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30 Sentences With "givebacks"

How to use givebacks in a sentence? Find typical usage patterns (collocations)/phrases/context for "givebacks" and check conjugation/comparative form for "givebacks". Mastering all the usages of "givebacks" from sentence examples published by news publications.

But labor had entered into an age of givebacks and concessions.
Citigroup, he said, needs to respond with more givebacks on its Prestige premium card.
According to McDevitt, those givebacks cost an average of $1,300 to $1,500 per employee.
There are several reasons givebacks like the one at JPMorgan are such an anomaly.
Any small financial gains may be negated by municipal subsidies and givebacks to teams anyway.
The rest has come from fees, which are being whittled away by the rising costs of the givebacks.
But there's still going to be a gigantic deficit, and — surprise, surprise — there are no similar givebacks for individuals.
Now through Cyber Monday, the tech retailer is offering special deals and givebacks (such as gift cards) when you buy select products.
The Lemonade team is closely monitoring claims and keeping its fingers crossed that future Givebacks remain proportional to about 10 percent of revenue.
The only realistic solutions involve taking on debts to cover losses while keeping some semblance of your route network intact, and pressuring unions for givebacks to management.
The Japanese giant's givebacks are "higher than we've ever experienced," Carter said during an industry forum marking the opening of the New York International Auto Show last month.
Investors are concerned that card issuers are stretching too far as they compete for business, whether through extra givebacks to customers or by granting more credit to riskier borrowers.
While donation centers like Goodwill don't track specific brands the way Thredup or even traditional brick-and-mortar retailers do, the givebacks have been enough for some workers to take notice.
If the carnival fare sounds different as far as givebacks go ... that's because we're told Lil Pump and RD wanted to pass out food that was nontraditional, so mission accomplished there.
Mr. Costa made up for the givebacks with cuts in infrastructure and other spending, whittling the annual budget deficit to less than 1 percent of its gross domestic product, compared with 4.4 percent when he took office.
The union, then also led by Leroux, had accused NetJets of trying to slash jobs, obtain givebacks on health care and work rules, and bait pilots through bogus Twitter posts to conduct work slowdowns that could result in their being fired.
The union, then also led by Leroux, had accused NetJets of trying to slash jobs, obtain givebacks on healthcare and work rules, and bait pilots through bogus Twitter posts to conduct work slowdowns that could result in their being fired.
The board of education, appointed by Chicago Mayor Rahm Emanuel, will also be voting next week on a $5.45 billion operating budget for fiscal 2017 that relies on optimistic assumptions of union givebacks and added funding support from Illinois' gridlocked state government.
"I also genuinely care about the world that I'm leaving them, the environment, and I'm always impressed when big companies take a beautiful step forward with either givebacks or conservation," – a step Tide is taking with its Purclean detergent, produced in a facility that has zero manufacturing waste, no landfill, and is made with wind power and electricity.
Givebacks is a Trade union term for the reduction or elimination of previously won benefits.
CNN Video February 18, 2011. Accessed March 25, 2011 In March 2011, Orange was awarded a federal grant which helped Hawkins to negotiate an agreement with the firefighters union. The grant combined with work rule changes and other givebacks enabled the city to rehire its twelve laid-off firefighters and hire an additional twelve.
His strategy was to negotiate incremental givebacks first, then snowball the effort into a major anti-union drive. He convinced the Marine Firemen, Oilers and Water Tenders' Union to accept a small wage cut, agree to the elimination of engineers on barges, and to permit captains to lay off workers if a ship was more than three days in port. Then the LCA forced the International Seamen's Union to agree to drop overtime pay and accept a similar layoff provision.
In October, Booker conceded there would be "a first-class arena built in the city of Newark, whether we like it or not," and soon after the Devils struck a deal including both property and monetary givebacks that appeased city officials. The arena, which was named the Prudential Center when Newark-based Prudential Financial purchased naming rights in early 2007, opened shortly after the start of the 2007–08 season. The 2004–05 season was canceled due to the lockout; many Devils players played in European leagues and in the hockey world championships.
The company, which had recently recorded near-record profits, demanded wage givebacks, high monthly payments for health and other insurance, an end to double-time pay for work on Sundays, and the elimination of all holidays (including Christmas). The company then locked out the strikers. Although all of UPIU's locals at IP struck, much scholarly research on the labor disagreement has focused on the strike in Maine. When paper workers at IP's Androscoggin plant in Jay, Maine began their talks with IP, the Maine AFL-CIO assigned staff organizer Peter Kellman to work with the local.
In October, Booker conceded there would be "a first-class arena built in the city of Newark, whether we like it or not", and soon afterwards, the Devils struck a deal including both property and monetary givebacks that appeased city officials. The city of Newark pledged to contribute $210 million to the construction of the arena, using settlement money from its lease dispute over underpaid rent for use of Newark Liberty International Airport with the Port Authority of New York and New Jersey. The Devils paid for the remainder of the cost. Thus, no new direct taxpayer funding was required for the construction of the arena.
White asserted that "The issue is money" and that the members of ATU Local 1555 were engaged in "a campaign of misinformation and a lack of honesty" designed to make people believe the primary root of the dispute was work rules. "We have been as flexible and creative as we can...but this hardly resembles a good faith effort," White said. A strike was averted in late September when workers approved new contracts. The handling of the negotiations by SEIU Local 790 director Paul Varacalli met with mixed responses from BART workers, with some praise for him getting a good deal for workers, and some criticism for major givebacks to BART management.
Despite Hoffa's large electoral victory margins, this did not signal broad approval of his leadership. In particular, Teamsters covered by national contracts, such as freight, UPS, and carhaul workers, expressed growing frustration with the International. After years of eroding wages and working conditions, Teamster members started organizing to pressure their leadership to resist further givebacks. Paff and TDU played a coordinating role, helping to organize "vote no" campaigns in core Teamster industries. These began to bear fruit in the mid-2010s. At UPS, the largest Teamster employer, members narrowly ratified the 2014 national agreement by a 47-53 margin, but rejected 18 key local and regional supplements, preventing the contract from being ratified.
The first task facing Malloy upon taking office was addressing a multibillion-dollar deficit as a result of the prior state budget enacted by the Democratic super-majority-controlled legislature which Rell chose to accept without signing. Malloy adopted what he called an agenda of "shared sacrifice" which was dependent on increases in various taxes, including the income tax, the gas tax, the sales tax, and the estate tax, as well as $1 billion each year in union concessions. Malloy chose not to reduce aid to municipalities as part of his budget agenda, although such aid would have been jeopardized if labor concessions were not reached. After two months of negotiations, in May 2011, Malloy won $1.6 billion in union givebacks.
Wherever possible, PatientsLikeMe has a policy of publishing its research output in open access form, so that patients, clinicians, and researchers can easily access their scientific output. Instruments and questionnaires developed on PatientsLikeMe such as the MS Rating Scale or MS Treatment Adherence Questionnaire are licensed under Creative Commons so that they can be used freely by the community without complex or costly licensing requirements. The company also provides patients that take part in its studies with "givebacks" which concisely and rapidly give them feedback in lay language as to the results of research in which they have participated so they can understand how donating their data has been useful for research. The company's best known scientific endeavor relates to an online refutation of a clinical trial in ALS.
After legal battles over both eminent domain and the city's financial participation in the arena project, the final deal was approved by council in October 2004, and the groundbreaking occurred almost exactly a year later. Nonetheless, in January 2006, financial issues threatened to halt the deal, as the Devils did not provide the City with a required letter of credit until the last possible day. Though construction was well underway, in late summer 2006, Cory Booker, who had recently taken office as Mayor of Newark, promised to reevaluate the deal and considered backing out. In October, Booker conceded there would be "a first- class arena built in the city of Newark, whether we like it or not", and soon after the Devils struck a deal including both property and monetary givebacks that appeased city officials.

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