thousand people attended El Encuentro, among them Spanish anarchists, Italian communists, Latin American revolutionaries, Chiapanec Indians, and Superbarrio [Super Neighbourhood], the caped professional wrestler and social activist. The Encuentro demonstrates the importance of civilian support to the Zapatista national liberation movement, whose goals the civilians of the world understand.

Originally intended by Sokurov as his diploma defense at the VGIK, The Lonely Voice of Man was banned in the USSR until the glasnost. Upon release in 1987 it was immediately critically acclaimed and nominated for a number of awards. Most notably the film won the Bronzen Leopard at the Locarno International Film Festival. All the actors in the film were amateurs, and a combination of this along with the sulky provincial landscapes created a sense of realism coupled with artistry that made the feature stand out.

In her foreword to the reprint (written in September 1988) she noted that the courtesy copies of her 1977 book that she had sent to Soviet museums and libraries at the time had not been available to the general reader there but she hoped that in the period of glasnost that the reprinting of her book would be propitious and be part of the general reassessment and rectification of history in the USSR.Valkenier, Elizabeth. (1989) Russian Realist Art. The State and Society: The Peredvizhniki and Their Tradition.

Communist Party membership was falling off. As the region was falling into poverty and cynicism, Gorbachev had proposed to the 27th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union on March 6, 1986, policies of glasnost, or candidness of governmental process, and peristroika, reorganization. The sibling policies amounted to a license to self-determine. In May, 1989, Hungary, acting on its own, opened the border between itself and Austria, negating the Berlin wall, as Germans could travel between the two Germanies via Hungary and Austria.

Kushnaryov became a member of the Communist Party in 1981. In 1989, during the Glasnost era, he joined the pro- democracy movement in the Ukrainian SSR. In 1990 Kushnaryov was elected to both the Kharkiv city council and the Verkhovna Rada, where he took part in formulating the fledgling country's constitution, and in 1994 he became mayor of the city of Kharkiv. Afterwards, Kushnaryov served as Leonid Kuchma's chief of staff from 1996 to 1998, and as governor of the Kharkiv Oblast from 2000 to 2004.

In 1981 Fariñas went to the U.S.S.R. to Tambov where he studied at the Airborne Academy but, due to official negligence, suffered exposure to a chemical nerve agent that damaged his health to the point that he had to be discharged from the army. In 1983 he began studying in the Department of Psychology in the Universidad Central de las Villas. In 1986 he was nearly explled for being part of a Freudian group which was considered sympathetic to Perestroika and Glasnost. He graduated in 1988.

In 1985 Rahmon Nabiyev was ousted in a corruption scandal as First Secretary of the Communist Party of Tajikistan and Mahkamov was chosen to succeed him. Mahkamov's tenure was one of the most turbulent in the republic's history. His accession to power coincided with that of Mikhail Gorbachev and the advent of Perestroika and Glasnost. During Mahkamov's reign in power Tajikistan saw a surge in nationalism, which culminated in the passage of the 1989 ‘’Language Law’’ that designated Tajik the official language of the republic.

From 1954 to 1978, he wrote a set of short stories about his experiences in the labor camps, which were collected and published in six volumes, collectively known as Kolyma Tales. These books were initially published in the West, in English translation, starting in the 1960s; they were eventually published in the original Russian, but only became officially available in the Soviet Union in 1987, in the post-glasnost era. The Kolyma Tales are considered Shalamov's masterpiece, and "the definitive chronicle" of life in the labor camps.

The Bolsheviks, followed by the Soviet Union government, tried to suppress information about the executions of the Romanov family and their retainers. In 1979 the gravesite containing most of the bodies was found by an amateur, but the government did not acknowledge this until 1989, in the period of glasnost. DNA analysis and forensics were used to identify the Romanov members. The remains of Tsarevich Alexei and one of his sisters were missing from this gravesite, but were finally discovered in 2007 in another, nearby, unmarked gravesite.

For comparison, all explosives used in World War II, including the detonations of two US nuclear bombs, amounted to only two megatons. In 1988–1989, glasnost helped make the Novaya Zemlya testing activities public knowledge, and in 1990 Greenpeace activists staged a protest at the site. The last nuclear test explosion was in 1990 (also the last for the entire Soviet Union and Russia). The Ministry for Atomic Energy has performed a series of subcritical underwater nuclear experiments near Matochkin Shar each autumn since 1998.

He withdrew from the Soviet–Afghan War and embarked on summits with United States President Ronald Reagan to limit nuclear weapons and end the Cold War. Domestically, his policy of glasnost ("openness") allowed for enhanced freedom of speech and press, while his perestroika ("restructuring") sought to decentralize economic decision making to improve efficiency. His democratization measures and formation of the elected Congress of People's Deputies undermined the one- party state. Gorbachev declined to intervene militarily when various Eastern Bloc countries abandoned Marxist-Leninist governance in 1989–90.

By 1990, the governments of Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, East Germany, Hungary, Poland and Romania, all of which had been imposed after World War II, were brought down as revolutions swept Eastern Europe. The Soviet Union also began experiencing upheaval as the political consequences of glasnost reverberated throughout the country. Despite efforts at containment, the upheaval in Eastern Europe inevitably spread to nationalities within the USSR. In elections to the regional assemblies of the Soviet Union's constituent republics, nationalists as well as radical reformers swept the board.

The enterprise was made possible by the Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev's programme of perestroika and glasnost. The introduction of perestroika enabled Khodorkovsky to use his connections within the communist structures to gain a foothold in the developing free market. With the help of some powerful people, he started his business activities under the cover of Komsomol. Friendship with another Komsomol leader, Alexey Golubovich, had a significant impact on his growing success, since Golubovich's parents held top positions in Gosbank, the State Bank of the USSR.

All this changed under the political reforms of glasnost and Perestroika, and the search for the killer began to make progress. With the passage of time and easing of political restrictions, Burakov devises a plan to blanket almost all the railroad stations, where the serial killer preys upon the young and unsuspecting, with conspicuous uniformed men to discourage the killer. Three small stations, however, are left unattended, except for undercover agents. Chikatilo is eventually discovered and identified through the diligence of a local, plainclothes soldier.

Captive Witness was ghostwritten by Richard Ballard. Due to its primary plot of pre-Glasnost international intrigue, many have theorized the title was originally written to be a part of The Hardy Boys series. In 2005, Simon & Schuster allowed Captive Witness and the seven titles before it to be republished by Grosset & Dunlap in hardcover "glossy flashlight" format for the first time. The reasoning behind it was for the 75th anniversary of the Nancy Drew character, and the 100th anniversary of the Stratemeyer Syndicate.

Ligachyov was made head of the Secretariat. Ligachyov supported reform of the Soviet Union and initially supported Gorbachev; however, as Gorbachev's policies of perestroika and glasnost began to resemble social democratic policies he distanced himself from Gorbachev, and by 1988 he was recognized as the leader of the more conservative, anti-Gorbachev faction of Soviet politicians. During this period Ligachyov uttered his famous catch phrase "Boris, you are wrong", targeting Boris Yeltsin in a political discourse. Ligachyov served in the Politburo between 1985 and 1990.

It is open for the public all year long. In 1988, Estonians gathered at the Tallinn Song Festival Grounds, to sing patriotic hymns in what became known as the Singing Revolution that led to the overthrow of Soviet rule. Also in 1988, three years before the collapse of the Soviet Union and Estonia's reestablishment of independence, an international rock concert called the Summer of Rock (also referred to as Glasnost Rock) took place on the Tallinn Song Festival Grounds between August 26 and 28.

The Law on Cooperatives was a major economic reform implemented in the Soviet Union during General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev's perestroika and glasnost reforms. It was implemented in May 1988, allowed for independent worker-owned cooperatives to operate in the Soviet Union, as opposed to just state-owned enterprises, and gave guidelines as to how these cooperatives should be managed. While originally the law imposed high taxes and restrictions on employment, it was eventually revised so as not to discourage activity within the private sector.

However, throughout the Gorbachev era diplomatic relations cooled until the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 and the termination of Soviet-Cuban relations. Heightened tensions best characterize diplomatic relations between Cuba and the Soviet Union throughout the Gorbachev era. The introduction of Gorbachev's reforms of perestroika, glasnost, and his “new thinking” on foreign policy set off an economic crisis in the Soviet Union, opened up the Soviets and their allies to increasing internal criticism from dissidents and sparked an ideological conflict with Fidel Castro's regime.

By the 1980s General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev's introduction of glasnost began a period of revitalization of minority culture in the ASSRs. From 1989 Gorbachev's Soviet Union and the Russian SFSR, led by Boris Yeltsin, were locked in a power struggle. Yeltsin sought support from the ASSRs by promising more devolved powers and to build a federation "from the ground up". On 12 June 1990 the Russian SFSR issued a Declaration of State Sovereignty, proclaiming Russia a sovereign state whose laws take priority over Soviet ones.

Perestroika postage stamp, 1988 Perestroika (; ; ) was a political movement for reformation within the Communist Party of the Soviet Union during the 1980s and is widely associated with Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev and his glasnost (meaning "openness") policy reform. The literal meaning of perestroika is "restructuring", referring to the restructuring of the Soviet political and economic system. Perestroika is sometimes argued to be a significant cause of the collapse of the Eastern Bloc and the dissolution of the Soviet Union, which marked the end of the Cold War.

Arbess joined the international law firm White & Case in 1987, after having been in the Kremlin as a foreign observer when Mikhail Gorbachev unveiled the policies of Glasnost and Perstroika. He was the first American lawyer to re-locate to Eastern Europe, moving to Prague in early 1990. He advised the Czechoslovak (later Czech) government on its economic transition, principally involving privatization policy and transactions. In 1992, at 31, he became the youngest partner in the history of White & Case and Head of its Global Privatization Group.

Elected to the Supreme Soviet of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics in 1989, Gelman was an outspoken supporter of liberal changes and of general secretary Mikhail Gorbachev's perestroika and glasnost package in the 1980s, but in a 1989 interview with David Remnick of The Washington Post' characterized the idea of the liberal politician Boris Yeltsin taking the place of Gorbachev was "a bit ridiculous".Remnick, David. "A Candidate to Run Against Gorbachev?; Too Much, Even for Radical Reformists" (3 May 1989). The Washington Post A16.

This novel was one of the forbidden literary works in the country and therefore, the magazine became among the publications publishing previously forbidden books in the glasnost period. In 2006, the magazine published Vasili Aksyonov's novel Moskva-kva- kva. The monthly also published poems of significant and state-recognized poets in the Soviet era, forming the image of Soviet poetry, and works on literary criticism. In addition to literary works, in the 1960s the magazine covered articles on Soviet films, focusing on the merits of these movies.

List of delegations – United Nations. General Assembly In 1985, he visited Canada as well, participating in a campaign for world peace and for nuclear disarmament.Disparate trio joins to combat nuclear weapons, The Saturday Windsor Star – Jun 8, 1985 In the late 1980s and early 1990s Vitaly Korotich was editor-in-chief of Ogonyok magazine in Moscow, which made, some say, a substantial contribution to the promotion of media freedom in the former USSR. The Ogonyok magazine, at the time when Korotich was at its head, was regarded as a "megaphone" for the perestroika and glasnost policies of the last USSR President Mikhail Gorbachev. > «Korotich has given voice and direction to Glasnost.... In his hands Ogonyok > became the point of the spear and also a blunt instrument flailing away at > the enemies of change and renewal, including Communist party notables and > formerly inviolate institutions like the K. G. B. and the Soviet Army. > Korotich says that he is on a civilizing mission whose goal is «a normal > life in an abnormal society» and explains, «For seventy years, we were > taught that the son who betrayed his father, or a person who burned a > church, was a hero.

The LPRP is a Marxist–Leninist party patterned after the Vietnamese Communist Party and strongly influenced by the Soviet Union and the Soviet Communist Party. In the late 1980s, the party attempted to follow the example of Mikhail Gorbachev's perestroika reforms by introducing market measures and reducing controls over state run enterprises as well as abandoning attempts at agricultural collectivisation, although keeping the commanding heights of the economy nationalised and protecting labour and union rights. These reforms were expanded in the 1990s. However, the Laotian party was reluctant to follow the Soviet example of glasnost.

Official sources state that the L3 was not ready for crewed missions. Its lunar lander, the LK, had been tested a few times but its orbiter, the 7K-LOK, had not been successfully tested by the closing of the Moon-landing program at the end of 1974. The closing of the program was officially denied and maintained top secret until 1990 when the government allowed them to be published under the policy of glasnost. This claim correlates with the late hoax about the unsuccessful Moon-shot flight of Andrei Mikoyan.

American football came into the Soviet Union in late 1980s. The first official games were played in 1989 when American high school all-star teams from Oklahoma played exhibition games against local teams, following a failed attempt to have college football bowl game be played in Moscow (known as the Glasnost Bowl). In the same year the very first game between Russian teams was played.Ilya Kravtsov: Hockey Pads to the FAFR: The History of American Football in Russia American Football International In 1991, the Soviet Championship was founded.

Tucker, Robert C., "Swollen State, Spent Society," in Political Culture and Leadership in Soviet Russia, 108-139; and in Hoffmann and Laird, eds., The Soviet Polity in the Modern Era, 41-67. Gorbachev made glasnost, perestroika, and democratization the centerpieces of a revolutionary ideology, which sparked a divisive public debate about the political content and policy implications of these concepts. More revolutionary, in the late 1980s, Gorbachev discarded the "Brezhnev doctrine", withdrawing Soviet troops from Afghanistan and allowing East European countries in the Soviet bloc to choose their own types of political system.

In 1968, he continued his career in journalism as a special correspondent with the Izvestia newspaper. He worked in Prague for three years during that period, and returned there as a resident correspondent in 1985-1986. In August 1986, he was appointed editor-in-chief of the Moscow News, which he turned from an English-language voice of Soviet propaganda into one of the most popular and widely read papers of the era of perestroika and glasnost. In 1991-1992, he was the chairman of All-Soviet Television Company (VGTRK).

Congregants praying in the temporarily adapted church, c. 1993 The glasnost (openness) policy, introduced during the rule of Mikhail Gorbachev, played a major role in developing religious freedom in the Soviet Union. Consequently, in 1989, a group of Moscow Catholics and the cultural association "The Polish House" (Russian: Дом Польский), suggested that the building should again be used for religious purposes. Following the city's assent, the first Mass at the site in 60 years was celebrated on the church stairs during the feast of the Immaculate Conception on 8 December 1990.

His policies of glasnost and perestroika created conditions in which nationalistic feelings could be openly expressed and in which the Soviet republics could consider reforms.King, p. 121 In the 1970s and '80s Moldova received substantial investment from the budget of the USSR to develop industrial, scientific facilities, as well as housing. In 1971 the Council of Ministers of the USSR adopted a decision "About the measures for further development of Kishinev city" that secured more than one billion rubles of funds for Chisinau alone from the USSR budget.

Producer Ted Templeman played percussion and LaKind sometimes played Knudsen's drum set while Knudsen went to the front of the stage to join the chorus. Templeman also played the drum set on "What a Fool Believes", as he did on the original hit record. The tour culminated (sans McDonald, McFee and Knudsen) at the Glasnost-inspired July 4 "Peace Concert" in Moscow, with Bonnie Raitt, James Taylor and Santana sharing the bill. Excerpts appearing later that year on the Showtime cable network included a performance of "China Grove".

So Much for Glasnost, Slate, 28 December 2005. Yulia Latynina alleged that Major Gurazhev was captured after he approached the militants' truck to demand a bribe for what he thought was an oil-smuggling operation.Too Many Exceptions to Be a Rule , The St. Petersburg Times, 29 December 2006. It was also alleged the federal police knew of the time and place of the planned attack; according to internal police documents obtained by Novaya Gazeta, the Moscow MVD knew about the hostage taking four hours in advance, having learned this from a militant captured in Chechnya.

The Bahamas Bowl has continued as part of the bowl schedule ever since. Two regular-season games were scheduled for 2016: the first game of the season, with California and Hawaii playing at ANZ Stadium in Sydney, and a return to Dublin's Aviva Stadium, this time with Boston College playing Georgia Tech. In addition to those played, several international games have been proposed from time-to-time that were never actually played. In 1989, USC and Illinois were scheduled to open their season in the Glasnost Bowl at Dynamo Stadium in Moscow.

As in the case of other Soviet space pioneers, the Soviet authorities for many years refused to disclose Kerimov's identity to the public. At televised space launchings, cameras always focused on the cosmonauts and not the person to whom they reported their readiness to carry out the mission. As Kerimov was a "secreted general", he was always hidden from the camera's view; only his voice was broadcast. His name remained a secret until era of “glasnost” in Soviet Union, when he was first mentioned in Pravda newspaper in 1987.

Another unintended consequence of Glasnost for the Soviet central authorities was the long-suppressed nationalist sentiments that were released in the republics of the Soviet Union. Massive demonstrations against the Soviet regime began. In Latvia an independence movement started. The supporters of independence - the Popular Front of Latvia, the Latvian Green Party and the Latvian National Independence Movement - won elections to the Supreme Soviet of the Latvian SSR, on 18 March 1990 and formed the Popular Front of Latvia faction, leaving the pro-Soviet Equal Rights faction in opposition.

Bozóki & Ishiyama, p. 242. Gennady Zyuganov, a co-founder of the party along with senior former Soviet politicians Yegor Ligachev, Anatoly Lukyanov, Andrew Konstant and others, was elected to be party leader at the Second Extraordinary Congress.Bozóki & Ishiyama, p245 Zyuganov had been a harsh critic of Alexander Yakovlev, the so- called "godfather of glasnost", on the CPSU Central Committee. After the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, he became active in the Russian "national-patriotic" movement, being the chairman of the National Salvation Front (some authors call him a nationalist).

While some elements of the PCR were receptive to Mikhail Gorbachev's reforms, Ceaușescu himself wanted nothing to do with glasnost or perestroika. As a result, the PCR remained an obstinate bastion of hardline Communism. Gorbachev's distaste for Ceaușescu was well known; he even went as far as to call Ceaușescu "the Romanian führer."In Gorbachev's mind, Ceaușescu was part of a"Gang of Four"inflexibly hardline leaders unwilling to make the reforms he felt necessary to save Communism, along with Czechoslovakia's Gustáv Husák, Bulgaria's Todor Zhivkov and East Germany's Erich Honecker.

In 1972, his institute was closed down during a Brezhnev-era purge of some 200 sociologists from research institutes and universities. Levada was reinstated by reformist Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev as glasnost was under way. He went on to establish the All-Union Center for the Study of Public Opinion (VTsIOM) in 1987, which was renamed All-Russian Center for the Study of Public Opinion after the end of Soviet Union in 1991. In an interview Yuri Levada refers to Tatyana Zaslavskaya and Boris Grushin as the founders of VTsIOM in 1987.

Jones began his television career in ITV in 1982 at Anglia Television in Norwich. Jones commentated on football and produced a number of programmes - including an insight into the horse racing industry and the arrival in England of Sergei Baltacha, a Ukrainian who was the first footballer from the old Soviet Union to play in Britain during the Glasnost era. He also won a Royal Television Society award for his journalism. For the ITV network, he was a regular contributor to the Football League review shows The Championship and Football League Extra.

A third club for working professionals was founded later that year by Bob, who suggested a name that would encourage the members not to be afraid to speak out. That club was "The Moscow Free Speakers," and remarkably, it is still functioning in 2016. When Gennady Gerasimov left the Moscow News in 1987 to become the official press spokesman for Michail Gorbachev, Yegor Yakovlev became the editor-in-chief and the newspaper began to break one taboo after another during the era of Gorbachev's reforms known as glasnost (openness) and perestroika (rebuilding).

The idea and the name of the festival belongs to journalist Ivan Lepsha, which was realized by Taras Melnyk, Kyrylo Stetsenko, Anatoliy Kalenychenko, Oleh Repetskyi and Ivan Malkovych. The festival played an important role in the revival of Ukrainian popular music and contributed to the Ukrainian music boom of the 90s. Until start of the Soviet reforms such "perestroika" (The Reform) in 1986 along with "Glasnost" and "Uskoreniye", the rock music throughout the Soviet Union was a taboo. But, there were some exclusions such as the 1980 Georgian "Spring Rhythms".

Callen reunites with Reznikov in "Glasnost", where he shoots a man who went after a woman victim he was visiting and reveals he had been in touch with Arkady Kolcheck since the Russia incident back in Season Seven. Callen interrogates his father, who admits he's in LA for work—not to see his son. After Hetty takes over the interrogation, she allows Reznikov to escape to finish what he started. Callen and Sam go to his rescue, and Callen discovers that Reznikov helped a woman move to the U.S. and fathered a child with her.

He participated actively in the seminars sponsored by the Association of Jewish Schools and Principals in the CIS, which the Memorial Foundation created after Glasnost, for its more than 40 constituent members. He also organized tens of educational seminars in the CIS with other bodies, working and receiving support from Yad Vashem, the Jewish Agency, the American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee and other groups. His foundation was also instrumental in creating a Holocaust museum in Moscow. Furthermore, Ilya Altman is member of the International Council of the Austrian Service Abroad.

The game planners hoped for 3,500 fans from each school, plus school marching bands and cheerleaders, as well as 43,000 Soviet spectators.Johnson, Miami Showing Interest in Moscow Game, South Florida Sun- Sentinel, October 25, 1988. In addition to the United States, Raycom planned to broadcast the game in the United Kingdom, Japan, New Zealand, and Australia; the Soviets planned to broadcast to republics of the Soviet Union and the Eastern bloc via the state-run Gostelradio.Bill Arthur, Illinois, Southern Cal to Play in Glasnost Bowl, Charlotte Observer, November 16, 1988.

There is a strong theme of representing the nation with its national animal, the wolf. Due to their strong dependence on the land, its farms and its forests (and indeed, the national equation with the wolf), Chechens have a strong sense of affection for nature. According to Chechen philosopher Apty Bisultanov, ruining an ant- hill or hunting Caucasian goats during their mating season was considered extremely sinful. It is notable that the glasnost era Chechen independence movement, Bart (unity) in fact originated as a simple environmentalist organization in the republic's capital of Grozny.

However, environmental damage and openings in political freedom in the 1980s led to greater grassroots activism. The Chernobyl disaster of 1986, its cover- up by national, republic and local government officials, and its environmental and health effects spurred many to action. General dissatisfaction with the socialist regime and a push for democratization took an environmental focus. As Soviet citizens became more comfortable with the Gorbachev-era ideals of glasnost and perestroika in the late 20th century, environmentalists became more outspoken in their demands, and radical splinter groups formed in the late 1980s.

Wilhelmi died a few months later, in a March 1978 plane crash, but a passage of another eight years was required, as glasnost and perestroika began to thaw the Cold War-dominated Eastern Europe, for Żuławski to be able to return again to Poland and edit the still-unfinished remnants into a 166-minute rough approximation of what the finished film might have been. Adopting the title of the trilogy's first volume, On the Silver Globe premiered at the Cannes Film Festival in May 1988, with some critics proclaiming it a ruined masterpiece.

Discussion of the Holodomor became more open as part of glasnost in the late 1980s. In Ukraine, the first official use of the word was a December 1987 speech by Volodymyr Shcherbytskyi, First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine, on the occasion of the republic's 17th anniversary. An early public usage in the Soviet Union was in a February 1988 speech by Oleksiy Musiyenko, Deputy Secretary for ideological matters of the party organisation of the Kyiv branch of the Union of Soviet Writers in Ukraine.Musiienko, O. H. 18 February 1988.

Citizens of the Soviet Union could file complaints and receive redress through the Communist Party, but the post-Soviet government had not developed systems of state recourse.Rebecca Kay, Russian Women and Their Organizations: Gender, Discrimination and Grassroots Women’s Organizations, 1991–96 (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2000), 123. Women began to form their own networks of resource sharing and emotional support, which sometimes developed into grassroots organizations. During glasnost and after the fall of the Soviet Union, feminist circles began to emerge among intelligentsia women in major cultural centers like Moscow and St. Petersburg.

The Kirov Ballet School, also called the Universal Ballet Academy, opened in Washington DC in 1990. The Gorbachov era policy of glasnost made it possible for Vinogradov to retain his position as artistic director of the Kirov Ballet in Russia, and also spend four months per year in the United States to serve as director of UBA. Though not a teacher at the school himself, Vinogradov appointed four Russian teachers to teach a curriculum based on the Russian Vaganova syllabus: Ludmila Sakharova, Nikolai Morozov, Ludmilla Morkovina and Azari Plissetski.

Russian stamp featuring Tarkovsky Under the influence of Glasnost and Perestroika, Tarkovsky was finally recognized in the Soviet Union in the Autumn of 1986, shortly before his death, by a retrospective of his films in Moscow. After his death, an entire issue of the film magazine Iskusstvo Kino was devoted to Tarkovsky. In their obituaries, the film committee of the Council of Ministers of the USSR and the Union of Soviet Film Makers expressed their sorrow that Tarkovsky had to spend the last years of his life in exile.

After Mikhail Gorbachev came to power in the Soviet Union, he implemented the policies of perestroika and glasnost. The atmosphere of reform in the Soviet Union prompted similar reforms in Mongolia. Following mass demonstrations in the winter of 1990, the MPRP began to loosen its controls of the political system. The Politburo of the MPRP resigned in March, and in May the constitution was amended, deleting reference to the MPRP's role as the guiding force in the country, legalizing opposition parties, creating a standing legislative body, and establishing the office of president.

The late 1970s saw a re-emergence of Georgian nationalism that clashed with Soviet power. Plans to revise the status of Georgian as the official language of Soviet Georgia were drawn up in the Kremlin in early 1978, but after stiff and unprecedented public resistance the Soviet central government abandoned the plans. At the same time, it also abandoned similar revision plans for the official languages in the Armenian and Azerbaijani SSRs. Georgian nationalism was eventually more tolerated during the waning years of the USSR due to Mikhail Gorbachev's Glasnost policy.

Mikhail Gorbachev, its last leader, attempted to reform the country with glasnost and perestroika, but the formation of Solidarity, the fall of the Berlin Wall, and the breaking-off of several Soviet republics, such as Lithuania, started a slippery slope of events that culminated in a coup to overthrow Gorbachev, organized by Communist Party hard-liners. Boris Yeltsin, president of Russia, organized mass opposition, and the coup failed. On December 26, 1991, the Soviet Union was officially disbanded into its constituent republics, thus putting a final line under the already exhausted Cold War.

During the years of perestroika and glasnost, the Soviet historiography began to write new views of its history. Rendition of Winter War studies had its breakthrough when the Soviet historian Mikhail Semiryaga wrote an article for the weekly magazine Ogoniok in 1989. It was the first time the public read that the Winter War was a real war, not just a conflict, and that the Soviet government had had to deploy a large number of men and amount of matériel. Furthermore, Semiryaga wrote that the Soviets began their troop deployments in the spring of 1939.

"For Writer's Civic Courage" , Literaturnaya Gazeta, October 31, 1990 In 2004, with the approval of Yelena Bonner, an annual Sakharov Prize for journalism was established for reporters and commentators in Russia. Funded by former Soviet dissident Pyotr Vins, now a businessman in the US, the prize is administered by the Glasnost Defence Foundation in Moscow. The prize "for journalism as an act of conscience" has been won over the years by famous journalists such as Anna Politkovskaya and young reporters and editors working far from Russia's media capital, Moscow. The 2015 winner was Yelena Kostyuchenko.

Bill Hayden served as Minister for Foreign Affairs in the Hawke Government from 1983, until his 1988 resignation from Parliament to take up the position of Governor General of Australia. The portfolio then passed to Gareth Evans. Hawke sought to raise Australia's international profile in the United States, Russia, China, Japan and south-east Asia and also took an interest in the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. With Soviet General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev running his policy of Perestroika and Glasnost, Hawke visited Moscow in 1987 for discussions on trade and foreign policy.

The number of deaths in the Gulag labor camps increased as a result of wartime overcrowding and food shortages.Edwin Bacon, Glasnost and the Gulag: New information on Soviet forced labour around World War II. Soviet Studies Vol 44. 1992-6 The Stalin regime deported the entire populations of ethnic minorities considered to be potentially disloyal.Pavel Polian, Against Their Will Since 1990 Russian scholars have been given access to the Soviet-era archives and have published data on the numbers of people executed and those who died in Gulag labor camps and prisons.

In the second half of the 1980s, Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev started to introduce political and economic reforms called glasnost and Perestroika. In the summer of 1987 large demonstrations were held in Riga at the Freedom Monument, a symbol of national independence. In the summer of 1988 a national movement cohered in the Popular Front of Latvia. The Latvian SSR, along with the other Baltic Republics, was allowed greater autonomy and in 1988 the old national flag of Latvia was legalized, replacing the Soviet Latvian flag as the official flag in 1990.

His own conversations with Nikolai Bukharin were being used by the prosecution as evidence of Bukharin's "bourgeois" ideas.Sabine Dullin, "L'Union soviétique et la France à un tournant: conjoncture extérieure et évolution interne en 1936–1937", in Matériaux Pour l'Histoire de Notre Temps, Vol. 65, Issue 1, 2002, p. 59 In a February 1937 letter to Gaston Bergery, Sadoul defended the legality and accuracy of the trials, citing "irrefutable proof" that the defendants were "common criminals".Catherine Lemagnen, "La diffusion des procès de Moscou en France: un exemple de «glasnost'» stalinienne", in Revue Russe, Vol.

With the changes taking place internationally in the communist world, in particular in the Soviet Union, which had sheltered and led Mongolia; young people in Mongolia wanted to make a change in the society and the way the government was running its business. In addition, Mongolia suffered economic hardships from as early as the 1980s. The young people began to meet secretly and discuss it. For example, during his studies in the USSR, Tsakhiagiin Elbegdorj learned about Glasnost, the concepts such as freedom of speech and economic liberties.

The operations of the Council for Religious Affairs (CRA) became more apparent to scholars outside of the Soviet Union following glasnost and an opening of the Soviet archives. The CRA was a result of a renewed assault against religion, which started under the Khrushchev era, even though the CRA was not created until after his deposition. Letters from individual parishes express their frustration and alarm at a wave of new attacks starting in 1959, before the CRA was formed. Concerns came from both non-Orthodox and Orthodox figures, including Patriarch Alexy I of Moscow.

Following the ouster of Gustáv Husák at a dramatic party meeting in December 1987, Jakeš was nominated for the position of General Secretary by the competing factions within the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia. Following his rise to power, Jakeš began to promote himself as a supporter of glasnost and perestroika. Yet, despite the Communist Party's attempt to appease the public's demands for reform, Jakeš remained staunchly opposed to any dialogue with the growing opposition movement in the country. Even when the Velvet Revolution broke out, Jakeš refused to consider any serious talks with the opposition.

In 1965, during the commemorations of the fiftieth anniversary of the Armenian Genocide, Yerevan was the location of a demonstration, the first such demonstration in the Soviet Union, to demand recognition of the Genocide by the Soviet authorities. In 1968, the city's 2,750th anniversary was commemorated. Yerevan played a key role in the Armenian national democratic movement that emerged during the Gorbachev era of the 1980s. The reforms of Glasnost and Perestroika opened questions on issues such as the status of Nagorno-Karabakh, the environment, Russification, corruption, democracy, and eventually independence.

The former Strastnaya Square name originates from the Passion Monastery (, Strastnoy Monastery), which was demolished in the 1930s. At the center of the square is a famous statue of Pushkin, funded by public subscription and unveiled by Ivan Turgenev and Fyodor Dostoyevsky in 1880. In 1950, Joseph Stalin had the statue moved to the other side of the Tverskaya Street, where the Monastery of Christ's Passions had formerly stood. In 5 December 1965, Glasnost Meeting, the first spontaneous public political demonstration in the Soviet Union after the Second World War, happened here.

It provoked a number of demonstrations and petition campaigns, mostly in Moscow and Leningrad, which emphasizes issues of creative freedom and the historical role of the writer in Russian society.In December 1965, the Sinyavsky-Daniel case motivated a small current of dissidents who decided to focus the legality of the trial. Mathematician Alexander Esenin-Volpin with the help of writer Yuri Galanskov and student Vladimir Bukovsky organized an unsanctioned rally on Pushkin Square ("glasnost meeting"). The demonstrators demanded an open trial for the writers as formally guaranteed by the Soviet Constitution.

Grigory Grigoryevich Nelyubov (; 31 March 1934 - 18 February 1966) was one of the original 20 Soviet cosmonauts, who was dismissed from the Soviet space program in 1963 for drunk and disorderly conduct. His existence in the program was kept secret until the advent of Soviet glasnost in the late 1980s. He committed suicide on 18 February 1966. Born in Porfiryevka, Crimea in USSR, Nelyubov was a captain and pilot in the Soviet Air Force. He was selected as one of the original 20 cosmonauts on 7 March 1960 along with Yuri Gagarin.

In 1989, popular civil and political public discontent toppled the Communist governments of the Warsaw Treaty countries. Independent national politics made feasible with the perestroika and glasnost policies induced institutional collapse of the Communist government in the USSR in 1991. From 1989 to 1991, Communist governments were overthrown in Albania, Poland, Hungary, Czechoslovakia, East Germany, Romania, Bulgaria, and the Soviet Union. As the last acts of the Cold War were playing out, several Warsaw Pact states (Poland, Czechoslovakia, and Hungary) participated in the US-led coalition effort to liberate Kuwait in the Gulf War.

Russia forced enforced military rule on several occasions but unrest continued to spread. The ethnic strife revealed the shortcomings of the Communist Party as a champion of national interests, and, in the spirit of glasnost, independent publications and political organizations began to emerge. Of these organizations, by far the most prominent was the Popular Front of Azerbaijan (PFA), which by the fall of 1989 seemed poised to take power from the Communist Party. The PFA soon experienced a split between a conservative-Islamic wing and a moderate wing.

In recognition of its reliable coverage, the programme was re-broadcast on several TV channels around the world (such as Australia's SBS and the United Kingdom's Sky News). CT USSR, at the same time, started a number of new programme strands and formats, including talk shows. On 4 March 1988, emphasizing the Glasnost campaign, Programme 3 and Programme 4, plus Leningrad Television began to be carried across the Soviet territory via satellite. Private TV channels such as ATV and 2×2 were also introduced ending the state monopoly on television broadcasting.

The film was shelved by the KGB for twenty years. In 1986, due to glasnost policies, the "Conflict Commission" of the Soviet Film-makers Union recommended the re-release of the movie but Goskino refused to act. After a plea from Askoldov at the Moscow Film Festival, when the dissolution of the Soviet Union was imminent, the film was reconstructed and finally released in 1988. The film won the Silver Bear - Special Jury Prize at the 38th Berlin International Film Festival in 1988, and four professional Nika Awards (1988).

Major League Baseball manager Sparky Smith is fired from his job with the Seattle Mariners. His attitude has gotten him into trouble with George, the owner of the Mariners, and no other teams seem to want any part of him. The Olympic Games are coming up, however, and a spirit of glasnost exists in the post-Soviet Russia, which is trying to field its first Olympic baseball team. Sparky reluctantly accepts an offer to move to Moscow to coach the players, many of whom don't even know the game's fundamentals.

The Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic was one of the founding states of the Soviet Union (USSR). Prior to its creation, the Ukrainian People's Republic was proclaimed in 1917 and declared its independence from Russia on 25 January 1918 before being consumed with Soviet Russia in 1921. In 1985, Mikhail Gorbachev became head of state of the USSR and introduced a number of policies, such as the perestroika and glasnost. Instead of saving the Soviet regime, the reforms triggered a number of popular upheavals in Europe, such as the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989.

Although martial law formally ended in July 1983 and a partial amnesty was enacted, several hundred political prisoners remained in jail. Jerzy Popiełuszko, a popular pro- Solidarity priest, was abducted and murdered by security functionaries in October 1984. Pope John Paul II in Poland, 1987 Further developments in Poland occurred concurrently with and were influenced by the reformist leadership of Mikhail Gorbachev in the Soviet Union (processes known as Glasnost and Perestroika). In September 1986, a general amnesty was declared and the government released nearly all political prisoners.

In the late 1980s, Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev introduced glasnost and perestroika, reforms to liberalise socialist planned economy. Frictions between him and Honecker had grown over these policies and numerous additional issues from 1985 onward. East Germany refused to implement similar reforms, with Honecker reportedly telling Gorbachev: "We have done our perestroika; we have nothing to restructure". Gorbachev grew to dislike Honecker, and by 1988 was lumping him in with Bulgaria's Todor Zhivkov, Czechoslovakia's Gustáv Husák and Romania's Nicolae Ceaușescu as a "Gang of Four": a group of inflexible hardliners unwilling to make reforms.

Since assuming power as General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in 1985, Gorbachev had embarked on an ambitious program of reform, embodied in the twin concepts of perestroika and glasnost, meaning economic/political restructuring and openness, respectively. These moves prompted resistance and suspicion on the part of hardline members of the nomenklatura. The reforms also unleashed some forces and movements that Gorbachev did not expect. Specifically, nationalist agitation on the part of the Soviet Union's non-Russian minorities grew, and there were fears that some or all of the union republics might secede.

1987 was a breakthrough year for Kino. The release of their 6th album Blood Type (Gruppa Krovi) triggered what was then called "Kinomania". The open political climate under glasnost allowed Tsoi to make Blood Type, his most political album, yet it also allowed him to record a sound of music that no one before him had been able to play. Most of the tracks on the album were directed at the youth of the Soviet Union, telling them to take control and make changes within the nation; some of the songs addressed the social problems crippling the nation.

He later stood for election as chairman of the Uzbek Journalists Association and claimed that the government falsified the election results. President Islam Karimov and his allies in parliament shut down the Glasnost Committee, but once Mamatov resigned, the committee was re-instated. In 1991, in the seventh session of the Uzbek Parliament, Mamatov and some of his fellow deputies put forward measures in Parliament to limit Karimov's attempts to become an absolute dictator. Under pressure from democratic deputies, the Uzbek government had to permit the organization of a committee to regulate relations between the president of Uzbekistan and the parliament.

Careless nuclear testings in the northeast of Kazakhstan as a result of the Cold War and the arms race between the Soviet Union and the United States resulted in the spread of nuclear neuralgia amongst the countries citizens. The development of these health issues as well as the adoption of Gorbachev's glasnost campaign sparked a public anti-nuclear movement in Kazakhstan. The independence of Kazakhstan also saw the rise of leaders who sought to differentiate themselves from the former communist nation. Once a part of the USSR, Kazakhstan was very reliant on relations with Russia in the 90's.

In 1979, the Soviet scholar, Sofia Polyakova, edited the first Collected Works of Parnok, which was published in the United States. In 1983, Polyakova published Незакатные оны дни: Цветаева и Парнок (Those Unfading Days: Tsvetaeva and Parnok, Ann Arbor, Michigan: Ardis Press), which unravelled the relationship between Tsvetaeva and Parnok, identifying Tsvetaeva's "woman friend" in her Girlfriend () cycle for the first time. Even after the surge of interest in banned Russian poets through Glasnost policies brought about by Perestroika, Parnok remained obscure to most Russians and the Russian diaspora. Her colleagues and contemporary poets were all rehabilitated before she was.

This caused many artists to choose to go into exile, for example the Odessa Group from the city of that name. Independent- minded artists that remained continued to feel the hostility of the state. In 1974, for instance, a show of unofficial art in a field near Moscow was broken up and the artwork destroyed with a water cannon and bulldozers (see Bulldozer Exhibition). Mikhail Gorbachev's policies of glasnost and perestroika facilitated an explosion of interest in alternative art styles in the late 1980s, but socialist realism remained in limited force as the official state art style until as late as 1991.

His mother said that she had to pay to avoid for Georgiy to be sent to Afghanistan (Soviet–Afghan War). During that time the Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachov started his reforms perestroika along with liberalization of censorship (glasnost). The process only sped up the process of dissolution of the Soviet Union. Trying to stop the process and preserve the Soviet state, several armed and civil conflicts arose in the Soviet Union among which was the April 9 tragedy (Soviet troops killed 20 unarmed civilians) which radicalized many Georgians including Georgiy Gongadze. In May 1989 Giya returned from the army.

Party of Democratic Revival of Ukraine (PDVU) was a political party in 1990-96 that was created as an offshoot of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. In 1996 along with number of other parties, it merged into the People's Democratic Party. With the beginning of perestroika (movement for transformation) in the USSR and process of glasnost (transparency), democratization of society, discontent is created in the ranks of the Communist Party as an opposition to its conservative party's top. That wing of the Communist Party was the basis of "the Communist Party Democratic Platform" (Demplatform).

In the Russian language the word glasnost (; , ; ) has several general and specific meanings. It has been used in Russian to mean "openness and transparency" since at least the end of the eighteenth century. In the Russian Empire of the late-19th century the term was particularly associated with reforms of the judicial system, among these were reforms permitting attendance of the press and the public at trials whose verdicts were now to be read aloud. In the mid-1980s, it was popularised by Mikhail Gorbachev as a political slogan for increased government transparency in the Soviet Union.

The novel, originally a film scenario, was adapted into a tv movie by director Peeter Simm in 1987, with cinematography by Ago Ruus, music by Erkki-Sven Tüür. It stars Heino Mandri, Rudolf Allabert, Egert Soll, Arvo Kukumägi, Jüri Järvet, Kärt Kross, Ita Ever, Sulev Luik, Paul Poom, Kaljo Kiisk, Inga-Kai Puskar, Uve Urbla, Liina Tennosaar, Tarvo Hanno Varres, Lennart Mänd, and Laine Mägi. The movie was filmed during the eras of perestroika and glasnost, and stays faithful to the book. With Mats Traat's input, the film gained a sixth and penultimate 'dance', which depicts the late-1980s Soviet period.

The first flaw is the belief that the West had triumphed over the Soviet Union because of its values and political system. Mahbubani illustrates it was the economic system that led to Western triumph, and the success of China and the failure of Soviet Union reveal the flaw of the argument. Deng Xiaoping focused on introducing free-market economics to China by correctly understanding the source of Western strength, while Gorbachev focused on glasnost (political openness) over perestroika (economic restructuring). In other words, Gorbachev's failure to realize the power of Western economic system led to the collapse of the Soviet Union.

On 11 March 1985 Mikhail Gorbachev was chosen by the Politburo as the new General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Gorbachev immediately launched his new liberalizing policies of glasnost and perestroika, although they had little immediate impact on the political climate in Kyrgyzstan. On 2 November 1985 Gorbachev replaced Turdakun Usubaliyev the First Secretary of the Communist Party of Kirghizia, who had been in power for 24 years, with Absamat Masaliyev. The republic's press was permitted to adopt a more liberal stance and to establish a new publication, Literaturny Kyrgyzstan, by the Union of Writers.

The exact status of Abkhazia as a "treaty republic" was never clarified during its existence, and historian Arsène Saparov has suggested even officials at the time did not know what the phrase meant. The status had symbolic meaning to the Abkhaz people, who never forgot they had, at least in theory, an independent state. With the advent of glasnost and perestroika in the 1980s, calls for Abkhazia to restore its status began. An assembly at Lykhny in 1989 called for the Soviet authorities to make Abkhazia a full union republic, claiming the SSR Abkhazia as a precedent for this move.

His anti-Communist themes continued through the era of détente and glasnost, resulting in many of his critics ridiculing him as a relic of the Cold War era or a "one-trick pony who never got over the communist era"."Pugnacious expatriate Czech outlived the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics - Journalist fought first the Nazis and then the Red Menace, denouncing Soviet-style communism till its fall" By Randy Ray, The Globe and Mail, Wednesday, February 18, 2004 - Page R5 Having outlived the Velvet Revolution and the fall of the Soviet Union and in declining health, Zink discontinued his column in 1993.

In August 1988, Dinescu was invited by the USSR Union of Writers in the Soviet Union and on August 25, he gave an interview to the Romanian section of the Voice of Russia. During the interview, he expressed his support for the Glasnost and Perestroika policies of the Soviet Union. After returning to Bucharest, he invited some friends (including Gabriel Liiceanu, Alexandru Paleologu and Andrei Pleșu) to write a protest against Ceaușescu's policies that were destroying Romanian culture and villages, but they failed to reach a consensus on the text and Dinescu decided to write his own protest.Deletant, p.

Pehnert's time in office saw an exodus of national stars such as Manfred Krug after the government stripped Wolf Biermann of his citizenship and expelled him from the country. He presided over the ban in 1981 on the film "Jadup und Boel" by Rainer Simon, over the temporary closing down of the documentary film studio of and , and over the blocking in 1988 of critical Glasnost inspired Soviet films. On a more positive note, successful films of the period included "Solo Sunny" (Wolf and Kohlhaase, 1980), "Die Verlobte" (Günther Rücker, 1980) and "Die Beunruhigung" (Lothar Warneke, 1981).

Armenians End Strike as Local Party Chiefs Back Enclave Demand, Los Angeles Times He also was an editor of the Armenian edition of Glasnost magazine.The Persecution of Human Rights Monitors: December 1989 to December 1990: a ... - Page 203 by Human Rights Watch Gorgisyan was the first person to hoist Armenia's tricolor flag on 28 May 1988 for the first time. This was the same day the First Republic of Armenia was founded 70 years prior. He was killed during a battle in Yeraskh near the border villages in Ararat region and was buried at Tsitsernakaberd memorial complex.

It became active during the period of Glasnost in the late 1980s in the Soviet Union. It was a youth group whose aim was to "cleanse" Soviet society of the influences of various Western subcultures which they view as decadent, and often attacked other youth, mainly in major cities such as Moscow. However, they always held to certain principles such as fair fight and to never attack women and couples. The "Lyubers" were against outwardly informal dress groups such as hippies, punks and metalheads but also held strong anti-fascist views and had conflicts with the emerging Neo-nazi groups.

Russian competition law was ratified by the Supreme Soviet of the USSR in March 1991. In the final stages of glasnost and the deteriorating tethering of the USSR, the various member soviet republics saw the need for regulation and stabilisation of trade. The representatives to the Supreme Soviet of the USSR ratified the Law on Competition and Limitation of Monopolistic Activity in Goods Market in March 1991 which became anti-monopoly policies within Russia after secession from the USSR. The Law on the Protection of Competition of 2006 is legislation pursued to translate those policies back into law.

In the 1968 sequel The Death of a Nation, Stormer linked collectivism to the work of the Antichrist and discussed signs of the end times. In 1990, Stormer published None Dare Call It Treason... 25 Years Later, which contained the original book expanded with an equally-long update. In 1989, he also wrote that perestroika and glasnost were merely Soviet propaganda tools, drawing on KGB-defector Anatoliy Golitsyn's New Lies for Old. In 1984, Golytsin predicted that some degree of retreat from hardline communism would be used by the Soviets as a way to fool the West.

In 1985, with the onset of perestroika and glasnost, it became permitted for the first time to speak openly of the deportation of Koreans in the Soviet Union and other tragedies which had afflicted the Koryo-saram. This piqued Kim's interest in the history of his ancestors, and in 1987, he returned to Kazakh National University as a doctoral candidate, writing his thesis on the topic of "Socio-Cultural Development of Koreans in Kazakhstan in 1946-1966"; after graduation up until today, he has continued his work in the field of Koryo-saram and Korean diasporas studies.

Li laid a wreath on Lenin's tomb, indicating his loyalty to a fading ideology. His ideas of reform did not extend beyond economic matters, and he flatly dismissed the idea that glasnost and perestroika were also applicable to China. The failure of the August 1991 coup in Moscow also upset Chinese leaders, although the PRC publicly stated that all events going on in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union were the internal affairs of those countries and it was not their business to criticize them. China also quickly granted diplomatic recognition to all newly independent ex-Soviet republics.

His first professional recognition came in 1976, when one of his stories was published in Novy Mir, with a foreword by Vasily Shukshin. In 1978, he was admitted to the Union of Soviet Writers, but was expelled seven months later for his role in creating ', an uncensored almanac that was published outside the USSR. He found himself in trouble again in 1980, when he came under scrutiny by the KGB for helping to produce a similar almanac called Catalog, which was published in the United States. His membership in the Writers Union was restored in 1988, during the period of Glasnost.

Likewise, although his works became very popular, few directors staged them adequately. Reviews of productions repeatedly note that directors do not quite know how to handle Vampilov's plays, for they misunderstand the style and content of the works. Even fifteen years after Vampilov's death, following the accession to leadership of Mikhail Gorbachev and the introduction of his policy of glasnost’ that had a liberating effect on the arts, and in spite of many productions, both successful and unsuccessful, the treatment of Vampilov's plays had not gone beyond conventional staging nor were they presented with full understanding.

The management of dissent by the local Ukrainian Communist Party was more fierce and thorough than in other parts of the Soviet Union. As a result, at the start of the Mikhail Gorbachev reforms perebudova and hlasnist’ (Ukrainian for perestroika and glasnost), Ukraine under Shcherbytsky was slower to liberalize than Russia itself. Although Ukrainian still remained the native language for the majority in the nation on the eve of Ukrainian independence, a significant share of ethnic Ukrainians were russified. In Donetsk there were no Ukrainian language schools and in Kyiv only a quarter of children went to Ukrainian language schools.

At the 20th Congress of the CPSU, Ryutin's daughter proposed the posthumous rehabilitation of her father and two brothers. This effort failed. On June 13, 1988, as a byproduct of the glasnost campaign of Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev, the Supreme Court of the USSR formally rehabilitated Martemyan Ryutin. The so-called Ryutin Platform, long locked in the archives of the KGB, was published for the first time in 1990, serialized in five parts in the official journal of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, Izvestiya TsK KPSS (News of the CC of the CPSU).

The Soviet authorities told Raycom that they could not assure the number of hotel rooms in the contract, or the locations previously agreed upon, and asked for a delay in negotiations.Mal Florence, Glasnost Bowl Is Canceled, The Los Angeles Times, June 9, 1989. Additionally, Raycom was not selling its tour packages as well as it had hoped: as of mid-May, fewer than 1,000 of over 3,000 packages had been sold. A contributing factor was the price for the six- day, five-night trip, which was considerably higher than most Soviet tours which offered even more.

Ed Sherman, Glasnost cancellation a real blow to Illini, Chicago Tribune, June 9, 1989. Raycom, faced with the potential of large financial losses, decided it could no longer move forward and cancelled the game. Indeed, a lack of inter-cultural experience on both sides combined with the traditional Byzantine Soviet bureaucracy and way of business proved to be the dooming factors for the game. Just to form the "final" game contract, Raycom officials met with six different sets of Soviet negotiating teams, signing at last on April 27 in Moscow – nine months after the game was first announced.

Although the constitution of the former Soviet Union nominally guaranteed religious freedom, religious activities were greatly constrained and membership in religious organizations was considered incompatible with membership in the Communist Party. Thus, overt claims of religious beliefs was a hindrance to individual advancement. While open expression of Christian beliefs was permitted during World War II, because the government sought the support of Christians and Jews in the fight against fascism, restrictions were re-imposed when the war ended. In the 1980s, under the reformist regime of Mikhail Gorbachev, a policy of glasnost () was declared, allowing greater tolerance for the unrestricted practice of religion.

After several years during which the winds of Glasnost blowing across from, of all places, Moscow, found a growing resonance in East German cities, in November 1989 street protestors broke through the Berlin Wall. It very quickly became obvious that the Soviet troops had received no instructions to intervene, as they had back in 1953, and the self-confidence of the political establishment rapidly crumbled. A succession of further events led, in March 1990, the East Germany's first (and, as matters turned out, last) free election. reunification took place a few months later, formally in October 1990.

The presidency of Mikhail Gorbachev brought with it the era of glasnost (openness) and perestroika (reform), which prompted Ryabov to reveal the Romanovs' gravesite to The Moscow News on 10 April 1989, much to Avdonin's dismay.Massie, p. 31. The remains were disinterred in 1991 by Soviet officials in a hasty 'official exhumation' that wrecked the site, destroying precious evidence. Since there were no clothes on the bodies and the damage inflicted was extensive, controversy persisted as to whether the skeletal remains identified and interred in St. Petersburg as Anastasia's were really hers or in fact Maria's.

Nablyudatel (, The Watcher) was a Russian monthly literary and political magazine published in Saint Petersburg in 1882–1904. Its editor and publisher was Alexander Pyatkovsky. There was a supplement to it, a daily newspaper called Glasnost (1897-1904). A right-wing, pro-monarchist publication, particularly harsh on what it perceived as being "Jewish interests", Nablyudatel was unpopular with both Marxist and liberal critics, but its literary and scientific sections were respectable, and among the authors whose works appeared there, were Vladimir Bezobrazov, Ieronim Yasinsky, Liodor Palmin, Pavel Zasodimsky, Pyotr Boborykin, Daniil Mordovtsev, Vasily Nemirovich-Danchenko, Konstantin Balmont, Nikolai Minsky and Konstantin Fofanov.

Ilya Yankelevich Gabay (; 9 October 1935, Baku - 20 October 1973, Moscow; buried in Baku) was a key figure in the civil rights movement in the Soviet Union. Gabay was also a literature teacher, poet, and writer. During his lifetime his works were published only in samizdat. During the trial of writers Andrei Sinyavsky and Yuli Daniel in 1965, Gabay took part in the "glasnost meeting" calling for an open and fair trial for the writers. After a similar demonstration as a response to the Trial of the Four on January 22, 1967, he was arrested and spent five months in Lefortovo prison.

On March 11, 1985, power in the Soviet Union was assumed by Mikhail Gorbachev. The worsening economic situation in the entire Eastern Bloc, including the Soviet Union, together with other factors, forced Gorbachev to carry out a number of reforms, not only in the field of economics (uskoreniye) but in the political and social realms (glasnost and perestroika). Gorbachev's policies soon caused a corresponding shift in the policies of Soviet satellites, including the People's Republic of Poland. On September 11, 1986, 225 Polish political prisoners were released—the last of those connected with Solidarity, and arrested during the previous years.

In 1988, Solomon began his study of Russian artists, which culminated with the publication of The Irony Tower: Soviet Artists in a Time of Glasnost (Knopf, 1991). His first novel, A Stone Boat (Faber, 1994), the story of a man's shifting identity as he watches his mother battle cancer, was a runner up for the Los Angeles Times First Fiction prize. From 1993 to 2001, Solomon was a contributing writer for The New York Times Magazine. The Noonday Demon: An Atlas of Depression was originally published in May 2001, and has been translated into twenty-four languages.

General Gogol is the head of the KGB in the films The Spy Who Loved Me, Moonraker, For Your Eyes Only, Octopussy, and A View to a Kill. In his final appearance, in The Living Daylights, the character has become a post-Glasnost envoy in the Foreign Service and is succeeded as head of the KGB by General Pushkin. In the end credits of the film, his first name is listed as "Anatol", although in The Spy Who Loved Me, M referred to him as Alexis. Gogol is played by Walter Gotell (who also played SPECTRE henchman Morzeny in From Russia with Love).

"Jukebox in Siberia" is a song by the Australian group, Skyhooks, released as the lead single from the group's compilation album The Latest and Greatest. The song's lyrics take a look at Russia under the rule of Gorbachev, the era of glasnost ("openness") and perestroika ("restructuring"). The single was released in October 1990—the group's first release in eight years—and debuted on the Australian ARIA Singles Chart at No. 14, peaking at No. 1 the following month. It was their only ARIA #1 single; they had previously achieved a #1 single on the Kent Music Report with "Horror Movie" in 1975.

August Coup in Moscow, 1991 The human chain in Lithuania during the Baltic Way, 23 August 1989 In the USSR itself, glasnost weakened the ideological bonds that held the Soviet Union together, and by February 1990, with the dissolution of the USSR looming, the Communist Party was forced to surrender its 73-year-old monopoly on state power. At the same time the union's component republics declared their autonomy from Moscow, with the Baltic states withdrawing from the union entirely. Gorbachev used force to keep the Baltics from breaking away. The USSR was fatally weakened by a failed coup in August 1991.

Yakov feels betrayed, but Barley convinces him that the manuscript can still be published, and is given another volume of the manuscript after assuring Yakov he is sympathetic to the scientist's cause. Impressed by the additional volume, Russell's boss Brady (John Mahoney) and U.S. military officer Quinn (J. T. Walsh) interrogate Barley to be certain of his loyalties. Russell states he would help the British operation out of a true ideological belief in Glasnost, although this would not be good news to his 'customers' in the weapons industry, who need an arms race for continued prosperity.

The Central Committee Academy for Social Sciences closed in 1990 at around the same time as the one-party dictatorship collapsed. For Harry Nick, still aged only 58, this triggered both enforced retirement and the start of a new career. He remained engaged both politically and as a journalist. In 1989 not everyone anticipated reunification with the same bull- headed clarity as Chancellor Kohl, but there was a widespread acceptance within the political class that as the winds of Glasnost blew across from, of all places, Moscow, the SED's days as the country's perpetually ruling party were numbered.

Gorbachev took a substantially changed approach to relations between Moscow and East Berlin, but Vyacheslav Kochemasov nevertheless remained in his ambassadorial post for more than five of the Perestroika-Glasnost years that ensued. During the evening of 9 November 1989, as The Berlin Wall came down, there was widespread speculation as to how the Soviet Ambassador to the German Democratic Republic might react. Vyacheslav Kochemasov did nothing. It was later reported that on the evening of 9 November, he had tried, without success, to telephone Mikhail Gorbachev and then the Soviet Foreign Minister, Eduard Shevardnadze, for instructions.

The principal elements of the old Soviet political system were Communist Party dominance, the hierarchy of soviets, state socialism, and ethnic federalism. Gorbachev's programs of perestroika (restructuring) and glasnost (openness) produced radical unforeseen effects that brought that system down. As a means of reviving the Soviet state, Gorbachev repeatedly attempted to build a coalition of political leaders supportive of reform and created new arenas and bases of power. He implemented these measures because he wanted to resolve serious economic problems and political inertia that clearly threatened to put the Soviet Union into a state of long-term stagnation.

The CNSM traces its history to the first independent unions of the glasnost period and the emergence of Moldova as an independent republic following the breakup of the Soviet Union in 1991. In 1990, Soviet law reforms allowed trade unions to act independently. Following the 11th Congress of trade unions of the Moldovan SSR, the Moldovan Federation of Trade Unions (MFTU) was declared independent and became vocal in advocating the right to strike and to defend labour rights and standards. On 28 September 1990, 25 industry unions from the MFTU held their first Congress as an independent organisation.

On the Ecology and Glasnost Committee of the Supreme Soviet, she continued her campaign for full disclosure of the Chernobyl contamination. In 1990 she was appointed to a Commission inquiring into Chernobyl, and made a presentation on the subject to the European Parliament. Yaroshinskaya and the Commission were systematically obstructed by bureaucrats, and she was not permitted to copy relevant documents. Despite this she succeeded in making copies of top-secret documents of the Politburo of the Central Committee, which she summarised in an article, Forty secret protocols of the Kremlin wise men, published by Izvestia and the Western press.

Critical response to Tokareva has been varied, with some Russian critics dismissing her as just another female writer, and critics abroad seeing her as a non-feminist writer less talented than the other popular female Russian writers: Lyudmila Ulitskaya, Tatyana Tolstaya, and Lyudmila Petrushevskaya. There has been little critical work conducted on Tokareva's work in the West thus far, although she is often mentioned by Helena Goscilo in her work on Russian female writing,See e.g. Helena Goscilo, Dehexing Sex : Russian Womanhood During and After Glasnost, Ann Arbor : University of Michigan Press, 1996. and by Richard Chapple.

With the coming of glasnost, Soviet media started to report heavy losses, which made the war very unpopular in the USSR in general, even though actual losses remained modest, averaging 1670 per year. The war also became a sensitive issue internationally, which finally led General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev to withdraw the Soviet forces from Afghanistan. The "Afghan Syndrome" suffered by the Army parallels the American Vietnam Syndrome trauma over their own unsuccessful war in Vietnam. Tactically, both sides concentrated on attacking supply lines, but Afghan mujahideen were well dug-in with tunnels and defensive positions, holding out against artillery and air attacks.

INF Treaty, 1987 During the mid-1980s, the U.S-Soviet relations significantly improved, Mikhail Gorbachev assumed control of the Soviet Union after the deaths of several former Soviet leaders, and announced a new era of perestroika and glasnost, meaning restructuring and openness respectively. Gorbachev proposed a 50% reduction of nuclear weapons for both the U.S and Soviet Union at the meeting in Reykjavik, Iceland in October 1986. However, the proposal was refused due to disagreements over Reagan's SDI. Instead, the Intermediate Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty was signed on December 8, 1987 in Washington, which eliminated an entire class of nuclear weapons.

Markwick, Rewriting History, 102. During the late Soviet period, the opening of select Soviet archives during glasnost sparked innovative research that broke away from some aspects of Marxism–Leninism, though the key features of the orthodox Soviet view remained intact. Following the turn of the 21st century, some Soviet historians began to implement an "anthropological turn" in their historiographical analysis of the Russian Revolution. This method of analysis focuses on the average person's experience of day-to-day life during the revolution, and pulls the analytical focus away from larger events, notable revolutionaries, and overarching claims about party views.

Memorial plaque in Donetsk where Grossman worked in the early 1930s. Life and Fate was first published in Russian in 1980 in Switzerland, thanks to fellow dissidents: physicist Andrei Sakharov secretly photographed draft pages preserved by Semyon Lipkin, and the writer Vladimir Voinovich smuggled the photographic films abroad. Two dissident researchers, professors and writers, Efim Etkind and Shimon Markish retyped the text from the microfilm, with some mistakes and misreadings due to the bad quality. The book was finally published in the Soviet Union in 1988 after the policy of glasnost was initiated by Mikhail Gorbachev.

In March 1985, Chancellor Kohl renewed his invitation for Honecker to visit Bonn during Chernenko's state funeral. In autumn 1986, Mikhail Gorbachev sent a message to Honecker giving him consent to visit Bonn, which was a result of his own efforts to establish closer contacts with Western countries as part of the reorientation of Soviet politics through the policies of Glasnost and Perestroika. Discussions began in May 1987 on the organization of the visit to the FRG. To solidify this, Federal President Richard von Weizsäcker was received by Gorbachev in the Moscow Kremlin on 7 July 1987 to discuss the visit.

Roy rejoined the Communist Party in 1989, after Mikhail Gorbachev launched his perestroika and glasnost program of gradual political and economic reforms. He was elected to the Soviet Union's Congress of People's Deputies and was named as member of the Supreme Soviet, the permanent working body of the Congress. Following the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 Medvedev and dozens of other former communist deputies of the Soviet and Russian parliaments founded the Socialist Party of Working People, and became a co-chair of the party. Medvedev supports the current President of Russia and former Prime Minister Vladimir Putin.

"Khochu Peremen" (Хочу перемен; Russian: "Changes", "We Are Awaiting Changes" or "We Want Changes") is a song by the Russian rock band Kino. It was made famous by its use in the 1987 film Assa, an official Soviet government film promoting glasnost and perestroika in which Kino's lead singer Viktor Tsoi had a starring role. The song has since become a favourite for political opposition movements in post-Soviet states. It has been used in Russia by opponents and supporters of President Vladimir Putin, by Ukrainian Euromaidan protesters and by opponents of Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko.

Kino pictured in 1988, with Tsoi second from the left Kino and their lead singer Viktor Tsoi had previously been part of the underground rock movement in Soviet Russia. In 1987, Tsoi starred in the official Soviet government film Assa. The film, which became a cult classic, promoted Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev's Glasnost and Perestroika political, social and economic reforms. In the film, Tsoi plays a rock musician who, when confronted by a zealous official reading out a list of rules he must abide by to make a live performance in a restaurant, ignores them and steps on stage to play "Khochu Peremen".

Her book, Children of Glasnost (1990) described growing up in the Soviet Union, and how that changed as Russian society became more open. A second book, Letters from Moscow Pearson, Landon. Letters from Moscow Canada: Penumbra Press, 2003',a selection of her personal correspondence while living in Moscow while her husband was the Canadian ambassador to the Soviet Union, was published in 2003. Most recently in 2010, in collaboration with Judy Finlay PhD, Pearson published Tibacimowin: A Gathering of Stories, which gathered and translated oral history stories from members of some Ontario First Nations elders peoples.

In May 1985, Gorbachev gave a speech in Leningrad in which he admitted the slowing of economic development, and inadequate living standards. The program was furthered at the 27th Congress of the Communist Party in Gorbachev's report to the congress, in which he spoke about "perestroika", "uskoreniye", "human factor", "glasnost", and "expansion of the khozraschyot" (commercialization). During the initial period (1985–87) of Mikhail Gorbachev's time in power, he talked about modifying central planning but did not make any truly fundamental changes (uskoreniye; "acceleration"). Gorbachev and his team of economic advisors then introduced more fundamental reforms, which became known as perestroika (restructuring).

Logo Sputnik () was a Soviet magazine published from 1967 until 1991 by the Soviet press agency Novosti in several languages, targeted at both Eastern Bloc countries and Western nations. It was intended to be a Soviet equivalent to Reader's Digest, publishing news stories excerpted from the Soviet press in a similar size and paper. Although already censored by the Soviet government, Sputnik was at times censored by the governments of countries at odds with the Kremlin as the magazine's editors were replaced with pro-Capitalist editors during glasnost, the most noted examples being East Germany in November 1988 and Cuba in 1989.

In 1987, when Perestroika was implemented, he was forced to retire by Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev, whose reform policies he opposed. The late 1980s, during the Gorbachev era, were characterized by increasing unrest in the Caucasus, initially over the Nagorno-Karabakh issue. The ethnic strife revealed the shortcomings of the Communist Party as a champion of national interests and, in the spirit of glasnost, independent publications and political organizations began to emerge. Of these organizations, by far the most prominent was the Popular Front of Azerbaijan (PFA), which by the fall of 1989 seemed poised to take power from the Communist Party.

Uskoreniye (; literally meaning acceleration) was a slogan and a policy announced by Communist Party General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev on 20 April 1985 at a Soviet Party Plenum, aimed at the acceleration of political, social and economic development of the Soviet Union. It was the first slogan of a set of reforms that also included perestroika (restructuring), glasnost (transparency), new political thinking, and demokratizatsiya (democratization). In May 1985, Gorbachev gave a speech in Leningrad, during which he admitted the slowing down of the economic development and inadequacy of living standards. This was the first time in history that a Soviet leader had done so.

Despite this, local people, under threat of arrest used to build crosses at the site of the Rainiai massacre; the crosses were periodically demolished by the Soviet authorities, only to spring up again. The political organization Sąjūdis began to discuss the massacre more openly in 1988, during the glasnost policy of Soviet premier Mikhail Gorbachev. After Lithuania regained its independence, a chapel designed by Algirdas Žebrauskas was built in the Telšiai cemetery. Funded by donations, it was built in 1991, and became one of the first memorials to be erected for the people who were killed by the Soviet authorities during the Soviet occupation of Lithuania (1940–1941 and 1944–1991).

During Joseph Stalin's rule, between 1930 to 1944, there were a number of ethnic groups such as the Kurds, Kalmyks, Chechens, Ingush or Balkars were sent to Kazakhstan or Kirghzia while nomadic Kazakhs were then deported from Kazakhstan. While the cultures and traditions were maintained, the nationalism rose during the late 1980s under Mikhail Gorbachev's policies of glasnost and perestroika. In March 1991, Kazakhstan and Kirghizia participated in a referendum in an attempt to preserve the Union as a renewed federation of sovereign states. During the failed coup that happened in Moscow in August 1991, Askar Akayev and Nursultan Nazarbayev condemned the communist hardliners.

After the Berlin Wall fell, the discussion of the task force began to include additional topics, such as the expansion of NATO and nuclear proliferation in the face of the dispersal of Soviet weapons among Russia, Ukraine, Belarus, and Kazakhstan. A Political Relations Task Force met twice in 1986, and twice again in 1988 before its last meeting in January 1989. It was tasked with examining the prospects for the relationship between the two countries and the obstacles to improvement. The changes in Soviet thinking then occurring as perestroika and glasnost gathered steam were prominent in the discussions and helped drive the agenda, but the discussions addressed events in both countries.

In the 1980s, the SED rejected the liberalisation policies of Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev, such as perestroika and glasnost, which would lead to the GDR's isolation from the restructuring USSR and the party's downfall in the autumn of 1989. Walter Ulbricht was the party's dominant figure and effective leader of East Germany from 1950 to 1971. In 1953, an uprising against the Party was met with violent suppression by the Ministry of State Security and the Soviet Army. In 1971, Ulbricht was succeeded by Erich Honecker who presided over a stable period in the development of the GDR until he was forced to step down during the 1989 revolution.

Pro-independence Lithuanians demonstrating in Šiauliai during the visit of Mikhail Gorbachev, January 1990. Until mid-1988, all political, economic, and cultural life was controlled by the Communist Party of Lithuania (CPL). Lithuanians as well as people in the other two Baltic republics distrusted the Soviet regime even more than people in other regions of the Soviet state, and they gave their own specific and active support to Mikhail Gorbachev's program of social and political reforms known as perestroika and glasnost. Under the leadership of intellectuals, the Reform Movement of Lithuania Sąjūdis was formed in mid-1988, and it declared a program of democratic and national rights, winning nationwide popularity.

Leon Trotsky's grave in Coyoacán, where his ashes are buried Trotsky's house in Coyoacán has been preserved in much the same condition as it was on the day he was assassinated there, and is now the Leon Trotsky Museum in Mexico City, run by a board which includes his grandson Esteban Volkov. Trotsky's grave is located on its grounds. The foundation "International Friends of the Leon Trotsky Museum" has been organized to raise funds to improve the museum further. Trotsky was never formally rehabilitated during the rule of the Soviet government, despite the Glasnost-era rehabilitation of most other Old Bolsheviks killed during the Great Purges.

They Chose Freedom () is a four-part TV documentary on the history of political dissent in the USSR from the 1950s to the 1990s. It was produced in 2005 by Vladimir V. Kara-Murza. The documentary tells the story of the Soviet dissident movement from its emergence in the late 1950s with the weekly public Mayakovsky Square poetry readings in Moscow. The development of samizdat, opposition demonstrations held in Moscow such as the 1965 Glasnost meeting and 1968 Red Square demonstration, and the harsh repressions unleashed by Soviet authorities against dissenters including forced psychiatric "treatment", prison camps and deportations, are all part of the film's narrative.

The move, which took place against the backdrop of reforms being brought in by Mikhail Gorbachev, was characterised as a cosmetic gesture aimed to create the illusion of change rather than a Bulgarian version of glasnost and perestroika.Bernd Jürgen Fischer, Balkan Strongmen: Dictators and Authoritarian Rulers of South Eastern Europe, Purdue University Press, 2007, p. 383 After the fall of the socialist system in 1989 he was removed from all political posts and on 24 April 1990 he was expelled from the BCP. On 14 July 1992, Filipov was arrested on charges of misappropriation of state funds,Ian Jeffries, A Guide to the Economies in Transition, Routledge, 1996, p.

The protesters called for Mongolia to adopt perestroika and glasnost. Dissident leaders demanded free elections and economic reform, but within the context of a "human democratic socialism". The protesters injected a nationalist element into the protests by using traditional Mongolian script --which most Mongolians could not read--as a symbolic repudiation of the political system which had imposed the Mongolian Cyrillic alphabet. In late December, demonstrations increased when news came of Garry Kasparov's interview to Playboy, suggesting that the Soviet Union could improve its economic health by selling Mongolia to China. On 2 January 1990, Mongolian Democratic Union began distributing leaflets calling for a democratic revolution.

In modern English historiography, common names for the ancient East Slavic state include Kievan Rus or Kyivan Rus (sometimes retaining the apostrophe in Rus, a transliteration of the soft sign, ь),Echoes of glasnost in Soviet Ukraine, by Romana M. Bahry, p. viii Kievan or Kyivan Russia, the ancient Russian state, and Kyivan or Kievan Ruthenia. It is also called the Princedom or Principality of Kyiv or Kiev, or just Kyiv or Kiev. The term Kievan Rus was established by modern historians to distinguish the period from the 9th century to the beginning of the 12th century, when Kiev was the center of a large state.

For Lippmann, that became a defining moment for East Germany's own unfolding "peaceful revolution" of 1989/90. During the German Democratic Republic's final decade, as the winds of Glasnost blew across from, of all places, Moscow, the East German government experienced a progressive loss of confidence: towards the later 1980s the country saw a surge in street protests. This was a reflection of political discussions taking place in homes, out of reach, as the participants would have hoped, of government informers. Late one night in early September 1989, ten people with an interest in improving the political situation in East Germany met together in the shed in Frieder Lippmann's garden.

Also are the Soviet Union, which still exists in the mid-21st century and did not undergone perestroika or glasnost, and Imperial Japan, which still retains its pre-1945 nationalist and militarist ideology and never underwent a democratising US occupation. As against such dire threats, there is the hope that FTL would open up so many new planets for colonization as to give full satisfaction to everybody's expansionist inclinations, with no need of destructive wars. This hope is voiced by Human as well as "Lizard" characters. However, the book ends on a deliberately ambiguous note, with both optimistic and pessimistic scenarios fully feasible in the characters' immediate future.

Nitze was born in Amherst, Massachusetts, the son of Anina Sophia (Hilken), a homemaker, and William Albert Nitze, a professor of Romance linguistics who concluded his career at the University of Chicago. His parents were both of German descent. His ancestors came from the region of Magdeburg in the state of Saxony-Anhalt, Germany. In his memoir, From Hiroshima to Glasnost, Paul Nitze describes how as a young boy he witnessed the outbreak of World War I while he was traveling in Germany with his father, mother, and sister, arriving in Munich just in time to be struck by the city crowds' patriotic enthusiasm for the imminent conflict.

In the early 1980s, Yakovlev accompanied Mikhail Gorbachev, who at the time was the Soviet official in charge of agriculture, on his tour of Canada. The purpose of the visit was to tour Canadian farms and agricultural institutions in the hopes of taking lessons that could be applied in the Soviet Union; however, the two began, tentatively at first, to discuss the need for liberalisation in the Soviet Union. Yakovlev then returned to Moscow, and would eventually be called the "godfather of glasnost", the intellectual force behind Gorbachev's reform program. Theseus to lay an acoustic array throughout the Arctic seaboard, in an effort to detect Soviet submarines.

Shortly after the collapse of plans for the Glasnost Bowl, plans were made by 90 high school players from Oklahoma to pay their own way and play three "all-star" exhibition games (with the teams named the "Stars" and "Boomers") in Moscow, Leningrad, and Tallinn, Estonia in 1989. These were the first organized American football games played in the Soviet Union.Ilya Kravtsov: Hockey Pads to the FAFR: The History of American Football in Russia American Football International Shortly after these games the Soviet national American football team formed, as well as the first Soviet league, marking the start of domestic American football in the Soviet Union and Russia.

In 1988, after the Gorbachev administration relaxed restrictions on private business as part of its new policy Perestroika and Glasnost, he founded NPO Komvek which did work for the Irkutsk Aluminum Plant and in 1990, he co-founded Renova Group with college classmate, Leonard Blavatnik.Russia Profile: "VEKSELBERG, Victor Feliksovich" retrieved August 25, 2013 KomVek owned 67% of Renova and Blavatnik's company Access Industries owned the remainder. He benefited financially from the privatization of the aluminum industry in Russia under the Yeltsin administration in 1993. In 1996, he co-founded the Siberian-Urals Aluminium Company (SUAL) via a merger of the Ural and Irkutsk Aluminum Plants.

In 1989, Tribune signed comedienne Joan Rivers to host the daytime syndicated talk program, The Joan Rivers Show, five years before doing Can We Shop?. On March 1, 1991, Tribune had its Geraldo show as the first US program in the USSR under the recent Glasnost policy. In January 1994, Tribune Entertainment started a country music initiative across broadcast television, concert touring, direct marketing, home video distribution, pay-per-view and radio syndication. Under the initiative, programming would start in the fall 1994 with a weekly syndicated country music television and companion radio program then home video releases and pay-per-view events in 1995.

He served as Political Counselor at the American Embassy in Dublin, Ireland from 1995 through the negotiation of the 1998 Good Friday Agreement. Richard Norland served from 1988-1990 as Political Officer at the U.S. Embassy in Moscow, USSR during President Gorbachev's tenure and the period of glasnost and perestroika. He was subsequently detailed to the Pentagon's Office of the Secretary of Defense, where he worked on policy issues following the break-up of the Soviet Union. He served in 1993 as the U.S. representative and acting mission head on the CSCE Mission to Georgia, addressing conflicts in South Ossetia and Abkhazia, and later visited Chechnya in a similar capacity.

During the Second World War, French feminist archives, along with others from Belgium, Liechtenstein, and the Netherlands, including the International Archives for the Women's Movement, were looted by the Nazis. As the Soviet forces advanced on the territories held by Nazi Germany, they confiscated the records and took them to Moscow where they were housed in the KGB's secret (). The documents were discovered in the early 1990s; glasnost and perestroika policy reforms eventually led to their repatriation to their respective countries of origin. The French archival records were delivered in two convoys in February and November 2000 and catalogued by the Archives Department of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

Several members also toured the Soviet Union, and the YCL organized for the 1985 and 1989 youth festivals in Moscow and Pyongyang, respectively. These were major expressions of friendship between the youth of the world as well as debate, with the ongoing developments and "changes" in the USSR that ripened into counter-revolution. But the late 1980s were also a time of growing political and ideological disagreement within the League over the new policies of the Soviet Union, with Glasnost and Perestroika. But they were also a time when the YCL began to fight for queer-rights and take a more militant pro- feminist standpoint.

Fetisov soon expressed a desire to play in the NHL and submitted a request to Soviet officials. However, Soviet players defecting to North America was strictly discouraged at the time and his request was met with great resistance. Fetisov has recalled the Soviet Minister of Defence, Marshal Dmitry Yazov, giving him an ultimatum at the time to either apologize or be sent to Siberia. Nevertheless, at the age of 31, helped by the Soviets' newfound glasnost policy, Fetisov led a group of eight Soviet players, including Helmut Balderis, Vladimir Krutov, Igor Larionov, Sergei Makarov, Sergei Mylnikov, Sergei Priakin and Sergei Starikov, into the NHL.

The American scholar Lyle J. Goldstein noted that Russian documents released since the glasnost era paint an unflattering picture of the Red Army command in the Far East with senior generals surprised by the outbreak of the fighting and of Red Army units haphazardly committed to action in a piecemeal style, but all of the documents speak of the Chinese as the aggressors. Even most Chinese historians now agree that on 2 March 1969, PLA forces planned and executed an ambush, which took the Soviets completely by surprise. Why the Chinese leadership opted for such an offensive measure against the Soviet Union remains a disputed question.Goldstein, p. 988, 990–995.

Koryagin was eventually released on 19 February 1987 and emigrated to Switzerland on 24 April 1987. Although he had been offered asylum in Switzerland, he initially refused because one of his sons had just been arrested, but finally emigrated to Switzerland with his entire family later that year after his son's release. During the Glasnost period, he remained a vocal critic of the Soviet psychiatric system, and a harsh critic of torture. In 1987, Koryagin and his participation in struggle against political abuse of psychiatry in the Soviet Union became the subject of Robert van Voren's book Koryagin: A Man Struggling for Human Dignity.

The non-governmental organization Freedom House rated press freedoms in Tajikistan as "Not Free" beginning in 1992. Other NGOs, including Human Rights Watch, the Committee to Protect Journalists and the Glasnost Defense Foundation, have issued reports condemning the lack of press freedoms in Tajikistan. By 2007 the murder of journalists had ceased, but that year Human Rights Watch criticized the government of Tajikistan for its move to “tighten control over independent media activities” and the fact that journalists critical of the government are “routinely threatened with prosecution.” In nearly every case of the killing of a journalist in Tajikistan, no suspects have been arrested or brought to trial.

16-25 people were killed in the violence and many if not most were Russian. The riots were largely fueled by concerns about housing shortages for the Tajik population, but they coincided with a wave of nationalist unrest that swept Transcaucasia and other Central Asian states during the twilight of Mikhail Gorbachev's rule.Ethnic rioting in Dushanbe, New York Times, 13 February 1990. Retrieved 18 October 2008 After the increase of organized opposition from the Democratic Party of Tajikistan and Rastokhez, glasnost by Gorbachev, economic contraction, and increased opposition by regional elites, Qahhor Mahkamov disbanded the Communist Party of Tajikistan on 27 August 1991 and quit the party the next day.

These aging diplomats persisted in this anomalous situation until the ultimate restoration of Baltic independence.Diplomats Without a Country: Baltic Diplomacy, International Law, and the Cold War by James T. McHugh, James S. Pacy, Page 2. In the 1980s new policies of Perestroika and Glasnost were introduced and political repression in the Soviet Union came to an end. As a result, during the 1991 Soviet coup d'état attempt a 20 August 1991 declaration proclaimed the reestablishment of the independent Estonian republic almost three years after the declaration was made, becoming the last of the Baltic republics to declare the reestablishment of independence (after Lithuania and Latvia in 1990).

His policies of perestroika and glasnost tried to revitalize the Soviet economy and the social and political culture of the country. Throughout his rule, he put more emphasis on democratizing the Soviet Union because he believed it had lost its moral legitimacy to rule. These policies led to the collapse of the communist regimes in Eastern Europe and indirectly destabilized Gorbachev's and the CPSU's control over the Soviet Union. Archie Brown said: > The expectations of, again most notably, Lithuanians, Estonians, and > Latvians were enormously enhanced by what they saw happening in the 'outer > empire' [Eastern Europe], and they began to believe that they could remove > themselves from the 'inner empire'.

Perestroika relaxed the production quota system, allowed private ownership of businesses and paved the way for foreign investment. These measures were intended to redirect the country's resources from costly Cold War military commitments to more productive areas in the civilian sector. Despite initial skepticism in the West, the new Soviet leader proved to be committed to reversing the Soviet Union's deteriorating economic condition instead of continuing the arms race with the West. Partly as a way to fight off internal opposition from party cliques to his reforms, Gorbachev simultaneously introduced glasnost, or openness, which increased freedom of the press and the transparency of state institutions.

A Belarusian stamp from 2009 depicting Gromyko Gromyko held the office of the Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet, literally head of state, which was largely ceremonial, and his influence in ruling circles diminished. A number of First World journalists believed Gromyko was uncomfortable with many of Gorbachev's reforms, however, in his Memoirs Gromyko wrote fondly of Gorbachev and the policy of perestroika. Gromyko believed that perestroika was about working for the construction of a socialist society and saw glasnost and perestroika as an attempt at making the USSR more democratic. During a party conference in July 1988 Vladimir Melnikov called for Gromyko's resignation.

Bernie Shaw has been the singer of Uriah Heep since 1986. The lineup remained unchanged from 1986 until 2007, being veteran Mick Box at the helm, Trevor Bolder on bass, Lee Kerslake on drums, vocalist Bernie Shaw and Phil Lanzon on keyboards. Their principal tour circuit has been in Germany, the Netherlands, Scandinavia, Japan and Russia. In December 1987 they became the first ever Western rock band to play in the Soviet Union, under Mikhail Gorbachev's policy of glasnost (Western pop acts Boney M, Nitty Gritty Dirt Band and Elton John had already played shows there in the late 70s during the pre-Gorbachev era).

Prague Spring's end became clear by December 1968, when a new presidium of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia accepted the so-called Instructions from The Critical Development in the Country and Society after the XIII Congress of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia. Under a guise of "normalisation", all aspects of neo-Stalinism were returned to everyday political and economic life. In 1987, the Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev acknowledged that his liberalizing policies of glasnost and perestroika owed a great deal to Dubček's socialism with a human face. When asked what the difference was between the Prague Spring and his own reforms, Gorbachev replied, "Nineteen years".

Römer + Römer create paintings and drawings mostly based on their own photography, make performances, and curate shows.. In 1998 they commenced their long-term art project “M°A°I°S”. Their works often incorporate historical and political references: 2005 the Berlin show “Der freie Wille” (“The free will”) was part of the jubilee events for 20 years of “Glasnost”. And 2004 “HA KYROPT – Russische Kunst heute” (“Na Kurort [at the spa] – Russian Art Today”) in Baden-Baden related to the city's close ties with Russians spa-guests since the times of the Tsar. In such projects Römer + Römer provide an aesthetic reconstruction of historical and political situations.Cfr.

Slavs, both in Moscow and Turkmenia, closely supervised the national cadre of government officials and bureaucrats; generally, the Turkmen leadership staunchly supported Soviet policies. Moscow initiated nearly all political activity in the republic, and, except for a corruption scandal in the mid-1980s that ousted longtime First Secretary Muhammetnazar Gapurow, Turkmenistan remained a quiet Soviet republic. Mikhail Gorbachev's policies of glasnost and perestroika did not have a significant impact on Turkmenistan, as many people there were self-dependent, and settlers of the territory and the Soviet Union's ministers rarely intertwined. The republic found itself rather unprepared for the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the independence that followed in 1991.

Before glasnost, according to an article in The Jewish Press, Jewish ritual circumcision was forbidden in the Soviet Union.Barbara Oka, "Soviet Jews Of All Ages Seek Circumcision", The Jewish Press, 14 March 1991. However, David E. Fishman, professor of Jewish History at the Jewish Theological Seminary of America, states that, whereas the heder and yeshiva, the organs of Jewish education, "were banned by virtue of the law separating church and school, and subjected to tough police and administrative actions", circumcision was not proscribed by law or suppressed by executive measures.David E. Fishman, "Judaism in the USSR, 1917–1930: The Fate of Religious Education", in: Yaacov Ro'i, ed.

The period covered is 1953–1991, beginning with the death of Stalin and ending with the dissolution of the Soviet Union. Topics include the Khrushchev, Brezhnev, and Gorbachev eras, including the transition periods of collective leadership, and significant related events and topics such as the Cold War, the Hungarian Revolution, Detente and Glasnost. This bibliography does not include newspaper articles (except in primary sources and references), fiction, photo collections or films created during or about this period. Included works should either be published by an academic or notable publisher, be authored by a notable subject matter expert or have positive reviews in significant scholarly journals.

From 1 October 1988 to 6 February 1989 Kirpichenko served as chief of foreign intelligence. In June 1991 Kirpichenko warned against the effects of Glasnost, which he claimed were making it easier for foreign intelligence agents to work successfully in the USSR. In 1991, with the dissolution of the Soviet Union and subsequent restructuring of the intelligence services, Kirpichenko was appointed head of a group of consultants under the director of the Russian Foreign Intelligence Service. He retired from this in 1997, and began working with a number of authors as assistant editor-in-chief to compile a six-volume Essays on the History of Russian Intelligence.

In 1979, Kauffmann began her career in journalism as the French desk for the French news agency Agence France-Presse (AFP). One year later, she was made a foreign correspondent for the agency, spending 1980 to 1984 in London and 1984 from 1985 in Warsaw, Nouméa in 1985, and then in Moscow between 1986 and 1988, during the period of Glasnost and Perestroika. Kauffmann joined Le Monde as its Moscow correspondent in 1988. The following year, she was made Eastern and Central Europe correspondent, covering the Fall of the Berlin Wall, the Dissolution of the Soviet Union, and the political changes of Eastern Europe's new democracies converting to a market economy.

Armenians demonstrating for the unification of the republic with Nagorno- Karabkh at Opera Square in Yerevan in the summer of 1988 Mikhail Gorbachev's introduction of the policies of glasnost and perestroika in the 1980s also fueled Armenian visions of a better life under Soviet rule. The Hamshenis who were deported by Stalin to Kazakhstan began petitioning for the government to move them to the Armenian SSR. This move was denied by the Soviet government because of fears that the Muslim Hamshenis might spark ethnic conflicts with their Christian Armenian cousins. However, another event that occurred during this time made an ethnic clash between Christian Armenians and Muslims inevitable.

During the Second World War, aid and arms were relayed through Canada and Alaska to the Soviets, and relations improved considerably. The government of Progressive Conservative Brian Mulroney cast a much more critical eye on the Soviet Union, despite the changes produced in that country by Mikhail Gorbachev's perestroika and glasnost reforms. As late as January 1989, foreign minister Joe Clark still identified the Soviets as a threat to the West, by May however, he spoke approvingly of Gorbachev's reforms. Canada's changed position was fully shown in November 1989, when Prime Minister Mulroney visited the Soviet Union, accompanied by more than 200 representatives of Canadian business.

Jaruzelski's Poland depended on low-cost deliveries of industrial staple commodities from the Soviet Union and meaningful Polish reforms, economic or political, were not feasible during the rule of the last three conservative Soviet general secretaries. The perestroika and glasnost policies of the Soviet Union's new leader, Mikhail Gorbachev, were therefore a crucial factor in stimulating reform in Poland. Gorbachev essentially repudiated the Brezhnev Doctrine, which had stipulated that attempts by its Eastern European satellite states to abandon the communist bloc would be countered by the Soviet Union with force. The developments in the Soviet Union altered the international situation and provided a historic opportunity for independent reforms in Poland.

The selection of Mikhail Gorbachev as general secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union on 11 March 1985, presented the Husák regime with a new and unexpected challenge to the status quo. Soon after assuming office, Gorbachev began a policy of perestroika ("restructuring") the Soviet economy and advocated glasnost ("openness") in the discussion of economic, social, and, to some extent, political questions. Up to this time, the Husák regime had dutifully adopted the programs and slogans that had emanated from Moscow. But, for a government wholly dedicated to the preservation of the status quo, subjects such as "openness," economic "restructuring," and "reform" had been taboo.

The end of 2009 and early 2010 saw Illuminatus return to the studio to start finalising the writing for their second album, Glasnost. In June 2010, they made a trip over to Hanover, Germany to visit the Institut für Wohlklangforschung and record the new album with Willi Dammeier. The two-week recording process was documented by the band on their website. The album was released on 7 February 2011 and gained highly praised reviews from a number of international magazines and fanzines including Circle Pit, This Is Not A Scene, Pure Rawk and Dead Press A video for Murdocracy was released on 6 May 2011.

Soviet law prohibited the creation and distribution of pornography under Article 228 of the criminal code of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic and analogous legislation adopted by other republics of the Soviet Union. While nude shots appeared in a number of Soviet films before the glasnost reform of the 1980s, the 1988 film Little Vera was the first to include an explicit sex scene. Pornographic images and videotapes were smuggled into the Soviet Union for illegal distribution. In addition to the anti-pornographic law, such smuggling was prohibited by legal provisions giving the Soviet state the exclusive right to conduct foreign economic trade.

After the initial investigations in late 1933, the events at Nazino Island were largely forgotten as they were not made public, and only a small number of survivors, government officials, and eyewitnesses knew of their occurrence. In 1988, at the time of the glasnost policy in the Soviet Union, details of the Nazino affair first became available to the general public through the efforts of the human rights group Memorial. In 1989, an eyewitness reported to Memorial:translated in The French historian Nicolas Werth, who earlier co-authored The Black Book of Communism, published the book Cannibal Island about the affair in 2006. It was translated into English in 2007.

Bronstein challenged throughout at the 1953 Candidates Tournament in Switzerland and finished tied for second through fourth places, together with Keres and Samuel Reshevsky, 2 points behind the winner Vassily Smyslov. Bronstein's book on the tournament is considered a classic. It has been speculated that there was pressure on the Soviet players to collude, to ensure that a Soviet player would win. Even in the wake of glasnost, however, Bronstein only partially confirmed these rumors in his public statements or writings, admitting only to 'strong psychological pressure' being applied, and that it was up to Bronstein himself whether to decide to give in to this pressure.

After glasnost initiated by Michael Gorbachev lessened the threat of nuclear holocaust, Karl moved to the San Francisco Bay Area. In 1989 he collaborated with architect Carl Anthony, a long-time friend and colleague to found the Urban Habitat Program, initially sponsored by Earth Island Institute.The New York Times > Arts > Art & Design > Karl Linn, Architect of Urban Landscapes, Dies at 81 Urban Habitat's mission was to develop multicultural environmental leadership and restore inner-city neighborhoods. Linn had previously inspired Anthony to coordinate the creation of a neighborhood commons in Harlem in 1963, and Anthony credits Linn with advocating for environmental justice two decades before the field had a name.

The appointment of Karimov, who was not a member of the local party elite, signified that Moscow wanted to lessen tensions by appointing an outsider who had not been involved in the purges. Resentment among Uzbeks continued to smolder, however, in the liberalized atmosphere of Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev's policies of perestroika and glasnost. With the emergence of new opportunities to express dissent, Uzbeks expressed their grievances over the cotton scandal, the purges, and other long-unspoken resentments. These included the environmental situation in the republic, recently exposed as a catastrophe as a result of the long emphasis on heavy industry and a relentless pursuit of cotton.

The Soviet government deemed Czechoslovak mass media, which hosted political disputes and broadcast news about protesting students and young workers, to be complicit in undermining Communist rule in Czechoslovakia. Sergey Lapin, installed as the chairman of the State Committee for Television and Radio Broadcasting in 1970, increased political oversight over television and banned shows that were critical of the system. Most programs except for the evening news were recorded beforehand and censored. This effectively ended the first "Golden Age" of the Soviet TV. The second "Golden Age" of television in Russia is associated with perestroika and glasnost of the late 1980s and with creation of private television companies in the 1990s.

Gorbachev's rise to power in the Soviet Union and the consequent reform policies of perestroika and glasnost affected the German Marxist–Leninist organizations. In the SEW, a rift developed between more liberal individual members, who appreciated Gorbachev's policies as a chance to revive leftist movements in Europe on one hand, and the leadership that chose to ignore the reforms in the USSR, as did their mentors in East Germany. At the time of German reunification, the SEW was first renamed as Socialist Initiative (), then disbanded in 1991. Most of the activists who wished to stay involved in politics joined the Party of Democratic Socialism.

Borovik first appeared on Soviet television in late 1980s as one of the hosts of a highly progressive and successful Vzglyad (which literally translates as The View or The Look), a kind of satirical television show watched weekly by as many as 100 million people. The other anchors were Vladislav Listyev, Alexander Lyubimov and Alexander Politkovsky. Borovik was a pioneer of investigative journalism in the Soviet Union during the beginning of glasnost. He worked for the American CBS program 60 Minutes during the 1990s, and began publishing his own monthly investigative newspaper Top Secret, which grew into a mass-media company involved in book publishing and television production.

Significant changes to CT USSR were made in the 1980s as the USSR underwent economic and popular political changes brought about by the reforms in Moscow under Mikhail Gorbachev. At first, CT USSR stuck to the party line and barely reported the opposition to the communist regime. However, after the rule of the CPSU began to break down in 1990, CT USSR reformed their programmes to remove propaganda and to report news freely. By the time the Glasnost came into effect, the main news programme on the then Programme 1 (Vremya) was being produced without censorship or interference, and so it covered the events in full.

600 Seconds (; 1987 to 1993) was an immensely popular TV news program that aired in the Soviet Union and briefly in post-Soviet Russia. It was a nightly broadcast from Leningrad TV with anchor Alexander Nevzorov." Hip, Hot and Hyper: Soviet TV Cuts Loose", The New York Times, September 7, 1989 The program of the glasnost period was distinguished by its fast tempo and the display of the countdown from 600 to zero. The anchor Nevzorov used the broadcast in order to criticize corrupt Soviet officials and promote preserving the Soviet Union (in the Baltic States, he is known as a fierce opponent of the national independence movements).

Map of the Eastern Bloc As Mikhail Gorbachev attempted to revive the economy of the Soviet Union, he introduced glasnost (openness) and perestroika (restructuring). Gorbachev's political agenda went for great and deep changes within the Soviet government, as such, Gorbachev invited the Soviet public into open and public discussions unseen before. For the soviet Lithuanian dissidents, and activists, it was a golden opportunity not to be missed, to bring their movements from underground into the public life. On August 23, 1987 (48th anniversary of the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact), the Lithuanian Liberty League organized the first public protest rally that did not result in arrests.

They started up a super-powered intercontinental messenger service called "Kapitalist Kourier Service, Inc." Later Lady Flash (Christina Alexandrova of Blue Trinity) and the three Kapitalist Kouriers were asked to capture a rogue Soviet terrorist named Proletariat who opposed glasnost. Together they prevent Proletariat from detonating a concealed bomb. During the War of the Gods intracompany crossover, It takes the combined forces of Flash, Lady Flash, the Kapitalist Kouriers and Chunk to end a battle between the Roman god Mercury and the Greek god Hermes who were locked in a competition to prove who was faster, a competition which put all Keystone City in danger.

Glasnost allowed ethnic and nationalist disaffection to reach the surface, and many constituent republics, especially the Baltic republics, Georgian SSR and Moldavian SSR, sought greater autonomy, which Moscow was unwilling to provide. In the revolutions of 1989 the USSR lost its allies in Eastern Europe. Gorbachev's attempts at economic reform were not sufficient, and the Soviet government left intact most of the fundamental elements of communist economy. Suffering from low pricing of petroleum and natural gas, the ongoing war in Afghanistan, and outdated industry and pervasive corruption, the Soviet planned economy proved to be ineffective, and by 1990 the Soviet government had lost control over economic conditions.

Tanks in the streets of Addis Ababa after rebels seized the capital Although the Derg government came to an end on 22 February 1987, three weeks after a referendum approved the constitution for the PDRE, it was not until that September the new government was fully in place and the Derg formally abolished. The surviving members of the Derg, including Mengistu, remained in power as the leaders of the new civilian regime. The geopolitical situations turned unfavourable for the communist government in the late 1980s, with the Soviet Union retreating from the expansion of Communism under Mikhail Gorbachev's glasnost and perestroika. Socialist bloc countries drastically reduced their aid to Ethiopia, struggling to keep their own economies going.

In 1965, Esenin-Volpin organized a legendary "glasnost meeting" ("митинг гласности"), a demonstration at Pushkin Square in the center of Moscow demanding an open and fair trial for the arrested writers Andrei Sinyavsky and Yuli Daniel. The leaflets written by Volpin and distributed through samizdat asserted that the accusations and their closed-door trial were in violation of the 1936 Soviet Constitution and the more recent RSFSR Criminal Procedural Code. The meeting was attended by about 200 people, many of whom turned out to be KGB operatives. The slogans read: "Требуем гласности суда над Синявским и Даниэлем" (We demand an open trial for Sinyavski and Daniel) and "Уважайте советскую конституцию" (Respect the Soviet constitution).

As the bracing winds of Glasnost swept across from, of all places, Moscow, the ruling party was no longer confident that it could rely on fraternal intervention of Soviet troops that had brutally suppressed the protests in 1953, or, in Prague in 1968. In the context of the country's important industrial sector, of which the "Karl-Liebknecht Heavy Machinery Conglomerate" was a part, industrial modernisation in the Soviet Union meant that in commercial terms the two socialist partner countries were increasingly finding themselves competing as rivals in shared export markets. Viett was critical of the changes and what came to be known as the Peaceful Revolution. She attended a "Monday demonstration" in the cathedral.

From 1964 to 1988, he was First Deputy Secretary of the International Department of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, assisting Secretaries Boris Ponomarev and Anatoly Dobrynin. From 1988 to 1991, he was a close advisor to Gorbachev on perestroika and glasnost, and continued his senior advisory role within the Gorbachev Foundation until his death. He was also Vice-President of the Association for Euro-Atlantic Cooperation (AEAC), which promoted links between Russia and NATO. He was the deviser of The World Summit of Nobel Peace Laureates, chaired by Gorbachev, and a founder of the Permanent Secretariat of World Summit of Nobel Peace Laureates, the official organizer of the event.

Human rights activist Lyudmila Alexeyeva argues that the word glasnost has been in the Russian language for several hundred years as a common term: "It was in the dictionaries and lawbooks as long as there had been dictionaries and lawbooks. It was an ordinary, hardworking, non-descript word that was used to refer to a process, any process of justice or governance, being conducted in the open."Alexeyeva, Lyudmila and Paul Goldberg The Thaw Generation: Coming of Age in the Post-Stalin Era, Pennsylvania: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1990, pp. 108-109. In the mid-1960s it acquired a revived topical importance in discourse concerning the cold-war era internal policy of the Soviet Union.

Statistical reports made by the OGPU-NKVD-MGB-MVD between the 1930s and 1950s are kept in the State Archive of the Russian Federation formerly called Central State Archive of the October Revolution (CSAOR). These documents were highly classified and inaccessible. Amid glasnost and democratization in the late 1980s, Viktor Zemskov and other Russian researchers managed to gain access to the documents and published the highly classified statistical data collected by the OGPU-NKVD-MGB-MVD and related to the number of the Gulag prisoners, special settlers, etc. In 1995, Zemskov wrote that foreign scientists have begun to be admitted to the restricted- access collection of these documents in the State Archive of the Russian Federation since 1992.

In spite of these differences, the Soviet Union had some degree of cooperation with Burkina Faso – primarily militarily, in the form of provided training and equipment, and economically. Sankara made a state visit to Moscow while on a tour of other friendly states in October 1984. By the time Thomas Sankara was ousted and killed on 15 October 1987 in a military coup orchestrated by Blaise Compaoré, the government of Mikhail Gorbachev was far too busy with demokratizatsiya, perestroika and glasnost to continue near any of its previously major engagements in Burkina Faso and Africa overall. When the Revolutions of 1989 began, the Burkinabé state debt to the USSR amounted to 4.3 million rubles.

Young people in Mongolia wanted a change in the society, the way the government was conducting its business. They began to meet and discuss secretly. For example, during his studies in the USSR, Tsakhiagiin Elbegdorj learned about Glasnost, the concepts such as freedom of speech and economic liberties. After returning to Mongolia, he met other like- minded people and tried to present those ideas to a wider audience, despite attempts of repression from the Politburo-authority of the government. On 28 November 1989, at the end of a speech at the Young Artists' Second National Congress, Tsakhiagiin Elbegdorj said that Mongolia needed democracy and appealed for youth to collaborate to create democracy in Mongolia.

After several years freelancing for magazines, including New Times and Playboy, Scheer joined the Los Angeles Times in 1976 as a reporter. There he met Narda Zacchino, a reporter whom he later married in the paper's news room. As a national correspondent for 17 years at the LA Times, he wrote articles and series on diverse topics such as the Soviet Union during glasnost, the Jews of Los Angeles, arms control, urban crises, national politics and the military, and covered several presidential elections. The LA Times entered Scheer's work for the Pulitzer Prize 11 times, and he was a finalist for the Pulitzer national reporting award for a series on the television industry.

While Soviet campaigns against religion waned in intensity following Stalin's death, the most significant thaw in Soviet attitudes towards religion would not occur until Mikhail Gorbachev's government instituted its glasnost policies in the 1980s, loosening restrictions against religion, freeing political prisoners of conscience and returning some confiscated properties to religious organizations.Little, pg 4 In 1989, the Eastern Catholic church resurfaced in Ukraine, with hundreds of parishes across the republic renouncing their affiliation with the Russian Orthodox Church. Later that year, Gorbachev promised that the Soviet government would respect the religious freedom of Eastern Catholics in the Soviet Union. In 1990, the Russian Orthodox Church responded granted its Ukrainian division the title of Ukrainian Orthodox Church and some limited autonomy.

Support for the group began to deteriorate in the late 1980s because Soviet disinformation seemed less of a threat in light of Gorbachev's Glasnost and the Soviets' promise to cease all disinformation operations. The group's mission to counter Soviet disinformation lost its pertinence upon the disintegration of the Soviet Union, and along with it bureaucratic interest in the group's efforts. The quality of the group's membership declined as both the CIA's and FBI's longest serving group members distanced themselves and began sending younger, less experienced participants in their place. Furthermore, many of the Reagan appointees who supported the working group had left the NSC in the aftermath of the Iran-Contra scandal.

Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.416 but as the main social factor and the embodiment of the national interest.US Library of Congress: "The Communist Party"; Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.428; Frunză, p.504-518, 520 In marked contrast with the Perestroika and Glasnost policies developed in the Soviet Union by Mikhail Gorbachev, Romania adopted Neo-Stalinist principles in both its internal policies and its relations with the outside world.Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.491-494; Deletant & Ionescu, p.32, 44–46; Frunză, p.520; Iordachi, II.3 As recorded in 1984, 90% of the PCR members were ethnic Romanians, with 7% Hungarians (the latter group's membership had dropped by more than 2% since the previous Congress).

Alliances in 1980 The Cold War period of 1985–1991 began with the rise of Mikhail Gorbachev as General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Gorbachev was a revolutionary leader for the USSR, as he was the first to promote liberalization of the political landscape (Glasnost) and the economy (Perestroika); prior to this, the USSR had been strictly prohibiting liberal reform and maintained an inefficient command economy. The USSR, despite facing massive economic difficulties, was involved in a costly arms race with the United States under President Ronald Reagan. Regardless, the USSR began to crumble as liberal reforms proved difficult to handle and capitalist changes to the economy were badly instituted and caused major problems.

The winds of Glasnost had been blowing across from, of all places, Moscow since 1986 resonated strongly in the German Democratic Republic. Street protesters breached the Berlin Wall in November 1989 and it became clear that Soviet troops had no instructions to re-enact the brutal suppression of 1953 or 1968. As further changes unfolded during 1989/90 it turned out that the economic solution for the country would arrive not in the form of massive additional loans from the west, but as part of German reunification, which was formally enacted in October 1990. Donda successfully led the successful transition of the East German statistical authority towards integration with its formerly West German counterpart.

In 1989, as the Cold War was coming to an end, the ASA was the first U.S. academic association to reach out to the Soviet Union's new leader Mikhail Gorbachev under his "glasnost" program to promote changes in economic policy, internal affairs and international relations. Under the direction of D'Antonio, the ASA worked with the Soviet Sociological Association to provide full scholarships and housing for outstanding Soviet scholars to receive their PhDs at approximately 20 American Universities. Other events of note during this time period: The University of Connecticut awarded him with Emeritus Professor Status in 1986."Sociology Is a Young Science, Still Carving Its Place", The New York Times, June 27, 1989.

The 1991 Ukrainian presidential election. Former dissident Vyacheslav Chornovil gained 23.3 percent of the vote, compared to 61.6 percent for then Acting President Leonid Kravchuk. Gorbachev's policies of perestroika and glasnost (English: restructuring and openness) failed to reach Ukraine as early as other Soviet republics because of Volodymyr Shcherbytsky, a conservative communist appointed by Brezhnev and the First Secretary of the Ukrainian Communist Party, who resigned from his post in 1989. The Chernobyl disaster of 1986, the russification policies, and the apparent social and economic stagnation led several Ukrainians to oppose Soviet rule. Gorbachev's policy of perestroika was also never introduced into practice, 95 percent of industry and agriculture was still owned by the Soviet state in 1990.

In January 1987, Mikhail Gorbachev, General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU), announced the new policy of demokratizatsiya (democratization). Under this concept the electorate would have a choice between multiple candidates per constituency, although all candidates would still have to be members of the CPSU. The concept was introduced by Gorbachev to enable him to circumvent the CPSU hardliners who resisted his perestroika and glasnost reform campaigns, while still maintaining the Soviet Union as a one-party communist state. In December 1988, the 1977 Soviet Constitution was amended to create a new legislative body, the Congress of People's Deputies (CPD), to replace the old Supreme Soviet of the Soviet Union.

In 1992, Carlo Burton aka Charles Evans Jr. DGA/SAG bought the rights to the life story of "Glasnost Gangster" Andrey Kuznetzov who was murdered eight months earlier in Los Angeles . Subsequently, Charles Evans Jr. was repped by ICM from April 22, 1992 to April 22, 1994 in a one project producer/writer deal concerning the life of Andrey Kuznetsov and "the infiltration by ex-KGB'ers into the U.S. mob scene. " Carlo Burton aka Charles Evans Jr. DGA/SAG directed and financed a film called "Portrait of Eve" written by Arthur V. Lowen. Carlo Burton aka Charles Evans Jr. DGA/SAG also produced a film called "The Trophy", Acting by Elie Travis of "Dead Air".

In the spirit of Perestroika and Glasnost policy reforms, historian Mineke Bosch and a colleague, Myriam Everard, went to Moscow in 1994 to try to discover what records were held in the Osobyi Archive. Bosch discovered a leather bound volume of newspaper clippings, photographs and translations which had been prepared by Hungarian women for a visit by Carrie Chapman Catt and Aletta Jacobs, following the 1906 Copenhagen Conference of the International Woman Suffrage Alliance. The Hungarians had invited Catt to visit in October, and advised her to bring a German-speaking companion, who was not German to assist her. To commemorate the visit, Rosika Schwimmer had helped them bind the volume marked with the inscription "1906 October 12–14".

Violence against local Azerbaijanis was reported on Soviet television, provoking massacres of Armenians in the Azerbaijani city of Sumgait. Emboldened by the liberalized atmosphere of glasnost, public dissatisfaction with economic conditions was much more overt than ever before in the Soviet period. Although perestroika was considered bold in the context of Soviet history, Gorbachev's attempts at economic reform were not radical enough to restart the country's chronically sluggish economy in the late 1980s. The reforms made some inroads in decentralization, but Gorbachev and his team left intact most of the fundamental elements of the Stalinist system, including price controls, inconvertibility of the ruble, exclusion of private property ownership, and the government monopoly over most means of production.

The general public in the Eastern Bloc was still subject to secret police and political repression. Gorbachev urged his Central and Southeast European counterparts to imitate perestroika and glasnost in their own countries. However, while reformists in Hungary and Poland were emboldened by the force of liberalization spreading from the east, other Eastern Bloc countries remained openly skeptical and demonstrated aversion to reform. Believing Gorbachev's reform initiatives would be short- lived, hardline communist rulers like East Germany's Erich Honecker, Bulgaria's Todor Zhivkov, Czechoslovakia's Gustáv Husák and Romania's Nicolae Ceauşescu obstinately ignored the calls for change.. "When your neighbor puts up new wallpaper, it doesn't mean you have to too," declared one East German politburo member..

Under the Brezhnev Doctrine, the Soviet Union reserved the right to intervene in other socialist states. In response, China moved towards the United States following the Sino-Soviet border conflict and later reformed and liberalized its economy while the Eastern Bloc saw the Era of Stagnation in comparison with the capitalist First World. The Soviet–Afghan War nominally expanded the Eastern Bloc, but the war proved unwinnable and too costly for the Soviets, challenged in Eastern Europe by the civil resistance of Solidarity. In the late 1980s, Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev pursued policies of glasnost (openness) and perestroika (restructuring) to reform the Eastern Bloc and end the Cold War, which brought forth unrest throughout the bloc.

It was only some years later, when the Stasi files were opened up, that his role as a Stasi collaborator would become apparent. In fact the demonstrations and the subsequent arrests were being discussed at the highest level. A Politburo meeting took place on Tuesday 2 February 1988. The government felt more insecure than many western commentators assumed at the time, faced with a growing surge of street protests at home and growing uncertainty over whether, in the era of Glasnost, the authorities could still rely on fraternal military support from the Soviet Union of the kind employed the last time total breakdown had threatened, back in 1953 (or more recently, in Czechoslovakia, in 1968).

A few days later Klier and Krawczyk gave an interview to Der Spiegel setting out their situation and some of the background to it more fully, and describing the treatment to which they had been subjected following their arrest. They repeated in the strongest possible terms their insistence that there had been nothing voluntary about their sudden appearance in the west. There were many church representatives and others, committed to a "softly softly" approach to trying to bring Glasnost to East Germany, who criticised the decision by Klier and Krawczyk to encourage publicity for their situation. However, neither Klier nor Krawczyk had, in recent years, shown much interest in "low-profile" activism.

British journalist Berrnard Levin wrote in 1977: These events came at the cost of helping to triple the US national debt, and funding radicals. Weinberger pushed for dramatic increases in the United States' nuclear funding, and was a strong advocate of the controversial SDI, an initiative which proposed a space- and ground-based missile defense shield. Weinberger was reluctant to commit the armed forces, keeping only a token force of American marines in Lebanon that then became victims in the 1983 Beirut barracks bombing. Unlike President Reagan and Secretary of State Shultz, Weinberger did not regard any of Gorbachev's actions—whether it was perestroika or glasnost—as reassuring indicators of his stated intentions.

Gorbachev's de- ideologization of Soviet foreign relations led many Soviet observers to view Mengistu less as the leader of a Leninist vanguard and more as an ineffective dictator struggling to maintain power at Moscow's expense. Signs of Gorbachev's "new thinking" were evident in Ethiopian relations as early as 1986, when the Soviets pressured Mengistu to agree to face-to-face talks with Somalia's Siad Barre that resulted in the signing of peace accords in 1988. Similarly, Moscow indicated to Mengistu that the arms agreement reached in November 1987 was to be the last of its kind. Despite the urging of Soviet advisers, Mengistu resisted implementing political and economic reforms and banned discussion of perestroika and glasnost from Ethiopian media.

Feodor Razzakov, Industry of Betrayal, or Cinema That Blew Up the USSR Moscow: Algorithm, 2013, 416 p. Klimov's leadership saw the belated release of many of the previously banned films and the reinstatement of several directors who had fallen out of political favour. This period is widely considered as the start of decline of Soviet cinema and the rise of the so-called "chernukha", namely artists and journalists, who, freed by Glasnost, exposed Soviet reality in the most pessimistic possible light. Klimov was still frustrated by the obstacles that still remained in his way and gave up his post in 1988 to Andrei Smirnov, saying that he wanted to make films again.

The action in Gorky Park takes place in the Soviet Union and in the US, Polar Star on board a Soviet fishing vessel in the Bering Sea, and Red Square in West Germany and the Glasnost-era Soviet Russia. Havana Bay is set in Cuba; Wolves Eat Dogs is set in Moscow and in the areas affected by the Chernobyl disaster. Stalin's Ghost, published in 2007, returns Arkady to a Russia now presided over by Vladimir Putin, followed by Three Stations published in 2010,See, Carolyn, Washington Post (September 3, 2010). "Three Stations," the new thriller by Martin Cruz Smith, author of "Gorky Park" Tatiana in 2013 and The Siberian Dilemma in 2019.

With Glasnost improving ties between East and West, Varnelis began to visit Lithuania and exhibited his work In the Art Exhibition Palace in Vilnius in 1988. He exhibited his works in Europe throughout the 1990s in the Palace of Art in Budapest (1995), Tampere Art Museum (1996), and the Museum of Modern Art in Riga (1997). In 1993, the Vilnius City Council gave two historic buildings on Didzioji Gatve in Vilnius, the houses of the Small Guild and the Masalski family, to the artist for his works. Varnelis moved back to Lithuania in 1998 where, with assistance from the Ministry of Culture and Vilnius Academy of Art, the Kazys Varnelis House–Museum was established in Vilnius.

Zinoviev took Perestroika in a sharply negative way, calling it "Catastroika". Mikhail Gorbachev and his associates were described as demagogues, hypocrites, cynical careerists and "insignificance" who had no scientific understanding of the nature of Soviet communism. Since 1985, in numerous articles and speeches, he asserted that the social system in the Soviet Union will not change, restructuring he considered bureaucratic formality, and her initiatives – from glasnost to the anti-alcohol campaign – a manifestation of the leadership's inability to adequately assess real problems. From his point of view, the "revolution from above", carried out with the support of the indifferent to the fate of ordinary Soviet people of the West, could only lead to a catastrophe.

Dozens of Soviet writers and intellectuals came to the defence of Sinyavsky and Daniel, and on 5 December 1965 held the Glasnost meeting in Moscow, the first spontaneous public political demonstration in the Soviet Union after the Second World War. The Sinyavsky–Daniel trial was accompanied by harsh propaganda campaigns in the Soviet media, perceived as a sign of demise of the Khrushchev Thaw which had allowed greater freedoms of expression during the late 1950s and early 1960s. On 14 February 1966, Sinyavsky was sentenced to seven years on charges of "anti-Soviet activity" for the opinions of his fictional characters. After the trial, 63 supporters of Sinyavsky and Daniel signed a petition requesting their release.

Limited in scope and number, several demonstrations nevertheless became significant landmarks of the human rights movement. On 5 December 1965 (Soviet Constitution Day) a small rally in Moscow, which became known as the (glasnost meeting), the first public and overtly political demonstration took place in the post-Stalin USSR. Responding to the criminal charges against the writers Andrei Sinyavsky and Yuli Daniel (Sinyavsky–Daniel trial), a few dozen people gathered on Pushkin Square, calling for a trial open to the public and the media (glasny sud), as required by the 1961 RSFSR Code of Criminal Procedure. The demonstration was one of the first organized actions by the civil right movement in the Soviet Union.

According to Peter Rainer, Loveless is "perhaps [Zvyagintsev's] most encompassing indictment of Russian society", considering the fears of the end of the world lead into the missing person case. Rainer wrote, "Alyosha, with his pugnacious, beseeching face, is not only a lost boy: In the movie's terms, he also represents the loss of something spiritually significant in modern Russia". Koehler interpreted the damaged family as the product of a declining large society. According to Wenlei Ma, "It’s hard not to see Loveless as standing in for Russia’s wider problem—of the promises of Perestroika and Glasnost and the progress reforms brought, progress that has since been diluted by divisions, apathy and a state with no soul".

Ronald Reagan and Mikhail Gorbachev in Geneva, November 1985 Two developments dominated the decade that followed: the increasingly apparent crumbling of the Soviet Union's economic and political structures, and the patchwork attempts at reforms to reverse that process. After the rapid succession of former KGB Chief Yuri Andropov and Konstantin Chernenko, transitional figures with deep roots in Brezhnevite tradition, Mikhail Gorbachev implemented perestroika in an attempt to modernize Soviet communism, and made significant changes in the party leadership. However, Gorbachev's social reforms led to unintended consequences. His policy of glasnost facilitated public access to information after decades of government repression, and social problems received wider public attention, undermining the Communist Party's authority.

With her husband, Stephen F. Cohen, vanden Heuvel edited Voices of Glasnost: Interviews with Gorbachev's Reformers (Norton, 1989). She also edited the compilation volume, The Nation: 1865-1990\. In 1990, vanden Heuvel co-founded, and as of this date, co-edits Vy i My (You and We), a quarterly feminist journal linking American and Russian women, and elsewhere described as a Russian-language feminist newsletter. She was editor for the collection, A Just Response: The Nation on Terrorism, Democracy and September 11, 2001 (New York : Thunder's Mouth Press/Nation Books, 2002) and co-edited Taking Back America And Taking Down the Radical Right (Nation Books, 2004), and, more recently edited The Dictionary of Republicanisms (Nation Books, 2005).

After the introduction of the glasnost and perestroika, Vremya loosened its fidelity to the party line and began presenting fair reports about the events transforming Eastern Europe at the time. On 15 March 1989 150 million Soviet citizens watched as the station aired an 85-page speech by Gorbachev to a plenum of the CPSU Central Committee criticizing the poor state of agriculture and setting out the case for reforms, the highlights of that address being featured on that day's telecast. In the 1980s, 86% of Soviet adults relied on television coverage as their primary source of news. Yet Vremya was seen as "a joke" by many Soviet citizens due to its poor coverage of news events.

During the second half of the 1980s as Mikhail Gorbachev introduced glasnost and perestroika in the USSR, which rolled back restrictions to freedom in the Soviet Union, aversion to the Soviet regime had grown into the third Latvian National Awakening, which reached its peak in mid-1988. In 1986, it became widely known to the public that the USSR was planning to build another hydroelectric power plant on Latvia's largest river Daugava, and that a decision had been made to build a metro in Riga. Both of these projects planned by Moscow could have led to the destruction of Latvia's landscape and cultural and historical heritage. In the press journalists urged the public to protest against these decisions.

Unfortunately the memoirs of "true" Trotskyists (as opposed to the ones falsely accused of Trotskyism during Soviet repressions), are close to none, because all these real political opponents were physically eliminated. Fortunately the policy of glasnost had led to the opening of numerous archives, which make it possible to better trace the evolution towards Stalinism. Rogovin writes that the treatise did not consider the debunking of various misconceptions, in order not to unnecessarily disrupt the harmony of the exposition of the second alternative mentioned above: to demonstrate that Stalinism was not the only logical possibility of the evolution of the principles of Bolshevism. With the above purpose in mind, the major focus of the treatise was necessarily Trotskyism and the Left Opposition movement within Bolshevism.

The colour magazine reached the pinnacle of its popularity in the Perestroika years, when its editor-in-chief Vitaly Korotich "was guiding Ogoniok to a pro-American and pro-capitalist position".David M. Kotz, Fred Weir (1997). "Chapter 4: Glasnost and the intelligentsia". Revolution from Above: The Demise of the Soviet System. London: Routledge. p. 65. Those years are the subject matter of the book Small Fires: Letters From the Soviet People to Ogonyok Magazine 1987-1990 (Summit Books, New York, 1990) selected and edited by Christopher Cerf, Marina Albee, and with an introduction by Korotich. The magazine sold 1.5 million copies in 1987 and 4.6 million copies in 1990. In the early 1990s, Ogoniok was owned by Boris Berezovsky, and its popularity started to decline.

In 1989, the stonewalling of Soviet psychiatry was overcome by perestroika and glasnost (meaning "policy of transparency" in Russian).; Over the objection of the psychiatric establishment, the Soviet government permitted a delegation of psychiatrists from the US, representing the United States government, to carry out extensive interviews of suspected victims of abuse. They traveled to the Soviet Union on 25 February 1989. The group consisted of about 25 people among whom were William Farrand of the State Department; Loren H. Roth as head of the psychiatric team; psychiatrists of the National Institute of Mental Health, including Scientific Director of the US Delegation Darrel A. Regier, Harold Visotsky from Chicago as head of the hospital visit team, and four émigré Soviet psychiatrists living in the United States.

He attended the Ilja-Repin primary and secondary school of Fine Arts. In 1981, he started to study at the Moscow Academy of Fine Arts Vasily Surikov, the central institute for fine arts in the Soviet Union. In 1987 he completed his studies with the Diploma in Painting. Novikov List of Russian artists the term Soviet Nonconformist Art refers to art produced in the former Soviet Union from 1953-1990 (after the death of Joseph Stalin until the advent of Perestroika and Glasnost) outside of the rubric of Socialist Realism. Afterwards he founded with young colleagues the colony of artists "Furmanny Lane" in Moscow within the movement of Russian Soviet Nonconformist Art and was member of the group until the closure in 1991.

The wall had stood as an icon for the political and economic division between East and West, a division that Churchill had referred to as the "Iron Curtain". Gorbachev announced in 1988 that the Soviet Union would abandon the Brezhnev Doctrine and allow the Eastern bloc nations to freely determine their own internal affairs. In early 1989, under a new era of Soviet policies of glasnost (openness) and perestroika (economic restructuring), and taken further by Gorbachev, the Solidarity movement took hold in Poland. Further inspired by other images of brave defiance, a wave of revolutions swept throughout the Eastern Bloc that year. Otto von Habsburg, who interfered decisively in the summer of 1989 In May 1989, Hungary removed their border fence.

According to Daneliya, it was still showed at small theaters and various clubs throughout the 1970s, so that by the time the so-called glasnost was proclaimed, it turned out that "everyone had managed to watch my super-banned movie". Daneliya decided to switch back to his sad comedies instead of straight-up satire. The following years he produced a whole number of highly successful movies that established him as one of the leading Soviet comedy directors. Among his most famous works were Afonya (1975) about an unlucky plumber, Mimino (1977) about a Georgian pilot's adventures in Moscow, The Autumn Marathon (1979) about a translator vacillating between his wife and mistress, and Gentlemen of Fortune (1971) where Daneliya acted as a creative director and a screenwriter.

In 1989, aged 39, they moved into the 20th Home for Veterans of War and Labour and lived there in a small room with a single bed for the next fourteen years. They earned pocket money sewing diapers and assembling pipettes. They found their birth mother Yekaterina Krivoshlyapova in 1985 and she visited them for four years before Masha broke off the connection. They were visited every week by ‘Aunty Nadya’ – Nadezhda Gorokhova – their physiotherapist in TSNIIPP, who befriended them throughout their lives. With the coming of Gorbachev’s campaign of openness, or glasnost, they made an appeal on a national television chat show Vzglyad in 1988, to be allowed to leave the 20th Home which was being turned into a mental asylum.

Following the politics of glasnost, initiated by Mikhail Gorbachev, civil unrest and ethnic strife grew in various regions of the Soviet Union, including Nagorno-Karabakh, a region of the Azerbaijan SSR. On 22–23 February 1988 violence broke out in the town on Askeran, resulting in the death of two Azerbaijanis.The New York Times, 11 March 1988, p. A6 The news of the Askeran clash along with ongoing deportation of Azerbaijanis from Armenia sparked the Sumgayit pogrom against Armenian residents of Sumgayit in Azerbaijan on 27 February.Ethnic Fears and Ethnic War In Karabagh - Stuart J. Kaufman - Page 23 The violence was led, to some degree, by Azerbaijani refugees from Armenia, perhaps as many as 2000Tamara Dragadze, “Azerbaijan and the Azerbaijanis,” in Graham Smith, ed.

Boris Yeltsin Hans Ephraimson-Abt, whose daughter Alice Ephraimson-Abt had died on the flight, chaired the American Association for Families of KAL 007 Victims. He single-handedly pursued three U.S. administrations for answers about the flight, flying to Washington 250 times and meeting with 149 State Department officials. Following the dissolution of the U.S.S.R., Ephraimson- Abt persuaded U.S. Senators Ted Kennedy, Sam Nunn, Carl Levin, and Bill Bradley to write to the Soviet President, Mikhail Gorbachev requesting information about the flight. Glasnost reforms in the same year brought about a relaxation of press censorship; consequently reports started to appear in the Soviet press suggesting that the Soviet military knew the location of the wreckage and had possession of the flight data recorders.

In the 1970s and 1980s, she was recognized with multiple awards, including the Order of the October Revolution, the Order of the Red Banner of Labor, and an Honorary Decree of Merit from the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the Nakhchivan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic. In 1986, with the assertion of Glasnost policies by Soviet General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev, ethnic tensions, which had been smoldering between Azerbaijani and Armenian populations for decades, resurfaced when Karabakh separatists saw an opportunity to reorganize the region. Organizing a series of ethnically motivated attacks and demonstrations, the separatists goal was to reclaim Armenian jurisdiction of the Nagorno-Karabakh region, which was within the borders of Azerbaijan. In Azerbaijan, a similar organization emerged to agitate for Azerbaijani sovereignty, the Popular Front.

As they conceded more and more of the rights over which the Communists had established their monopoly in the 1920s, events and organisations not initiated or overseen by the regime were frowned on and discouraged by the supposedly liberal authorities of the brief and ambivalent period of perestroika and official glasnost. In the remaining two and a half years the rate of change accelerated. The quasi-democratic Congress of People's Deputies held its second autumnal session in 1989 during a nationwide miners' strike. One consequence was the abolition in March 1990 of Article 6 of the Soviet Constitution (1977), which had explicitly established the primacy of the Communist Party within the Soviet State, a hitherto unspoken but all-pervasive dominance of the system.

He was appointed Deputy Director General(Administration) at the Indian Council for Cultural Relations, New Delhi from 1986 to 1988, and was, inter alia, involved with the Festival of India in the Soviet Union. He was posted to the Indian Embassy in Moscow from 1988 to 1991 as First Secretary (Political) and subsequently as Counsellor (Political) during the perestroika and glasnost years. He was Deputy High Commissioner at the High Commission of India, Singapore from 1991 to 1995 looking after, inter alia, economic, commercial and investment issues. During 1995-1997, he returned to India and headed the Technical Cooperation Division as Joint Secretary in the Ministry of External Affairs in New Delhi, dealing with bilateral, economic and technical cooperation and international disaster relief.

The Chekist was adapted by Jacques Baynac from Vladimir Zazubrin's short story "Щепка" (known variably in English as "Sliver", "The Splinter", or "The Chip"), which was written in 1923 but has remained unpublished until the Glasnost era in 1989 when it was printed in the journal Sibirskie Ogni. Zazubrin, a former Bolshevik infiltrator of the Okhrana and veteran of both sides of the Civil War, himself fell victim to the Great Purge and was himself arrested and executed in 1937, along with Valerian Pravdukhin who wrote the preface for the original intended publication. The film was produced by Oleg Konkov and Guy Seligman for the French TV ARTE. It was screened in the Un Certain Regard section at the 1992 Cannes Film Festival.

In 1960 she was admitted to membership of the writers' union of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic. This official recognition encouraged her to write one of her final poems Плине життя (Life flows): Her official status allowed the publication in L'viv of a collection of her children's poetry, shortly before her death at the age of 82 on 20 May 1963 but republication of her adult work had to wait for Mikhail Gorbachev and glasnost. A forestry industry newspaper published one of her first World War poems in 1989 and it was then reprinted in local newspapers serving Nizhniv and Nadvirna. After Ukrainian independence Pidhiryanka was included in a collection of Transcarpathian poetry and her children's work remains popular in 21st century Ukraine.

On Sunday, December 6, 1987, the eve of the Washington, D.C. Summit between Soviet Premier Mikhail Gorbachev and U.S. President Ronald Reagan, an estimated 250,000 people demonstrated on the National Mall in an unprecedented display of solidarity for Soviet Jewry. The mass mobilization, organized by a broad-based coalition, about half of that number came from the Greater New York area under the leadership of the Greater New York Coalition for Soviet Jewry, the National Conference for Soviet Jewry (NCSJ), the Council of Jewish Federations (CJF) and the United Jewish Appeal (UJA), brought activists from across the United States to demand that Gorbachev extend his policy of Glasnost to Soviet Jews by putting an end to their forced assimilation and allowing their emigration from the USSR.

On the wave of glasnost and the emergence of the national democratic movement, the Belarusian-language outlet constantly raised acute social and political topics. This could not affect the works of Siarhei Brushko, as his photos became expressly social, while the Soviet-style realism disappeared from his works and art photography retreated to the background. At this time, Brushko began working on the theme of the Chernobyl tragedy, and the topic eventually became the author’s calling. Since his first trips to the relocation zone in 1987, later to the oncology centre and up to the last trip two months before his death, the topic echoed in the society. It was the social tragedy after the explosion that formed the basis of the photographer’s works.

Igor Smirnov, first president of Transnistria from 1991 to 2011 In the 1980s, Mikhail Gorbachev's policies of perestroika and glasnost in the Soviet Union allowed political liberalisation at a regional level. This led to the creation of various informal movements all over the country, and to a rise of nationalism within most Soviet republics. In the Moldavian SSR in particular, there was a significant resurgence of pro- Romanian nationalism among ethnic Moldovans.Timeline: Moldova BBC Country Profile: Moldova The most prominent of these movements was the Popular Front of Moldova. In early 1988, PFM demanded that the Soviet authorities declare Moldovan the only state language, return to the use of the Latin alphabet, and recognise the shared ethnic identity of Moldovans and Romanians.

The talk of reform, but the lack of introducing reform into practice, led to confusion which in turn evolved into opposition to the Soviet state itself. The policy of glasnost, which ended state censorship, led the Ukrainian diaspora to reconnect with their compatriots in Ukraine, the revitalisation of religious practices by destroying the monopoly of the Russian Orthodox Church and led to the establishment of several opposition pamphlets, journals and newspapers. Following the failed August Coup in Moscow on 19–21 August 1991, the Supreme Soviet of Ukraine declared independence on 24 August 1991, which renamed the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic to Ukraine. The result of the 1991 independence referendum held on 1 December 1991 proved to be a surprise.

Mikhail Gorbachev tried to reform the economy, but he took only limited steps (see perestroika and glasnost). When he lifted the Brezhnev Doctrine and allowed Poland's Solidarity to usurp that country's communist regime, the entire Warsaw Pact collapsed, soon followed by the Soviet Union itself. However, even with the fall of the Soviet Union and the rise of the relatively free market- minded Boris Yeltsin, former members of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union maintained much power in Russia, blocked free-market movements, and forced the resignation of Yeltsin's free-market allies such as Yegor Gaidar. During the 1996 presidential election, Yeltsin was forced to accept support from Russian oligarchs to counter the growing power of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation.

In 1990, during Glasnost, some of Novikov's papers from 1946 were released; This revealed the influential "Novikov telegram" or "Novikov report" which was, in part, a reaction to the highly critical telegram of George Kennan (Joseph Stalin and Vyacheslav Molotov were among the audience of this "top secret" article.) Novikov was ordered to file a report on the US foreign policy, and created a generally realistic - for example, in its evidence-based account of US militarisation in point 3 - account nonetheless tinged by ideology at points - such as its frequent appeal to the boogeyman of 'American monopolistic capital' (e.g. point 4.b)) and its assumption that the American elite dictated and orchestrated the newspapers' opposition to Russia (point 7.d)).

Now another generation of state and Communist Party functionaries of the city was wiped out, supposedly for publicly overestimating the importance of the city as an independent fighting unit and their own roles in defeating the enemy. Their brainchild, the Leningrad Defence Museum, was also destroyed, and many valuable exhibits were destroyed. The museum was revived in the late 1980s with the then wave of glasnost, when new shocking facts were published, showing both heroism of the wartime city and hardships and even cruelties of the period. The exhibition opened in its originally allocated building, but has not yet regained its original size and area, most of its former premises having been given before its revival over to the military and other governmental offices.

His most popular novel, Children of the Arbat, was written and distributed via samizdat in the 1960s, but was not published until 1987 despite having been officially announced for publication in 1966 and 1978 (in both cases publication was canceled at the very last moment by the Soviet government). The eventual publication of the novel and its sequels - 1935 and Other Years (Тридцать пятый и другие годы, 1989), Fear (Страх, 1990) and Dust & Ashes (Прах и пепел, 1994) - were considered a landmark of the nascent glasnost, as the first in the trilogy was one of the earliest publications of previously forbidden anti-Stalin literature. Rybakov was a laureate of the USSR and RSFSR state awards. He was awarded the Stalin Prize in 1948 and 1951.

After the end of World War II, Ukraine became a prosperous Soviet republic, with high-tech industries and an educated class of elites. However, since Ukraine sported many crucial economic sectors, such as agriculture, weapons and rocket manufacturing, it was heavily garrisoned by the Soviet armed forces and attempts were made to “Russify” the population. These policies had an enormous impact on Ukrainian elites, many of whom became high-ranking members of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, such as Nikita Khrushchev and Leonid Brezhnev. Religion was still persecuted, with many churches being destroyed or converted into anti-religion museums, though the Uniate church survived in Western Ukraine by going underground. In 1988, Soviet premier Mikhail Gorbachev began to implement his policy of glasnost, or “openness”.

To restructure the Soviet economy before it collapsed, Gorbachev announced an agenda of rapid reform, based upon what he called perestroika (meaning "restructuring") and glasnost (meaning "liberalization" and "openness"). Reform required Gorbachev to redirect the country's resources from costly Cold War military commitments to more profitable areas in the civilian sector. As a result, Gorbachev offered major concessions to the United States on the levels of conventional forces, nuclear weapons, and policy in Eastern Europe. Many US Soviet experts and administration officials doubted that Gorbachev was serious about winding down the arms race,(LaFeber, 2002) but Reagan recognized the real change in the direction of the Soviet leadership, and shifted to skillful diplomacy to personally push Gorbachev further with his reforms.

In 1985, Mikhail Gorbachev became the new general secretary of the CPSU, implementing a planned reform of the Soviet Union. The two reforms were known as perestroika and glasnost, the latter of which granted the freedom for Soviet citizens to express any grievances whereas the former allowed economic reform in the Soviet system. This came at a time when support for the integration of Nagorno Karabakh into the Armenian SSR was high, with the movement for this change dating back to a petition in 1963. Capitalizing on Gorbachev's policies, the leaders of the regional Supreme Soviet of the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast voted in favor of separating itself from the Azerbaijan SSR and unifying with Soviet Armenia on 20 February 1988.

She was permitted to accept guest performances outside the Soviet Union since 1986 due to the policies of Mikhail Gorbachev (see Perestroika and Glasnost).Ananiashvili as Odette in Swan Lake. She performed well in several competitions: in 1980 she won the Gold Medal in the junior group of the 10th International Ballet Competition in Varna, Bulgaria; in 1981 she and Andris Liepa won Grand Prix in the junior group of the 4th International Ballet Competition in Moscow (Andris Liepa received the Gold Medal there). In 1985 she won the Gold Medal in the senior group at the 5th International Ballet Competition in Moscow; in 1986 she and Andris Liepa were awarded the Grand Prix at the 3rd USA International Ballet Competition in Jackson, Mississippi, United States.

The German Democratic Republic (East Germany) was changing rapidly, in ways that few western commentators noticed at the time. The country was, by many criteria, financially bankrupt. The Soviet Union was modernising economically: East German trade negotiators visiting potential overseas customers for the (lucrative) heavy industrial plant and machinery in which the country traditionally specialised were increasingly coming across their Soviet counterparts not as comradely socialist partners, but as commercial competitors. Morally, too, the winds of Glasnost blowing across from - of all places - Moscow left the party leadership facing an ever more uncertain future. Erich Honecker, the East German leader, was by now in his mid-70s and in declining health: senior Central Committee colleagues were finding him increasingly autocratic, inconsistent and unpredictable.

The Oyu Tolgoi mine has been a major political issue during Saikhanbileg's term As a young student in Moscow, Saikhanbileg witnessed Gorbachev's Perestroika and Glasnost; shortly afterwards, the fall of the Berlin Wall. As soon as he graduated from the University in 1991, he started to actively participate in the Mongolian Democratic Revolution. At that time, the ruling party – the Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party was influencing Mongolian youth through its largest youth organization, Mongolian Revolutionary Youth League. Saikhanbileg initiated and implemented numerous reforms and ideas in line with the ideals and mindsets of youths including the reorganization of this organization into the Mongolian Youth Federation, modernizing its form into that of the classical non- governmental organizations and expelling party influence.

With the game tied at five late in the third, the Soviets were met with a concerted Canadian attack in the final seven minutes. With 34 seconds remaining in the game, Esposito took a shot at Vladislav Tretiak from 12 feet out. Paul Henderson scooped up the rebound and put it past the fallen Soviet goalie to score the goal that won the game, 6–5, and the series. Later, Alexander Yakolev, the former Soviet ambassador to Canada, argued that the Summit Series planted the seeds of glasnost and perestroika in the Soviet Union, as it was one of the first times that the Soviet people had seen so many foreigners who had not come to do harm, but to share in the game.

After the October Revolution, there was a period of support of all lesser national cultures in the Soviet Union, but eventually Russification returned. While the development of Mari literary language continued, still, only elementary-school education was available in Mari in the Soviet period, with this policy ending in village schools in the 1970–1980s. The period of glasnost and perestroika in the 1990s opened opportunities for a revival of efforts expand the use of Mari in education and the public sphere. In the 1990s, the Mari language, alongside Russian, was proclaimed in the republican constitution to be an official language of Mari El. By the beginning of the 21st century, Mari language and literature was taught in 226 schools.

He was arrested, confessed under duress, tried in the first Moscow show trial in 1936 and executed for purportedly participating in a criminal plot in the Red Army directed by Leon Trotsky. His family were treated harshly as the family of a so-called "enemy of the people" and met death and exile during the terror. They were "rehabilitated" (restored to full citizenship rights) during Khrushchev's "Thaw" of 1956-1958; Efim Dreizer was posthumously rehabilitated only in 1988, during Gorbachev's Glasnost campaign. Chervonnaya graduated from secondary school in 1966 and enrolled in Moscow State University in the department of history, where she was admitted to the elite American history program on the basis of a competitive examination taken at the end of her second year.

Second, Dean asserts that the seventy-year history of the Soviet Union is condensed to the twenty-six years of Joseph Stalin's rule. Third, Dean thinks it is reductive to consider Stalin's violence, political suppression, and authoritarian rule—the purges, the great famines and the gulag—as the events that accurately represent communism because that ignores the industrialization of the economy, the successes of the Soviet space program, and the relative increase in the standard of living in the formerly agrarian economy. Fourth, Dean holds that the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 was the result of the political and economic rigidity of Stalin and his successors, until Gorbachev began glasnost and perestroika. Thus, in Dean's view, the history of Stalinism becomes the basis on which discussions around alternatives to capitalism are silenced.

In the climate of Mikhail Gorbachev's perestroika and glasnost, national sentiment escalated in the Moldavian SSR in 1988. In 1989, the Popular Front of Moldova was formed as an association of independent cultural and political groups and gained official recognition. The Popular Front organized a number of large demonstrations, which led to the designation of Moldovan as the official language of the MSSR on August 31, 1989 and a return to the Latin alphabet."Romanian Nationalism in the Republic of Moldova " by Andrei Panici, American University in Bulgaria, 2002; pages 39–41 However, opposition was growing to the increasingly exclusionary nationalist policies of the Popular Front, especially in Transnistria, where the Yedinstvo-Unitatea (Unity) Intermovement had been formed in 1988 by Slavic minorities,Political Parties , Fedor, Helen, ed.

He later became the chief correspondent for Europe and the Middle East based in London (1987–92) and then bureau chief in Washington(1996–97). He returned to Australia to be the presenter of AM (ABC Radio) before becoming Foreign Affairs Editor. In his career with the ABC he has also reported on the end of apartheid in South Africa, the Palestinian intifada in the Occupied Territories, glasnost and perestroika in the former Soviet Union, the break-up of the former Yugoslavia and wars in Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia, Kosovo and Lebanon, two Gulf wars, the fall of President Suharto in Indonesia,The civil unrest in East Timor, the first Bali Bombing, three Fijian Coups, the troubles in Northern Ireland, the 2011 Egyptian revolution, the 2011 Libyan civil war. and the uprising in Syria.

Interpretation of Dreams received a Grand Prix of the All-Union Documentary Film Festival and was successfully screened at a number of international film festivals - IDFA in Amsterdam, New Directors/New Films Festival and Glasnost Series for the Lincoln center in NYC, Flaherty Film Seminars, San Francisco Jewish Film Festival, Kraków International Film Festival, London Jewish Film Festival, Boston Jewish Film Festival etc. Vincent Canby wrote in The New York Times: > ... an entire country is put on the couch to be analyzed by the film maker > using Sigmund Freud as his guide. Mr. Zagdansky juxtaposes quotes from > Freud, which are read on the soundtrack, and the history of the Soviet Union > as captured in vintage newsreels and other old films. The tone is that of an > enlightened skeptic; the manner witty.

The Military of Somalia supplied the Eritreans with military hardware and provided training. The EPLF leaders and members were given Somali passports to travel the world in search of education and jobs to finance the movement, and to increase political support for their liberation struggle from other countries.Eritrea and Ethiopia: from conflict to cooperation By Amare Tekle pg 146 Following the Marxist–Leninist coup in Ethiopia in 1974 which toppled its ancient monarchy, the Ethiopians enjoyed Soviet Union support until the end of the 1980s, when glasnost and perestroika started to impact Moscow's foreign policies, resulting in a withdrawal of help. The war went on for 30 years until 1991 when the Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF), having defeated the Ethiopian forces in Eritrea, took control of the country.

Soviet T-62M main battle tank withdraws from Afghanistan The promotion of Mikhail Gorbachev to General Secretary in 1985 and his 'new thinking' on foreign and domestic policy was likely an important factor in the Soviets' decision to withdraw. Gorbachev had been attempting to remove the Soviet Union from the economic stagnation that had set in under the leadership of Brezhnev, and to reform the Soviet Union's economy and image with the Glasnost and Perestroika policies. Gorbachev had also been attempting to ease cold war tensions by signing the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty with the U.S. in 1987 and withdrawing the troops from Afghanistan, whose presence had garnered so much international condemnation. Gorbachev regarded confrontation with China and resulting military build ups on that border as one of Brezhnev's biggest mistakes.

His book, published by Progress Publishers in Toronto, appeared around the same time Ukrainian Communist party leader Volodymyr Shcherbytsky publicly acknowledged the famine, in December 1987. As a result, the book was subsequently withdrawn from circulation. In a review of Tottle's book in the Ukrainian Canadian Magazine, published by the pro-Communist Association of United Ukrainian Canadians, Wilfred Szczesny wrote: "Members of the general public who want to know about the famine, its extent and causes, and about the motives and techniques of those who would make this tragedy into something other than what it was will find Tottle's work invaluable" (The Ukrainian Canadian, April 1988, p. 24), on which historian Roman Serbyn commented that "in the era of glasnost, Szczesny could have rendered his readers no greater disservice".

The Hungarian-born author Arthur Koestler, himself a former communist, based Rubashov, the main character in his 1940 novel Darkness at Noon, on victims of the Moscow Trials; according to George Orwell, Rakovsky's fate was a possible direct influence: "Rubashov might be called Trotsky, Bukharin, Rakovsky or some other relatively civilised figure among the Old Bolsheviks. If one writes about the Moscow trials one must answer the question, «Why did the accused confess?» and which answer one makes is a political decision. Koestler answers, in effect, «Because these people had been rotted by the Revolution which they served», and in doing so he comes near to claiming that revolutions are of their nature bad". In 1988, during Glasnost, the Soviet government cleared Rakovsky and his co-defendants of all charges.

It was not until later in the Glasnost period that public discussion was permitted about re- legalizing private, consensual adult homosexual relations. A poll conducted in 1989 reported that homosexuals were the most hated group in Russian society and that 30 percent of those polled felt that homosexuals should be liquidated. In a 1991 public opinion poll conducted in Chelyabinsk 30 percent of the respondents aged 16 to 30 years old felt that homosexuals should be "isolated from society," 5 percent felt they should be "liquidated," 60 percent had a "negative" attitude toward gay people and 5 percent labeled their sexual orientation "unfortunate." In 1989–1990 a Moscow gay rights organization led by Yevgeniya Debryanskaya was permitted to exist, with Roman Kalinin given permission to publish a gay newspaper, "Tema".

Nikolay Malinka (Ukrainian: Микола Малинка; February 16, 1913 – December 14, 1993) was a Ukrainian painter, creative artist, and sculptor. He was among those who studied and worked in the Soviet Union where Socialist Realism became a state policy, but is often considered a representative of Ukrainian impressionism as well. Focused on the dramatic depictions of Soviet and Ukrainian history, Nikolay Malinka produced canvases of Ukrainian Cossack's quest for peace and freedom, portrayed prominent personalities of the past and present day, composed a brief history of his homeland - Yahotyn county of Kyiv Region. Later, when Gorbachev's glasnost’ effectively ended state censorship, he began to reveal on the canvas Ukrainian national tragedies, such as the forcible collectivization and the Great Famine (Holodomor) of 1933, which took millions of Ukrainian lives.

In 1987, in an interview with the German magazine Stern about the reforms of Mikhail Gorbachev in the Soviet Union, Hager gave the answer: "Would you, if your neighbor repapers his apartment, feel like you should also repaper your apartment?". This rejection of the policy of glasnost and perestroika of the Soviet military power met an angry reception both in the party base, as well as in the population of the GDR. Wolf Biermann titled Hager - probably due to this occasion, in his song "The Ballad of the corrupt old men" scornfully as "Professor Tapeten-Kutte". In a spontaneous encounter with GDR-journalists - when they came into his residence, the "Wachobjekt Wandlitz", for the first time - Hager said he was placed there against his will at the climax of the Cold War.

The Nagorno-Karabakh movement that had originally begun in Armenia during the late 1980s called for the Karabakh enclave to be united with that country, despite it being behind the borders of Azerbaijan. With a population that was 75 percent Armenian, official petitions were sent by Armenian leaders to the Soviet government in Moscow in order to address the issue but were rejected by General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev. The demands to annex the region came in the middle of Gorbachev's reform policies, Glasnost and Perestroika. First implemented in 1985, when Gorbachev came into power, the liberalization of political and economical constraints in the Soviet Union gave birth to numerous nationalist groups in the different Soviet republics who insisted that they be given the right to secede and form their own independent countries.

Architect amidst the Ruins (, other versions: - 'The Architect of the Ruins', - 'To the Architect of the Ruins') was an open letter by Gennady Zyuganov, then a relatively little known party functionary (later leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation) to Alexander Yakovlev, the ideological founder of perestroika, who was also known as the "architect of perestroika". The letter was published in the hardline communist newspaper Sovetskaya Rossiya on 7 May 1991. The letter argued that perestroika caused disintegration of the state, that democratization resulted in a "war of legislation", glasnost turned out to be a weapon in the psychological war against the Soviet people, and that a new alliance of obscurantists, lumpen intelligentsia, and criminals was coming into being. The letter was perceived as the start of the campaign to overthrow Mikhail Gorbachev.

Another song written at this time was "Za Ukrayinu". These "war songs" started to be sung publicly again in the western part of the Ukrainian SSR after the introduction of glasnost (Ukrainian: hlasnist) by Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev, and regained popularity throughout Ukraine after independence – especially during the current Russian military intervention. Another musical legacy of this period was the Ukrainian Republic Capella (later the Ukrainian National Chorus), set up in early 1919 by the Directorate government of Symon Petliura. Under the direction of Oleksandr Koshetz, the Capella/Chorus toured Europe and North America from 1919 to 1921 and while in exile from 1922 to 1927; popularising the songs "Shchedryk" and "Oi khodyt son, kolo vikon" – which influenced the composition of the popular English language songs "Carol of the Bells" and "Summertime", respectively.

Before announcing Perestroika in 1987, the Soviet government had done a multi-level research and analytical work accomplished by both the political and academical elite. In 1986 Vladimir Petrovsky was appointment as Deputy Foreign Minister of the USSR and received the task to help promote the process later known as glasnost (openness) with an assignment to supervise the Press Department, while being also in charge of other areas in the Foreign Ministry. Vladimir Petrovsky was among the specialists of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs that were chosen to formulate the progressive concepts for the framework of the New Political Thinking. In 1988 Vladimir Petrovsky was part of the task force preparing the draft for the landmark address that Soviet General Secretary Gorbachev gave at the UN General Assembly on 6 December 1988.

An animated series of maps showing the fall of the Communist regimes in Eastern Europe and the disintegration of the Soviet Union, which later led to conflicts in the post-Soviet space By the late 1980s, people in the Caucasus and Baltic states were demanding more autonomy from Moscow, and the Kremlin was losing some of its control over certain regions and elements in the Soviet Union. In November 1988, the Estonian Soviet Socialist Republic issued a declaration of sovereignty, which would eventually lead to other states making similar declarations of autonomy. The Chernobyl disaster in April 1986 had major political and social effects that catalyzed or at least partially caused the revolutions of 1989. One political result of the disaster was the greatly increased significance of the new Soviet policy of glasnost.

The trip, a first cultural exchange under the new policies of Glasnost and Perestroika, was co-sponsored by Gosteleradio (the Soviet State media organization), and the major coal mining operation in the Dunbas Region of the Ukraine. Ludden created "Romantic Etudes" for the company, as well as parts of a proposed larger work "Za Rhythma Djaza"; a solo danced by Vadim Pisarev called "East Saint Louis Toodaloo" and a group piece for the male dancers called "Caravans". One of the company's best known dancers is Vadim Pisarev, a winner of many international competitions, and the current Artistic Director of the company. Many other prominent Ukrainian dancers have been members of Donetsk Ballet, including Tamara Logunova, Valentin Zemllyanskiy, Nikolay Momot, Galina Kirilina, Stephanie Godino, Inna Dorofeyeva, and Iana Salenko.

"I cannot quite give Twilight Struggle an unqualified recommendation, and yet I consider it one of the best games I've played in the last few years." Rating the game 93%, Armchair General reviewer Kaarin Engelmann pointed out that "One of its strengths is that few other games deal with the subject, yet it is not important to remember pre- Glasnost years to enjoy the game." Game designer Zev Shlasinger commented: "Twilight Struggle gives you a compact history lesson about the Cold War ... Coupled with that is the game's accessibility and the design's cleverness, all of which make Twilight Struggle stand out among the crowd of recent political wargame releases." Users voted Twilight Struggle the highest-ranked game on BoardGameGeek from December 2010 until it was unseated by Pandemic Legacy in January 2016.

Zalygin also wrote literary-critical works. The most significant of these are about A. P. Chekhov (Moi poet (My Poet), 1969) and A. Platonov (Skazki realista i realism skazochnika (Tales of a Realist and Realism of a Storyteller), 1970). In 1986, Zalygin became editor-in-chief of the Novy Mir monthly, which, under him, began to play an important role in Mikhail Gorbachev’s politics of glasnost’. In the first issue of Novy Mir of 1987, Platonov’s The Foundation Pit and D. Granin’s Bison were published. Doctor Zhivago by Boris Pasternak (prepared and commented by V. Borisov and E. Pasternak), 1984 by George Orwell, The Gulag Archipelago, as well as other works of Alexander Solzhenitsyn were published on the pages of Novy Mir for the first time in the USSR.

He also released an EP during this year titled "Between the Wars", which connected struggles of class solidarity to the present issue. This single was his most successful up until this point, reaching number 15 on the charts. The following year, after playing a short Labour Party-sponsored Jobs For Youth tour, he joined other like-minded activists in the public eye to form the musicians' alliance Red Wedge, which promoted Labour's cause – and in turn lobbied the party on youth issues – in the run-up to the 1987 general election, with a national tour in 1986 alongside The Style Council, Jerry Dammers and The Communards. Bragg travelled twice to the Soviet Union in 1986, the year Mikhail Gorbachev started to promote the policies of perestroika and glasnost.

In the 1980s, Lowe edited two anthologies of peace plays for Methuen. The first volume was of plays by British playwrights, including Deborah Levy, Adrian Mitchell, and Lowe himself (Keeping Body and Soul Together). It was published in 1985 during a period of increased tension towards the end of the Cold War, and Lowe's introduction quoted from Gabriel Garcia Marquez's Nobel acceptance speech, "we, the inventors of tales, who will believe anything, feel entitled to believe that it is not yet too late to engage in the creation of a utopia of a very different kind."Introduction to Peace Plays volume 1, edited by Stephen Lowe; Methuen, London, 1985; p vii The second volume, published in 1990, came out of the new era of glasnost and a thaw in relations between the two superpowers.

Mikhail Gorbachev in one-to-one discussions with US President Ronald Reagan From 1985 onwards, the last Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev, who sought to enact liberal reforms in the Soviet system, introduced the policies of glasnost (openness) and perestroika (restructuring) in an attempt to end the period of economic stagnation and to democratise the government. This, however, led to the rise of strong nationalist and separatist movements. Prior to 1991, the Soviet economy was the second largest in the world, but during its last years it was afflicted by shortages of goods in grocery stores, huge budget deficits, and explosive growth in the money supply leading to inflation. By 1991, economic and political turmoil began to boil over, as the Baltic states chose to secede from the Soviet Union.

However, the valley has only really become the focus of public attention in the last 17 years, with a number of expeditions, as well as national and international publications, dedicated to the Yaghnob Valley. In 1990, after the Glasnost reforms, it became possible for the Tajik Cultural Fund to organize expeditions and the historian Oleg Panfilov published articles on the valley. The subsequent period of Civil war in Tajikistan put further field research by international researchers on hold, though some Russian scientists were still able to continue their research. In the early 90s, the Mountain Geo-system Research Lab of the Institute of Geography at the Russian Academy of Science, with support from the private sector, the Soros Foundation and the Tajik Social and Ecological Union, was actively engaged in field research in the valley.

A woman practising Janusirsasana in a Moscow park, 2010 Yoga has become increasingly popular in Russia since the 1980s, particularly in major cities, mainly due to its reputation for health benefits. B. K. S. Iyengar twice visited the country, leading to the establishment of some fifty Iyengar Yoga studios, the best-known of them in the Old Arbat district of Moscow. 2nd International Yoga Day, Vladivostok, 2016 In 1991, the managing editor of Yoga Journal, Linda Cogozzo, noted that Mikhail Gorbachev's glasnost had allowed yoga to be practised openly. She recorded that in 1986 Arkadiy Greenblatt had been put in prison for three years for teaching yoga, but in 1990 an American delegation, including such luminaries as Judith Lasater, Amrit Desai and Lilias Folan, had been allowed to visit Russia and share knowledge of yoga.

KGB Regulation seen in the Museum of Occupations and Freedom Fights in Vilnius Mindful of ambitious spy chiefs—and after deposing Premier Nikita Khrushchev—Secretary Leonid Brezhnev and the CPSU knew to manage the next over-ambitious KGB Chairman, Aleksandr Shelepin (1958–61), who facilitated Brezhnev's palace coup d'état against Khrushchev in 1964 (despite Shelepin not then being in the KGB). With political reassignments, Shelepin protégé Vladimir Semichastny (1961–67) was sacked as KGB Chairman, and Shelepin himself was demoted from chairman of the Committee of Party and State Control to Trade Union Council chairman. In the 1980s, the glasnost liberalisation of Soviet society provoked KGB Chairman Vladimir Kryuchkov (1988–91) to lead the August 1991 Soviet coup d'état attempt to depose President Mikhail Gorbachev. The thwarted coup d'état ended the KGB on 6 November 1991.

However, any game that is part of the post season is considered a bowl game, even if it is not a formal bowl game, such as all- star games. The Super Bowl, the NFL's championship game, started as a "world championship" between the champions of the rival American Football League and NFL in the same way many college bowl games bring together the champions of different college conferences. There have also been pre-season and regular- season games carrying the "bowl" title, including the Mirage Bowl and the Glasnost Bowl. The Heidi Bowl, so named after the fact, was a 1968 regular- season game between the Oakland Raiders and the New York Jets whose NBC telecast was interrupted with 61 seconds left to play so that the network could broadcast the movie Heidi as contracted with their advertiser.

Herne Bay Times 30 April 1987: "Grange Hill star proves a big hit at youngsters' disco" In 1988 Jupiter Brass gave a concert at Herne Bay Music Club's 10th birthday.Herne Bay Times 10 June 1988: "Brassy birthday is fine feast of sound" In April 1989 The Soviet National Folk Dance Ensemble of twenty dancers and nine musicians, on their first visit outside Soviet Russia, stayed with families locally and performed at the Hall.Herne Bay Times 13 April 1989: "Russian dancers put on polished show for friendship tour: Kalinka's happy slice of glasnost" The Hall hosted a keyboard and organ festival in aid of charity in 1989.Herne Bay Times 27 July 1989: "Organ festival strikes the right note" In April, May and June 1999, 691 Promotions operated monthly raves with police approval from 11.45pm until 7.45am.

The Argumenty i Fakty articles prompted a response from Pravda observer Viktor Kozhemyaka in the form of an article titled Fifty years after her death Zoya is tortured and executed again.Viktor Kozhemyaka. Fifty years after her death Zoya is tortured and executed again Pravda November 29, 1991 Ten years later, Kozhemyaka wrote another article Zoya is executed yet again,Viktor Kozhemyaka Zoya is executed yet again Pravda, November 29 and November 30, 2001 in which he lamented some "absurd material" on Internet discussion forums, which alleged that Zoya had hurt Russian peasants rather than German troops, that she suffered from schizophrenia, and that she was a fanatical Stalinist. In 1997, the newspaper Glasnost published the previously unknown protocols of the official commission of residents of Petrishchevo village and Gribtsovsky selsoviet from January 25, 1942 (two months after Zoya's execution).

Named after Georgian national hero Ilia Chavchavadze the group was established in October 1987 in the wake of a series of amnesties for dissidents that April as part of the Glasnost scheme.Svante Cornell, Small Nations and Great Powers: A Study of Ethnopolitical Conflict in the Caucasus, Routledge, 2005, p. 147 The group was initially made up of intellectuals and included members of various political viewpoints whose only common factor was their opposition to the Soviet Union. It was an underground intellectual group and was not a popular movement.Huseyn Aliyev, Post-Communist Civil Society and the Soviet Legacy: Challenges of Democratisation and Reform in the Caucasus, Springer, 2015, p. 82 It advocated the devolution of power within the Soviet Union to the existing republics and the transformation into a federation, with economic and political power largely handed over to the fifteen republics.

An East German postal stamp celebrating the 20th anniversary of the organization's founding Flag of Society for German–Soviet Friendship The Society for German–Soviet Friendship (in German, Gesellschaft für Deutsch- Sowjetische Freundschaft/DSF) was an East German organization set up to encourage closer co-operation between the German Democratic Republic and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. It was founded from the Society for the Studies of Soviet Culture to teach about Russian culture to Germans unfamiliar with it. It quickly turned into a propaganda tool and eventually changed its name. Due to the immense popularity of Mikhail Gorbachev with ordinary East Germans disillusioned with their own hardline Communist leaders, the DSF's membership grew massively in the last years of the regime which many interpret as a sign of support of Gorbachev's glasnost and perestroika by the East German people.

This was a seminal work, as it focused on the Soviet viewpoint and way of thinking, based on extensive analysis of Russian sources of information; whereas Soviet policy was usually analysed in terms of Western interests and vulnerabilities. It was published in January 1987, the same month as Gorbachev's speech to the Communist Party (CPSU) Plenum pushing glasnost and perestroika. The book traces the causes of this monumental reorientation of Soviet policy back to the bankruptcy of established Soviet policies, autonomous new rethinking, and concern about the danger of war, explaining the influence of military requirements on Soviet foreign policy. In January 1991, a year after the Berlin Wall came down, Brookings published MccGwire's follow-up book Perestroika and Soviet National Security, in which he was able to explain what led to perestroika and the resulting implications for future relations with Russia.

" However, in a 2010 interview, Meyer said that this telegram was a myth, and that the sentiment stemmed from a friend's letter to Meyer; he suggested the story had origins in editing notes received from the White House during the production, which "...may have been a joke, but it wouldn't surprise me, him being an old Hollywood guy." The film also had impact outside the U.S. In 1987, during the era of Mikhail Gorbachev's glasnost and perestroika reforms, the film was shown on Soviet television. Four years earlier, Georgia Rep. Elliott Levitas and 91 co- sponsors introduced a resolution in the U.S. House of Representatives "[expressing] the sense of the Congress that the American Broadcasting Company, the Department of State, and the U.S. Information Agency should work to have the television movie The Day After aired to the Soviet public.""thomas.loc.

The existence of two types of ideologies explains why in most societies there are two channels of information, one for the public and one for "the inner circle." Shlapentokh considers the Soviet public and party ideologies as complex and relatively flexible structures with distinct trends flowing through them, which consequently explains why, with each new leader, ideologies have tended to change substantially (see: Soviet Ideologies in the Period of Glasnost 1988). Shlapentokh also discusses another mechanism of adaptation to the dominant ideology which he labels as "'values for me and values for others," which was initially published in the article "The Study of Values as a Social Phenomenon: the Soviet Case" (Social Forces 1982). In this theory, Shlapentokh claims that many people in various societies, which seemingly subscribe to the strong beliefs of the dominant ideology, actually expect others, but not themselves, to behave according to them.

Among others, the collection content works of Bachtschanjan Vagritsch, Jankilevskij Wladimir, Rabin Oskar, Batschurin Ewganij, Kabakov Ilja, Schablavin Sergei, Belenok Piotr, Krasnopevcev Dimitrij, Schdanov Alexander, Igor Novikov, Bitt Galina, Kropivnitzkaja Walentina, Schemjakin Michail, Bobrowskaja Olga, Kropivnitzkij Lew,Schwarzman Michail, Borisov Leonid, Kropiwnizkij Jewgenij, Sidur Vadim, Bruskin Grischa, Kulakov Michail, Sitnikov Wasili, and many others. By the 1980s, Mikhail Gorbachev's policies of Perestroika and Glasnost made it virtually impossible for the authorities to place restrictions on artists or their freedom of expression. With the collapse of the Soviet Union, the new market economy enabled the development of a gallery system, which meant that artists no longer had to be employed by the state, and could create work according to their own tastes, as well as the tastes of their private patrons. Consequently, after around 1986 the phenomenon of Nonconformist Art in the Soviet Union ceased to exist.

During the last years of the 1980s, the political landscape of the Soviet Union was changing due to Mikhail Gorbachev's policies of perestroika and glasnost, which allowed political pluralism at the regional (republican) level. In the Moldavian SSR, as in many other parts of the Soviet Union, national movements became the leading political force. As these movements exhibited increasingly nationalist sentiments and expressed intent to leave the USSR in favor of uniting with Romania, they encountered growing opposition from among the primarily Russian-speaking ethnic minorities living in the republic.Hare, Ishaq, Batt, p. 369-370. This opposition to the new trends and potential future policies was manifested in a more visible way in Transnistria, where, unlike the rest of the MSSR, ethnic Moldovans (39.9%) were outnumbered by the combined figure of Russians and Ukrainians (53.8%) as per the 1989 Census in Transnistria, largely due to higher immigration during the Soviet Era.

His "adult" works were not published during his lifetime with the sole exception of two early poems. His notebooks were saved from destruction in the war by loyal friends and hidden until the 1960s, when his children's writing became widely published and scholars began the job of recovering his manuscripts and publishing them in the west and in samizdat. N. Zabolotsky's caricature of Kharms His reputation in the 20th century in Russia was largely based on his popular work for children. His other writings (a vast assortment of stories, miniatures, plays, poems, and pseudo-scientific, philosophical investigations) were virtually unknown until the 1970s, and not published officially in Russia until "glasnost" Kharms' stories are typically brief vignettes (see also short prose and feuilleton) often only a few paragraphs long, in which scenes of poverty and deprivation alternate with fantastic, dreamlike occurrences and acerbic comedy.

Various factors led to Pinochet's decision to resume this procedure, including the situation in the Soviet Union, where Mikhail Gorbachev had initiated the glasnost and the perestroika democratic reforms. Those reforms led to the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and to the official end of the Cold War, which was an important factor. The Cold War had important consequences in South America, considered by the United States to be a full part of the Western Bloc, in contrast with the Eastern Bloc, a division born with the end of World War II and the Yalta Conference. Following the 1959 Cuban Revolution and the local implementation in several countries of Che Guevara's foco theory, the US waged a war in South America against the "Communists subversives," leading to support in Chile of the right-wing, which would culminate with the coup of 1973 in Chile.

In 1980, the political scientist Robert M. Cutler published an article "Soviet Dissent under Khrushchev" that concluded that the following events were likely: (1) that in the generational turnover of elites after Brezhnev died (which began when he died in 1982), the Soviet regime would seek to increase public participation (which began in 1985 via glasnost, after two more top gerontocrats had died); (2) that the Communist Party's rule would be challenged in Central Asia (which occurred in the 1986 rioting in Kazakhstan before the Baltic republics erupted); and (3) that Party leaders at the local level would go their own way if the Party did not give them a reason to remain loyal to the Moscow center (which occurred in all republics in the late 1980s, but most dramatically when the new RCP and the RSFSR sapped some of the power of the CPSU and the USSR in 1990–1991).

After receiving a BA in English with a minor in photography at the State University of New York at Albany in 1984, Benson worked as a news assistant and occasional contributor to The New York Times, but he left the paper after two years to pursue a career as a freelance journalist. In 1986, he began a series of articles for Rolling Stone covering the opening of the Soviet underground rock music scene during the so-called glasnost ("openness") period, which were published either with his own photographs or with images by noted rock photographer Anton Corbijn. Also in the mid-1980s, he wrote an hour-long documentary for MTV on Russian rock titled Tell Tchaikovsky the News. During this period, Benson worked occasionally as a photojournalist for the Reuters news agency’s Moscow bureau, landing front page shots in The International Herald Tribune among other publications.

The Soviet public used to know very little about their country's special forces until many state secrets were disclosed under the glasnost ("openness") policy of Mikhail Gorbachev during the late 1980s. Since then, stories about spetsnaz and their purportedly incredible prowess, from the serious to the highly questionable, have captivated the imagination of patriotic Russians, particularly in the midst of the post-Soviet era decay in military and security forces during the era of perestroika championed by Mikhail Gorbachev and continued under Boris Yeltsin. A number of books about the Soviet military intelligence special forces, such as 1987's Spetsnaz: The Story Behind the Soviet SAS by defected GRU agent Viktor Suvorov, helped introduce the term to the Western public. In Aquarium,Aquarium (), 1985, Hamish Hamilton Ltd, a book published by Viktor Suvorov after defecting to the west, he alleges that the Spetsnaz used condemned criminals from the Gulag system (even other condemned secret operatives) as "dolls" and "gladiators" for to-the-death combat training.

Following the discovery of intelligent life on Minerva, both superpowers engaged energetically on efforts to launch a manned spacecraft there. This evidently had an effect of exacerbating tensions on Earth, with American and Soviet planes engaging three times in direct aerial combat over Beirut – presumably drawn, after the Israeli Invasion of Lebanon in 1982, into a far deeper involvement than in our history. An escalation into all-out nuclear war was avoided only with difficulty, and though things have calmed down a bit by 1989 when the plot takes place, the Cold War is still very much on, and the Soviet Union is still very much a dictatorship keeping its citizens (even cosmonauts millions of miles from home) on a short leash. Mikhail Gorbachev had led for only nine months, and barely got started on Glasnost, before dying from a stroke (though there are rumors of a secret assassination, which Soviet characters prudently avoid discussing too loudly).

The first widespread and organised resistance to conscription policy began in the 1980's due to the growing public awareness of the harsh conditions faced by conscripted soldiers, as well as the loosening of government restrictions on things such as public organisations and freedom of speech under the Perestroika and Glasnost reforms. Within the armed forces resistance grew in the form of organised ethnic and nationality groups in order to protect each other from abuse and call attention to the treatment suffered by conscripts. In October 1989 a group of junior officers formed the Union for the Social Protection of Servicemen and their Families which publicised conscripts stories and conducted protests against government handling of the conscription policy. Outside of the armed forces, the most prolific public group which spoke out against conscription was the Committee of Soldiers Mothers, later changed to the Union of the Committees of Soldiers' Mothers of Russia in 1998.

Joseph Stalin in March 1946 stated that Soviet war losses were 7 million dead. This was to be the official figure until the Khrushchev era. In November 1961 Nikita Khrushchev stated that Soviet war losses were 20 million; this was to be the official figure until the Gorbachev era of Glasnost. Leonid Brezhnev in 1965 put the Soviet death toll in the war at "more than 20 million" Ivan Konev in a May 1965 Soviet Ministry of Defense press conference stated that Soviet military dead in World War II were 10 million. In 1971 the Soviet demographer Boris Urlanis put losses at 20 million including 6,074,000 civilians and 3,912,000 prisoners of war killed by Nazi Germany, military dead were put at 10 million. Documents from the Extraordinary State Commission prepared in March 1946 not but published until the 1990s listed 6,074,857 civilians killed, 3,912,283 prisoner of war dead, 3,999,796 deaths during German forced labor and 641,803 civilian famine deaths during Siege of Leningrad.

The grassroots democracy movement that forced the dismissal of longtime East German leader Erich Honecker in 1989 also empowered a younger generation of reform politicians in East Germany's ruling Socialist Unity Party who looked to Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev's glasnost and perestroika as their model for political change.Mary Elise Sarotte, Collapse: The Accidental Opening of the Berlin Wall, New York: Basic Books, 2014 Reformers like authors Stefan Heym and Christa Wolf and attorney Gregor Gysi, lawyer of dissidents like Robert Havemann and Rudolf Bahro, soon began to re-invent a party infamous for its rigid Marxist–Leninist orthodoxy and police-state methods. The reformers had mostly kept their own counsel under Honecker. However, after the SED was forced to give up its monopoly of power in December, the reformers quickly took over the party. By the time of a special party conference on 16 December 1989, it was obvious that the SED was no longer a Marxist-Leninist party.

Victory Day celebrations in the Moldavian SSR in 1980 Although Brezhnev and other CPM first secretaries were largely successful in suppressing Moldavian nationalism, Mikhail Gorbachev's administration facilitated the revival of the movement in the region. His policies of glasnost and perestroika created conditions in which national feelings could be openly expressed and in which the Soviet republics could consider reforms independently from the central government. The Moldavian SSR's drive towards independence from the USSR was marked by civil strife as conservative activists in the east —especially in Tiraspol—as well as communist party activists in Chișinău worked to keep the Moldavian SSR within the Soviet Union. The main success of the national movement from 1988 to 1989 was the official adoption of the Moldavian language on 31 August 1989, by the Supreme Soviet of Moldova, the declaration in the preamble of the declaration of independence of a Moldavian–Romanian linguistic unity, and the return of the language to the pre-Soviet Latin alphabet.

Gorbachev reinvigorated the party ideology, adding new concepts and updating older ones. Positive consequences of this included the allowance of "pluralism of thought" and a call for the establishment of "socialist pluralism" (literally, socialist democracy). Gorbachev introduced a policy of glasnost (, meaning openness or transparency) in 1986, which led to a wave of unintended democratization. According to the British researcher of Russian affairs, Archie Brown, the democratization of the Soviet Union brought mixed blessings to Gorbachev; it helped him to weaken his conservative opponents within the party but brought out accumulated grievances which had been suppressed during the previous decades. Mikhail Gorbachev, the last leader of the CPSU and the Soviet Union, as seen in 1986 In reaction to these changes, a conservative movement gained momentum in 1987 in response to Boris Yeltsin's dismissal as First Secretary of the CPSU Moscow City Committee. On 13 March 1988, Nina Andreyeva, a university lecturer, wrote an article titled "I Cannot Forsake My Principles".

After Stalin died and once the ensuing power struggle subsided, a period of de-Stalinization developed, as Soviets debated what Marxism–Leninism would be in the absence of its de facto enforced equivalence with Stalinism. During the Khrushchev Thaw, the answer that emerged was that it would continue to involve central planning to the nearly complete exclusion of market mechanisms, as well as the totalitarian version of collectivism and continuing xenophobia, but that it would no longer involve the extreme degree of state terror seen during the Great Purge era. This ideological viewpoint maintained the secular apotheosis of Lenin, treating the terror aspect of Stalinism as a perversion that had been belatedly corrected, rather than admitting that Lenin himself had built a legacy of state terror. This storyline persisted into the Gorbachev era and even mostly survived glasnost, being definitively debunked only after the dissolution of the union and still not rejected even today by many people.

By the time, in November 1989, that the wall was breached by street protestors and it became clear that watching Soviet troops had received no instructions to preserve or restore the old political status quo, the German Democratic Republic faced more than mere financial bankruptcy. In the context of the dismal personal chemistry between Mikhail Gorbachev and Erich Honecker, and confronted by the winds of Glasnost blowing from, of all places, Moscow, the East German leadership experienced a rapid collapse in self-confidence which was reflected in the dissolution from within of the repressive apparatus that had been constructed over forty years by the Ministry for State Security. The ruling Socialist Unity Party (SED) hastily rebranded itself for a more democratic future as the Party of Democratic Socialism (PDS). (Re-engineering the party's inner soul would take a little longer.) SED loyalists, including Gerhard Riege, unhesitatingly signed their party membership over to the PDS.

In 1998, his original screenplay Touch And Go, a BBC Screen Two film, directed by Tim Fywell, achieved the highest viewing figures for a BBC 2 drama that year. Between 1999 and 2002, he wrote nine episodes for the first four series of Bad Girls. Projects of note which remain unproduced include The Unyellow Years (1987) for St Pancras Films, tracing Vincent van Gogh’s early career in the Netherlands; The Glasnost Special (1990), a comedy for Skreba Films; White Lies (1990), a four-part thriller for Sleeping Partners (Paul Greengrass & Andy Harries) and Channel 4, set in Antarctica; Going Critical (1993), for the Royal Shakespeare Company, then under the tenure of Adrian Noble; Hell To Pay (1995) a rehearsed reading at the Vaudeville Theatre in association with Michael Codron; Spring And Port Wine (2001), a pilot for a ten-part series based on the Bill Naughton play for Carlton TV (Charles Elton and Jonathan Powell); and The Master Cut (2005), a play about the music business.

East German construction workers building the Berlin Wall, 1961-11-20. Those trying to cross the so-called death strip on the eastern side could be shot. Loshitzky depicts the role of the Berlin Wall as a symbol of the Cold War, détente, and the collapse of the Communist regimes in Eastern Europe. She divides the history of the Wall into six major stages: the erection of the Wall (1961); the period of the "geography of fear" from the Cold War; the period of détente; the short period of glasnost and perestroika; the fall of the Wall (1989); and after the Wall.Yosefa Loshitzky, "Constructing and deconstructing the wall," Clio (1997) 26#3 pp 275-296 On August 13, 1961 the Communist East German government started to build a wall, physically separating West Berlin from East Berlin and the rest of East Germany, as a response to massive numbers of East German citizens fleeing into West Berlin as a way to escape.

Rally in support of arrested photographer Denis Sinyakov One of the jailed people is the award- winning Russian photographer Denis Sinyakov, whose jailing led to protests by the Russian Union of Journalists and the international group Reporters Without Borders. According to Alexei Simonov, head of Glasnost Defense Foundation, a Moscow-based rights group, Sinyakov was only covering the actions of Greenpeace activists in the Barents Sea and has nothing to do with the group's agenda, saying: "The authorities violated all norms and laws by keeping Sinyakov in prison ... I must say it again and again that Russian justice system is designed by the Kremlin not to look for real culprits to be punished but to punish and scare those who don't suit the authorities."Loiko, Sergei L. "Greenpeace activists, Moscow photographer placed under arrest", Los Angeles Times, 26 September 2013. Sinyakov posted on his Facebook account an image of a hooded Russian coast guardsman pointing a handgun at the boat.

Mikhail Gorbachev in 1985 before the onset of perestroika and glasnost The new Russian Federation was forced into a market economy after decades of suppression and an entirely state-run economy. The new Russian state government did not have experience with democracy and could not smoothly transition to a democracy and market economy at the same time. Laws for this new type of state were not in place and when the government tried to enact some, they proved to be very hard to enforce as the population also did not yet understand how democracy and a market economy functioned. The chaos and fear that now plagued the Russian state opened the doors to a large increase in crime. Vladimir Volkov, an Associate Professor of Sociology at the European University at St. Petersburg, cites some useful statistical data showing the immense upward trend of crime in the new Russian state, "... in 1986 the militia registered 1,122 cases of extortion in Russia, in 1989 the number jumped to 4,621".

The lyrics celebrate glasnost in the Soviet Union, the end of the Cold War, and speak of hope at a time when tense conditions had arisen due to the fall of Communist-run governments among Eastern Bloc nations beginning in 1989.Bienstalk, Richard Scorpions' 'Wind of Change': The Oral History of 1990's Epic Power Ballad Rolling Stone. September 4, 2015 The Scorpions were inspired to write the song after performing at the Moscow Music Peace Festival in August 1989, and the opening lines refer to the city's landmarks: > I follow the Moskva Down to Gorky Park Listening to the wind of change The Moskva is the name of the river that runs through Moscow (both the city and the river are named identically in Russian), and Gorky Park is an urban park in Moscow named after the writer Maxim Gorky. The song also contains a reference to the balalaika, which is a Russian stringed instrument somewhat like a guitar.

He was one of the first to study the processes of privatization during the post- Stalin era (see: Public and Private Life of the Soviet People 1989; Soviet Ideologies in the Period of Glasnost 1988). Among the private institutions of Soviet society, Shlapentokh paid special attention to friendship as somewhat of an antidote to the might of the Soviet state. In his book Love, Marriage, and Friendship in the Soviet Union (1984) as well as in his memoirs, An Autobiographical Narration of the Role of Fear and Friendship in the Soviet Union (2004), Shlapentokh showed how important friendship was to the everyday life of the Soviet people due to the affordances that it offered through its social network and social capital. In a book written in collaboration with historian Mikhail Loiberg and economist Roman Levita, The Province Versus the Center in Russia: From Submission to Rebellion (1997), Shlapentokh analyzes the evolution of the feudal structure in Soviet society during the civil war and the Perestroika era when feudal tendencies were particularly strong.

The name of the Mir space station – , literally Peace or World – was to signify the intentions of the Soviet Union to bring peace to the world. However, it was during the time of Mir that the Soviet Union was dissolved in December 1991, ending what was begun with the 1917 October Revolution in Russia. This dissolution had started with the Soviet "perestroika and glasnost" ("restructuring and openness") reform campaigns by Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev in the 1980s, had reached a preliminary endpoint with the revolutions of 1989 and the end of the communist Eastern Bloc (Warsaw Pact and the Comecon), finally to reach the Soviet Union itself in 1991. While the Russian Federation became the successor to much of the dissolved Soviet Union and was in a position to continue the Soviet space program with the Russian Federal Space Agency, it faced severe difficulties: imports and exports had steeply declined as the economic exchange with Comecon nations had crumbled away, leaving the industry of the former Soviet Union in shambles.

The Soviet of Nationalities (, Sovyet Natsionalnostey; ; ; ; ; ; ) was the upper chamber of the Supreme Soviet of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, elected on the basis of universal, equal and direct suffrage by secret ballot in accordance with the principles of Soviet democracy. Until Glasnost and the 1989 elections, however, only candidates approved by the Communist Party of the Soviet Union were permitted to participate in the elections. It was briefly succeeded by the Soviet of the Republics from October to December of 1991. As opposed to the Soviet of the Union, the Soviet of Nationalities was composed of the nationalities of the Soviet Union, which in turn followed administrative division rather than being a representation of ethnic groups. The Soviet of the Nationalities was formed on the basis of equal representation of all the Republics of the Soviet Union (32 deputies from each republic, excluding other autonomous units inside that republic which sent in separate members), autonomous republics (11 deputies from each republic), autonomous oblasts (five deputies from each oblast), and national districts (one deputy from each district).

The numerous versions, including the obscene, reflect the enthusiasm with which it was first adopted as a British Army marching-song, then as a popular song of defiance against Adolf Hitler's Nazi-German regime in the other branches of the British armed forces, and amongst British civilians, from 1940 onwards. In the words of Greg Kelley, In a book authored by Ron Rosenbaum, it suggested that the pre-Glasnost Soviet descriptions of what remained of Hitler's corpse reported his monorchism (having only one functional testicle) at the suggestion of Guy Burgess and/or Kim Philby, as part of their making a joke, based on this song, that they could expect the British population and secret services, if not those of the US or USSR, would get. A book published in 2015 asserts, on evidence from an enforced medical examination Hitler underwent in 1923, that he in fact had unilateral cryptorchism, that is he suffered from an undescended right testicle. The book also suggests he had hypospadias or micropenis brought about by low testosterone levels during gestation.

Most Georgian historians were not allowed to consult Spetskhran, special restricted access library collections and archival reserves that also covered the "unacceptable" events in Soviet history, particularly those that could be interpreted imperialist or contradicted a concept of a popular uprising against the Menshevik government. The 1980s wave of Mikhail Gorbachev's glasnost ("publicity") policy refuted an old Soviet version of the 1921–1924 events. The first Soviet historian, who attempted, in 1988, to revise the hitherto commonly accepted interpretation of the Soviet- Georgian war, was a notable Georgian scholar, Akaki Surguladze, ironically the same historian whose 1982 monograph described the alleged Georgian worker revolt as a truly historical event. Under strong public pressure, the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the Georgian SSR set up, on 2 June 1989, a special commission for investigation of legal aspects of the 1921 events. The commission came to the conclusionlargely based upon extensive studies conducted in the "Georgian Archive" of Houghton Library, Harvard University, which has been opened for researchers since September 1988.

Soviet General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev, who sought to end the Cold War between the Soviet-led Warsaw Pact and the United States-led NATO and other its other Western allies, in a meeting with President Ronald Reagan Social resistance to the policies of communist regimes in Eastern Europe accelerated in strength with the rise of the Solidarity, the first non-communist controlled trade union in the Warsaw Pact that was formed in the People's Republic of Poland in 1980. In 1985, Mikhail Gorbachev rose to power in the Soviet Union and began policies of radical political reform involving political liberalisation called perestroika and glasnost. Gorbachev's policies were designed at dismantling authoritarian elements of the state that were developed by Stalin, aiming for a return to a supposed ideal Leninist state that retained a one-party structure while allowing the democratic election of competing candidates within the party for political office. Gorbachev also aimed to seek détente with the West and end the Cold War that was no longer economically sustainable to be pursued by the Soviet Union.

The agreement between Raycom and Sovintersport had the Soviets keeping profits from their telecast, Raycom taking profits from the U.S. telecast and travel packages, and a split of the stadium gate (although tickets at the gate were planned for the equivalent of $1). Additionally, the two sides agreed to broadcast a five-minute instructional video to be shown on Soviet television during the months before the game: explaining the basic rules, positions, "When do you cheer at a football game?", and other basics. The participating teams were not immediately selected, and a number of major Division I-A college football programs took interest in taking part in the historic game, including Florida, University of Miami, Florida State,Dave Hyde, NCAA Considers 12th Football Game, Miami Herald, October 21, 1988. Penn State,Randall Mell, UM a Finalist for Glasnost Bowl, South Florida Sun- Sentinel, October 28, 1988. Alabama,Greg Cote, Punt Block by McDowell the Key Play, Miami Herald, October 30, 1988. Texas,Neal Farmer, Section: SPORTS, Houston Chronicle, November 5, 1988.

Red Army paratroops during the Black January tragedy in 1990 Following the politics of glasnost, initiated by Mikhail Gorbachev, civil unrest and ethnic strife grew in various regions of the Soviet Union, including Nagorno-Karabakh, an autonomous region of the Azerbaijan SSR. The disturbances in Azerbaijan, in response to Moscow's indifference to an already heated conflict, resulted in calls for independence and secession, which culminated in the Black January events in Baku. Later in 1990, the Supreme Council of the Azerbaijan SSR dropped the words "Soviet Socialist" from the title, adopted the "Declaration of Sovereignty of the Azerbaijan Republic" and restored the flag of the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic as the state flag. As a consequence of the failed coup which occurred in August in Moscow, on 18 October 1991, the Supreme Council of Azerbaijan adopted a Declaration of Independence which was affirmed by a nationwide referendum in December 1991, while the Soviet Union officially ceased to exist on 26 December 1991. The country now celebrates its Independence Day on 18 October.

Soviet General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev, who sought to end the Cold War between the Soviet-led Warsaw Pact and the United States-led NATO and other its other Western allies, in a meeting with President Ronald Reagan Social resistance to the policies of Marxist–Leninist regimes in Eastern Europe accelerated in strength with the rise of the Solidarity, the first non-Marxist–Leninist controlled trade union in the Warsaw Pact that was formed in the People's Republic of Poland in 1980. In 1985, Mikhail Gorbachev rose to power in the Soviet Union and began policies of radical political reform involving political liberalisation, called perestroika and glasnost. Gorbachev's policies were designed at dismantling authoritarian elements of the state that were developed by Stalin, aiming for a return to a supposed ideal Leninist state that retained one-party structure while allowing the democratic election of competing candidates within the party for political office. Gorbachev also aimed to seek détente with the West and end the Cold War that was no longer economically sustainable to be pursued by the Soviet Union.

Mikhail Khodorkovsky in 2001 Khodorkovsky with the President of Russia, Vladimir Putin, on 20 December 2002 Mikhail Borisovich Khodorkovsky (, ; born 26 June 1963) is an exiled Russian businessman, philanthropist and former oligarch,Profile: Mikhail Khodorkovsky, BBC News, 31 May 2005. now residing in London. In 2003, Khodorkovsky was believed to be the wealthiest man in Russia, with a fortune estimated to be worth $15 billion, and was ranked 16th on Forbes list of billionaires.List of Billionaires Swells From 17 to 25 He had worked his way up the Komsomol apparatus, during the Soviet years, and started several businesses during the period of glasnost and perestroika in the late 1980s. After the dissolution of the Soviet Union, in the mid-1990s, he accumulated considerable wealth by obtaining control of a number of Siberian oil fields unified under the name Yukos, one of the major companies to emerge from the privatization of state assets during the 1990s (a scheme known as "Loans for Shares"). In October 2003, he was arrested by Russian authorities and charged with fraud.

The inauguration of Ronald Reagan in 1981 meant a renewed support for right-wing authoritarian regimes in Latin America. In the 1980s, the situation progressively evolved in the world as in South America, despite a renewal of the Cold War from 1979 to 1985, the year during which Mikhail Gorbachev replaced Konstantin Chernenko as leader of the USSR, and began to implement the glasnost and the perestroika democratic-inspired reforms. South America saw various states returning progressively to democracy. This democratization of South America found a symbol in the OAS' adoption of Resolution 1080 in 1991, which requires the Secretary General to convene the Permanent Council within ten days of a coup d'état in any member country. However, at the same time, Washington started to aggressively pursue the "War on Drugs", which included the invasion of Panama in 1989 to overthrow Manuel Noriega, who had been a long-time ally of the US and had even worked for the CIA before his reign as leader of the country.

Starting in 1987, at the dawn of the glasnost era, InterCultura organized an exhibition titled "10 + 10: Contemporary Soviet and American Painters," the first exhibition of dissident or "non-official" art from the then-Soviet Union to be seen in US and Soviet museums. Following on this, in 1988 InterCultura negotiated the most extensive cultural exchange program ever signed between the then-Soviet Ministry of Culture and a private U.S. institution. Included was the most extensive exhibition presented in the US of the 19th century Russian group of painters called the Wanderers, titled "The Wanderers: Masters of 19th Century Russian Painting." The InterCultura US- Soviet exhibition exchange program survived the change from the Soviet Union to post-Soviet Russia, and the exchange concluded in 1993 with the most important exhibition of Medieval Russian art ever shown in the United States, a show of treasures from the Russian Museum in St. Petersburg titled "The Gates of Mystery," , which was also seen in the UK at the Victoria & Albert Museum.

The program was furthered at the 27th Congress of the Communist Party in Gorbachev's report to the congress, in which he spoke about "perestroika", "uskoreniye", "human factor", "glasnost", and "expansion of the khozraschyot" (commercialization). The acceleration was planned to be based on technical and scientific progress, revamping of heavy industry (in accordance with the Marxian economics postulate about the primacy in development of heavy industry over light industry), taking the "human factor" into account, and increasing the labour discipline and responsibility of apparatchiks. In practice it was implemented with the help of massive monetary emission infused into heavy industry, which further destabilised the economy and in particular brought an enormous disparity between actual cash money and virtual money used in cashless clearings (безналичный расчёт) between enterprises and state and among enterprises. The politics of mere "acceleration" eventually failed, which was de facto admitted in June 1987 at a Party Plenum, and the "uskoreniye" slogan was phased out in favor of the more ambitious "Perestroika" (restructuring of the whole economy).

By this time, seven years after receiving his doctorate, he had received his Habilitation for a piece of work on the postwar history of Leipzig University. Identified as a post-graduate student of significant promise, during 1982/83 he accepted the opportunity to study for a year at the Academy for Social Sciences run in Moscow by the Central Committee of the Soviet Communist Party. His lecturers in Moscow included the reformist historian Roy Medvedev who would emerge after 1991 as a leading proponent of Democratic socialism. Responding to an interviewer's question in 1990 Keller acknowledge that even as far back as 1982/83, when he was studying in Moscow, gentle breezes of what came to be known as Glasnost were already discernible in the Soviet capital, both one or two theatres and in some of the (little noticed by foreign observers) activities of Mikhail Gorbachev at the Agriculture Plenum of the Central Committee's Secretariat for Agriculture. After returning home, in April 1984 he moved from Leipzig to Berlin when he was appointed a deputy minister at the .

Peter Robinson, the White House wordsmith who drafted the address, said that the phrase "tear down this wall" was inspired by a conversation with Ingeborg Elz of West Berlin; in a conversation with Robinson, Elz remarked, "If this man Gorbachev is serious with his talk of Glasnost and perestroika he can prove it by getting rid of this wall." Despite Reagan urging Gorbachev to tear down the Berlin Wall, there are some such as Romesh Ratnesar of Time magazine, who commented that there is little evidence that the speech had any impact on the decision to tear down the wall, let alone an impact on the people he addressed. Another critic was Liam Hoare in a 2012 article in The Atlantic, who pointed to the many reasons for the tendency for American media to focus on the significance of this particular speech, without weighing the complexity of the events as they unfolded in both East and West Germany and the Soviet Union. Author James Mann disagreed with both critics like Hoare, who saw Reagan's speech as having no real effect, and those who praised the speech as key to shaking Soviet confidence.

On December 10, 1987, General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev hosted a dinner in honor of President and Mrs. Ronald Reagan at the Soviet Embassy in Washington D.C. On this occasion, Cleopatra was introduced to Foreign Minister Eduard Shevardnadze who, in the spirit of Glasnost (Openness) and Perestroika (Restructuring), took a vivid interest in her line of work and invited her and her husband to a series of fact finding visits to Moscow, Leningrad, Tbilisi, Tashkent, etc. Based on her experience in China the purpose was to assess the needs of the antiquated textile and garment factories and to introduce western merchandising and marketing strategies to the Russian Ministry of Light Industries and Textiles. Following numerous countrywide visits, she presented proposals for their modernization. In the late 1980s, as advisor to the project “Russia in the World of Fashion,” she conducted negotiations with the Ministry of Culture, the Director of the Hermitage Museum in St. Petersburg, and the Vice-Chairman of the Cultural Foundation of Russia, helping Russia to become a contender in international fashion.“Cleopatra for Moscow and New York” by Oleg Ivanov, First Editor in Chief, Sovietskaja Kultura Newspaper, Moscow, USSR (translation), August 22, 1988.

In some of its aspects, Vergangenheitsbewältigung can be compared to the attempts of other democratic countries to raise consciousness and come to terms with earlier periods of governmental and social abuses, such as the South African process of truth and reconciliation following the period of apartheid and suppression of African groups seeking political participation and freedom from white oppression. Some comparisons have been made with the Soviet process of glasnost, though this was less focused on the past than achieving a level of open criticism necessary for progressive reform to take place. (It generally assumed that the Communist Party monopoly on power would be maintained.) Since the late 20th century and the fall of the Soviet Union, the continuing efforts in nations of eastern Europe and the independent states of the former Soviet Union to reinterpret the communist past and its abuses is sometimes referred to as a post-socialist Vergangenheitsbewältigung. The history of Japan's involvement in war crimes during World War II is something the then-future Emperor Naruhito expressed his concerns about during February 2015, regarding how accurately such events are remembered in the 21st century.

It is also a story of a successful playwright, Usvatov, who leads a pampered life of the Soviet cultural elite. By becoming part of the corrupt apparatus of power, Usvatov has betrayed the values of his idealistic generation. During Mikhail Gorbachev’s reforms, Baklanov attained prominence as the editor of Znamya literary magazine. Under his editorship, the magazine’s circulation rose to 1 million copies. It published a number of previously suppressed works, such as Mikhail Bulgakov’s novella Heart of a Dog, Alexander Tvardovsky’s poem By Right of Memory, Vasily Grossman’s travel account An Armenian Sketchbook, Georgi Vladimov’s novel Faithful Ruslan, etc. Baklanov edited Znamya from 1986 to 1993. In July 1988, during Gorbachev’s 19th Party Conference, Baklanov addressed an audience of 5,000 delegates, predominantly Party and Soviet functionaries, whom he urged not to obstruct freedom of the press: “The one, who struggles today against glasnost, is only struggling to become enslaved.” The conference took place during the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Afghanistan. Baklanov referred to this war as a “political adventure” (it was then officially described as a Soviet international mission) and demanded to call those responsible to account.

Teigen's runner-up single was called Jeg gi'kke opp, meaning I don't give up, and his first album release the same year was just as self-ironic, as it was entitled This Year's Loser. Jahn Teigen returned to the Eurovision stage in 1982 in Harrogate, United Kingdom, where he sang Adieu in duet with Anita Skorgan (to whom he was married 1984-1988 and with whom he has a daughter) ending up at 12th place. In 1983, in Munich, Germany, he went solo again, with Anita Skorgan and three other women as backing vocals, with the melody Do re mi, composed together with Anita Skorgan, which gave him his best position, a respectable 9th place. He took part in the Norwegian national Eurovision final, called the Melodi Grand Prix, a record fourteen times: in 1974 (Hvor er du), 1975 (Kjærlighetens under), 1976 (Hastverk and Voodoo), 1978 (Mil etter mil), 1980 (Ja), 1982 (with Anita Skorgan Adieu), 1983 (Do Re Mi), 1988 (Glasnost), 1989 (Optimist), 1990 (Smil), 1993 (Jackpot), 1994 (Gi alt vi har), 1996 (as part of the duo To Tenorer with Ariel) and once again as late as in 2005 with My Heart Is My Home.

There were, however, under the umbrella of this general consensus, various opinions about the Moscow Patriarchate, ranging for those who held the extreme view that the Moscow Patriarchate had apostatized from the Church (those in the orbit of Holy Transfiguration Monastery being the most vocal advocates of this position), to those who considered them to be innocent sufferers at the hands of the Soviets, and all points in between. Advocates of the more extreme view of the Moscow Patriarchate became increasingly strident in the 1970s, at a time when ROCOR was increasingly isolating itself from much of the rest of the Orthodox Church due to concerns over the direction of Orthodox involvement in the Ecumenical Movement. Prior to the collapse of the Soviet Union, there wasn't a burning need to settle the question of what should be made of the status of the Moscow Patriarchate, although beginning in the mid-1980s (as the period of glasnost began in the Soviet Union, which culminated in the ultimate collapse of the Soviet government in 1991), these questions resulted in a number of schisms, and increasingly occupied the attention of those in ROCOR.

Though the term "Awakening" was introduced by the Young Latvians themselves, its application was influenced by the nationalist ideologue Ernests Blanks and later by the academician Jānis Stradiņš.Hundred Great Latvians Stradiņš was the first person to use the term "Third Awakening" (at the expanded plenum of the Writers' Union of the Latvian SSR in June 1988), opposing those who had begun to call the national revival in the period of glasnost the Second Awakening (the first being that of the Young Latvians). Blanks sought to distinguish between the New Current (in Latvian: Jaunā strāva) — a broad and radical socio-economic, political, and cultural movement that lasted from the late 1880s until the 1905 Revolution, led by Rainis and influenced by Marxism — from the more nationalistic direction taken in 1903 by Ernests Rolavs and Miķelis Valters; to Blanks, the 1890s "could be stricken completely from the history of national thought." He saw Rolavs' and Valters' nationalist Latvian Social Democratic Union (in Latvian: Sociāldemokratu savienība; sometimes abbreviated SDS) — a radical socialist group critical of the cosmopolitanism of the Latvian Social Democratic Workers' Party (Latvijas sociāldemokrātiskā strādnieku partija; LSDSP) — as the direct ideological descendants of the Young Latvians.

Under his command, the country adopted a programme of "consumer socialism" and moved towards the international community by normalizing relations with West Germany and also becoming a full member of the UN, in what is considered one of his greatest political successes. As Cold War tensions eased in the late 1980s with the advent of perestroika and glasnost—the liberal reforms introduced by Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev—Honecker refused all but cosmetic changes to the East German political system. He cited the continual hardliner attitudes of Kim Il-sung and Fidel Castro, whose respective regimes of North Korea and Cuba had been critical of reforms. As anticommunist protests grew, Honecker begged Gorbachev to intervene with the Soviet army to suppress the protests to maintain communistic rule in East Germany as Moscow had done with Czechoslovakia in the Prague Spring of 1968 and with the Hungarian Revolution of 1956, but Gorbachev refused. Honecker was forced to resign by his party in October 1989 in a bid to improve the government’s image in the eyes of the public. Honecker’s eighteen years at the helm of the German Democratic Republic came to an end.

The pogrom of Armenians in Baku was not a spontaneous and one-time event but was one among series of ethnic violence employed by the Azerbaijanis against the Armenian population during the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.Cox and Eibner. "Ethnic Cleansing in Progress: War in Nagorno Karabakh" Zurich: Institute for Religious Minorities in the Islamic World, 1993 .Walker J. Christopher (ed.) "Armenia and Karabakh: the struggle for unity". London: Minority Rights Group, 1991 In 1988 the Armenians of Nagorno-Karabakh, an ethnic Armenian enclave incorporated into the Soviet Azerbaijan, started voicing their demands for the unification of the enclave with Armenia. On February 20, 1988 the Soviet of People's Deputies in Karabakh voted to request the transfer of the region to Armenia. This process took place in the light of the new economic and political policies, Perestroika and Glasnost, introduced by the new General Secretary of the Soviet Union Mikhail Gorbachev who had come to power on March 10, 1985.Black garden: Armenia and Azerbaijan through peace and war Thomas De Waal This unprecedented action by a regional soviet brought out tens of thousands of demonstrations both in Stepanakert and Yerevan, but Moscow rejected the Armenians' demands labelling them as “nationalists” and “extremists”.

The original rhythm section of Ten Part Invention was Roger Frampton (piano) Steve Elphick (bass) and John Pochée (drums) and this trio also achieved considerable success as the stand-alone unit The Engine Room. They toured Russia in 1989, being the first Western band to tour there following Glasnost, and they played at various jazz venues during the 1980s and 1990s, sometimes working as a quartet when joined by top Australian jazz musicians such as Dale Barlow, Warwick Alder and Daryl Pratt and with international artists Lee Konitz, Steve Lacy, James Carter and Vincent Herring. John Pochée has also played, toured and recorded with many other high profile international jazz musicians including saxophonist Dewey Redman and pianists Barry Harris, Andrew Hill, Kirk Lightsey, Stan Tracey, Don Pullen as well as late guitarist Emily Remler. Over the years he has also worked prolifically as a freelance professional musician. He toured Australia and New Zealand with Shirley Bassey as her personal drummer in 1969 and 1970, and in the late 1970s and the 1980s was Musical Director for the successful show group The Four Kinsmen making 8 trips to the US with them, appearing on The Bob Hope Show and performing in Las Vegas.

White, p. 109 A Soviet journal commented in 1991 that Carr was "almost unknown to a broad Soviet readership", although all Soviet historians were aware of his work and most of them had considerable respect for Carr, but they had been unable to say so until Perestroika. Those Soviet historians who specialised in rebutting the "bourgeois falsifiers" as Western historians were so labelled in the Soviet Union attacked Carr for writing that Soviet countryside was in chaos after 1917, but they praised him as one of the "few bourgeois authors" who told the "truth" about Soviet economic achievements.White, pp. 109–110 Through right up until glasnost period, Carr was considered a "bourgeois falsifier" in the Soviet Union, but he was praised as a British historian who taken "certain steps" towards Marxism and whose History of Soviet Russia was described as "fairly objective" and "one of the most fundamental works in bourgeois Sovietology".White, p. 110 In a preface to the Soviet edition of The History of Soviet Russia in 1990, the Soviet historian Albert Nenarokov wrote that in his lifetime Carr had been "automatically been ranked with the falsifiers", but in fact The History of Soviet Russia was a "scrupulous, professionally conscientious work".White, p.

In the history of Czechoslovakia, normalization (, ) is a name commonly given to the period following the Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia in August 1968 and up to the glasnost era of liberalization that began in the Soviet Union and its neighboring nations in 1987. It was characterized by the restoration of the conditions prevailing before the Prague Spring reform period led by First Secretary Alexander Dubček of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (KSČ) earlier in 1968 and the subsequent preservation of the new status quo. Some historians date the period from the signing of the Moscow Protocol by Dubček and the other jailed Czechoslovak leaders on August 26, 1968,"'Normalization' (Normalizace)", in Historical Dictionary of the Czech State, by Rick Fawn and Jiří Hochman (Rowman & Littlefield, 2010) pp173-174 while others date it from the replacement of Dubček by Gustáv Husák on April 17, 1969, followed by the official normalization policies referred to as Husakism. The policy ended either with Husák's removal as leader of the Party on December 17, 1987, or with the beginning of the Velvet Revolution on November 17, 1989, which would see the resignation of the entire Communist Party leadership within a week and an end to Communist rule in Czechoslovakia.