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36 Sentences With "giving the vote"

How to use giving the vote in a sentence? Find typical usage patterns (collocations)/phrases/context for "giving the vote" and check conjugation/comparative form for "giving the vote". Mastering all the usages of "giving the vote" from sentence examples published by news publications.

Andrew Cuomo to go even further left and issue an executive order giving the vote universally to paroled felons.
In this method, voters can vote for their first choice without risking "giving the vote away" and unwittingly supporting the candidate they really do not want.
However, in 2015 Luxembourgers decisively rejected giving the vote to the 48 percent of the population who are foreigners, mostly from Portugal, France and other EU countries.
While Ukraine's current government firmly sides with Europe and the West, Ukrainian politics and politicians can have deep ties to Russia, giving the vote a deeper geopolitical significance.
There were some wins for fair elections in Tuesday night's results, most notably the victory of a Florida ballot initiative giving the vote for people with felony convictions.
One option would be giving the vote to Palestinians and making them full citizens of Israel, leading to an Arab demographic majority and thus ending Israel's status as a Jewish state.
They favored giving the vote to the educated middle class but generally opposed universal suffrage because they feared empowering workers would lead to "tyranny of the majority" and threats to their property and prerogatives.
Some experts say the restoration of voting rights in Kentucky and Florida was limited in scope because public support was weak for giving the vote to people who had committed violent crimes, even if they had completed their sentences.
But virtually every development in the two centuries since — giving the vote to African-Americans and women, switching to popular elections of senators and the establishment of the one-person-one-vote principle, to name a few — had moved the country in the opposite direction.
In the next few months we can create the biggest, most profound change to our system of government since the Bill of Rights, the 13th Amendment ending slavery, the 19th Amendment giving women the right to vote or the 2023th Amendment giving the vote to 18 year olds.
He returned to Newfoundland as assistant superintendent of Roman Catholic schools. MacDonnell married Stella Pieroway. After being elected in 1919, he was offered the position of Minister of Agriculture but declined and sat in opposition. During his time in the assembly, MacDonnell opposed giving the vote to women.
Later, he moved to Wentworth County in Upper Canada before finally settling in Warwick Township in Lambton County. He served on the township council for Warwick, serving as reeve for several years. He was also named a justice of the peace. He supported giving the vote to women.
He found the ventilation in the cells unsatisfactory and ordered that they be improved.Ridley, p. 410. Palmerston strongly opposed Lord John Russell's plans for giving the vote to sections of the urban working-classes. When the Cabinet agreed in December 1853 to introduce a bill during the next session of Parliament in the form which Russell wanted, Palmerston resigned.
In 1881, The Isle of Man (in the British Isles but not part of the United Kingdom) passed a law giving the vote to single and widowed women who passed a property qualification. This was to vote in elections for the House of Keys, in the Island's parliament, Tynwald. This was extended to universal suffrage for men and women in 1919.
Hicks was born in Colchester in 1853. She and her husband, Charles Hicks, lived at Great Holland Hall where her daughter Amy was born. She campaigned to support agricultural labourers who in the 19th century were denied the vote. The campaign had success when the Representation of the People Act 1884 became law giving the vote to male agricultural labourers.
Along with the 1885 Redistribution Act, this tripled the electorate again, giving the vote to most agricultural laborers. Only after 1884 did a majority of adult males have the vote. By this time, voting was becoming a right rather than the property of the privileged. However, women were not granted voting rights until the Act of 1918, which enfranchised all men over 21 and women over thirty.
Many suffrage groups did not work on reaching out to Native American women. Some white suffragists like Carrie Chapman Catt felt that white women should get the right to vote before Native women could get equal suffrage. Anna Howard Shaw also believed that Native Americans did not deserve to vote. She spoke out against giving the vote to Native people in South Dakota during the 1890s.
More generally, Searle (2004) argues that the British debate was essentially over by the 1890s, and that granting the suffrage in 1918 was mostly a byproduct of giving the vote to male soldiers. Women in Britain finally achieved suffrage on the same terms as men in 1928. The Sex Disqualification (Removal) Act 1919 received Royal Assent on 23 December 1919.Oliver & Boyd's new Edinburgh almanac and national repository for the year 1921.
He is, arguably, best remembered for his pro Catholic Relief stance and his exchanges with friend, Edmund Burke , on the issue. Sir Hercules introduced the landmark Catholic Relief Bill 1792. He seconded the 2nd Bill in 1793 which was passed as the Catholic Enfranchisement Act, giving the vote to all Catholic landowners of a certain value. Sir Hercules and his wife Sarah Myhill of Killarney had six children, three sons and three daughters.
Stewart played a prominent role in lobbying for the recall of governor Joseph Frederick Wallet DesBarres and his successor Charles Douglass Smith. He was named receiver general for quitrents again in 1828 and served until his death six years later. He was opposed to giving the vote to Roman Catholic islanders. Stewart was married three times: to Hannah Turner in 1780, to Mary Ann James in 1817 and to Mary Rain in 1832.
The New Zealand general election of 1890 was one of New Zealand's most significant.Atkinson, Neill (2003), Adventures in Democracy: A History of the Vote in New Zealand, p.81 It marked the beginning of party politics in New Zealand with the formation of the Liberal Government, which was to enact major welfare, labour and electoral reforms, including giving the vote to women. It was also the first election in which there was no legal plural voting.
By 1900, more than 1 million single women were registered to vote in local government elections in England. In 1881, the Isle of Man (in the British Isles but not part of the United Kingdom) passed a law giving the vote to single and widowed women who passed a property qualification. This was to vote in elections for the House of Keys, in the Island's parliament, Tynwald. This was extended to universal suffrage for men and women in 1919.
Some Northern states that had referendums on the subject limited the ability of their own small populations of blacks to vote. Lincoln had supported a middle position: to allow some black men to vote, especially U.S. Army veterans. Johnson also believed that such service should be rewarded with citizenship. Lincoln proposed giving the vote to "the very intelligent, and especially those who have fought gallantly in our ranks."William Gienapp, Abraham Lincoln and Civil War America (2002), p. 155.
Her fund raising for hospitals in France was so successful that she was asked to extend her money gathering across the country. She was involved with preparations for peace acting as an advisor to the Ministry for Reconstruction. Change she could see would include giving the vote to some women. All of the Chamberlain family had opposed this change and although Beatrice was involved in creating women's groups within the Unionist Party, she now accepted it as inevitable.
Delphine Aigle, French Resistance member in Romilly-sur-Seine, honoured with a plaque on her home after the end of the War. While the CNR neglected to mention giving the vote to women in its programme of renewal in March 1944, Charles de Gaulle signed the order declaring women's suffrage for French citizens in Algiers, on April 2, 1944. The emancipating role of the women in the French Resistance was thus recognized. There are few monuments honouring the actions of these women.
As a minority government, they had to accept radical amendments and Disraeli's Reform Act 1867 almost doubled the electorate, giving the vote even to working men. The Radicals, having been strenuous in their efforts on behalf of the working classes, earned a deeply loyal following—British trade unionists from 1874 until 1892, upon being elected to Parliament, never considered themselves to be anything other than Radicals and were labeled Lib-Lab candidates. Radical trade unionists formed the basis for what later became the Labour Party.
The new Agitators, who distrusted the King, demanded that England be settled from "the bottom up" rather than the "top down" by giving the vote to most adult males. The debates help to throw light on the areas on which supporters of the Parliamentarian side agreed and those on which they differed. For example, Ireton asked whether the phrase in the Agreement "according to the number of the inhabitants" gave a foreigner just arrived in England and resident in a property the right to vote.
He had expected to stop the bill in the upper house, but found that one more vote was needed. Thomas Kelly, a new Liberal Party councillor had left himself paired in favour of the measure, but Seddon obtained his consent by wire to change his vote. Seddon's manipulation so incensed two opposition councillors, William Reynolds and Edward Stevens that they changed sides and voted for the bill, which was passed by 20 votes to 18 so giving the vote to women.Women's Suffrage in New Zealand by Patricia Grimshaw, p 92.
He stood unsuccessfully for Parliament three times before getting elected. At the 1885 general election he was Liberal candidate in Epping; in 1886 he stood in Maldon and then in Kidderminster at the general election of 1900. After nursing the constituency for the next few years,Harford Montgomery Hyde, Baldwin; the Unexpected Prime Minister; Hart- Davis MacGibbon, 1973 p33 he was finally elected at Kidderminster in the Liberal landslide victory of 1906 where his Conservative opponent was the future prime minister Stanley Baldwin. He was a supporter of giving the vote to women.
The issue of electoral reform remained unresolved and led to another general strike in 1913 which achieved the promise of reform to the plural voting system. This was halted by the outbreak of World War I and subsequent German occupation. Plural voting was finally abolished in 1919 and universal suffrage, giving the vote to all Belgian women, was only introduced in 1948. The failure of the 1902 strike, followed by the failure of the later Revolution of 1905 in Russia, encouraged Social Democrats across Europe to reject the revolutionary ideology of Mikhail Bakunin.
This – and the reaction to the reforms of Joseph II – started what is known as the Reform Period (). But the Nobles still retained their privileges of paying no taxes and not giving the vote to the masses. The influential Hungarian politician Count István Széchenyi recognized the need to bring the country the advances of the more developed West European countries, such as England. It was a direct attack upon the constitution which, to use the words of István Széchenyi, first "startled the nation out of its sickly drowsiness".
In his newspaper column in the Penarth Times of 10 May 2010, Michael proposed giving the vote to 14-year-olds as a way of improving turn-out at UK elections. He said: "My first suggestion is to reduce the voting age to 14 – an age which I find young people far better informed and sensibly engaged than was the case in the past – so that everybody takes place in the voting process once before leaving full-time education. They will then know how to vote when they come to engage with political issues later in life". This was going much further than official Labour Party policy.
Without a majority in the Commons, the Conservatives had little choice but to accept amendments that considerably liberalised the legislation, though Disraeli refused to accept any from Gladstone.Aldous, pp. 174, 179, 182–184 The Reform Act 1867 passed that August,Maurice Cowling, 1867 Disraeli, Gladstone and Revolution: The Passing of the Second Reform Bill (Cambridge UP, 2005). It extended the franchise by 938,427 men—an increase of 88%—by giving the vote to male householders and male lodgers paying at least £10 for rooms. It eliminated rotten boroughs with fewer than 10,000 inhabitants, and granted constituencies to 15 unrepresented towns, with extra representation to large municipalities such as Liverpool and Manchester.
Pugh (1974) argues that enfranchising soldiers primarily and women secondarily was decided by senior politicians in 1916. In the absence of major women's groups demanding for equal suffrage, the government's conference recommended limited, age- restricted women's suffrage. The suffragettes had been weakened, Pugh argues, by repeated failures before 1914 and by the disorganising effects of war mobilization; therefore they quietly accepted these restrictions, which were approved in 1918 by a majority of the War Ministry and each political party in Parliament. More generally, Searle (2004) argues that the British debate was essentially over by the 1890s, and that granting the suffrage in 1918 was mostly a byproduct of giving the vote to male soldiers.
When the committee made recommendations along these lines she signed the report, which became the basis of the Unemployment Insurance Act 1927. Bondfield's association with this legislation permanently shadowed her relationship with the Labour movement. On 29 March 1928, when a bill came before parliament giving the vote in parliamentary elections to all men and women over 21, she termed the measure "a tremendous social advance", and added: "At last [women] are established on that equitable footing because we are human beings and part of society as a whole ... once and for all, we shall destroy the artificial barrier in the way of any women who want to get education in politics and who want to come forward and take their full share in the political life of their day". When the bill became law, 4 million voters, most of them women, were added to the register.
Rhodes joined the American Historical Association and was elected its president in 1899 for a one-year term. Sharp criticism came from John R. Lynch, a black leader in Mississippi's Reconstruction who had served in Congress. Lynch said: :So far as the Reconstruction period is concerned, it is not only inaccurate and unreliable but it is the most biased, partisan and prejudiced historical work I have ever read....He believed it was a grave mistake to have given the colored men at the South the right to vote, and in order to make the alleged historical facts harmonize with his own views upon this point, he took particular pains to magnify the virtues and minimize the faults of the Democrats and to magnify the faults and minimize the virtues of the Republicans, the colored men especially."" Rhodes said that giving the vote to blacks was an attack on civilization.

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