The Mouvement socialiste was committed to feminism and ecology and supported Quebec sovereignty as a means of promoting socialism."Quebeckers get socialist alternative", 13 May 1985, p. 3. Because of its opposition to Maoist entrist tactics, its members chose not to work inside social movements.Sébastien Bouchard and Bernard Rioux, "The Quebec left: then and now", Canadian Dimension, 1 July 2002, p. 26.
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The Left Faction of the former RSL remained organised within the RCP but were expelled in 1945 and pursued entrist work in the Labour Party work around the Voice of Labour newspaper. It broke up in 1950, when most of its members joined the Socialist Fellowship group which was associated with the paper Socialist Outlook. Other former Left Fraction members revived the group in the early 1960s.
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Short and McClelland left the Trotskyist movement soon afterwards, becoming prominent figures in the Australian Labor Party (ALP). Short became national secretary of the union in 1951, defeating the CPA's Ernie Thornton after a bitter legal battle.Daphne Gollan, "The Balmain ironworkers' strike of 1945" in Labour History, 1972, 23–41. Meanwhile, Origlass formed the Labor Socialist Group to pursue an entrist strategy inside the ALP.
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The new party maintained an entrist faction in the Labour Party. This faction was led by Charlie van Gelderen and maintained publication of The Militant as its organ. The main area on which the party concentrated however was the industrial front. This led to recruitment from the Communist Party but more recruits came from direct intervention in the industrial struggles of the war years such as that of the Kent miners and the Tyneside engineering apprentices.
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Taxtyranny includes criticisms of fluoride usage, and has also included criticisms Conservative Party of Canada leader Stephen Harper for his participation at the Bilderbergers summit in 2003. There have been a variety of other conspiracy references on the page, some involving John F. Kennedy. Tuck is a social conservative, and unlike most others in the Freedom Party is a committed theist. Some have criticized him as an entrist, seeking to manipulate the Freedom Party and other organizations for his own ends.
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The RWP declined however due to the pressures of the Cold War and ended its activities. Its members joined the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (CCF) as an entrist faction known internally as "The Club" but continued to operate the Toronto Labor Bookstore on Yonge Street, run by Dowson, where they would also hold meetings and organize their activities. In order to save money, Dowson lived in the bookstore and lived a spartan lifestyle. A split in the Fourth International in 1953 had ramifications in the RWP and in Dowson's own family.
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It originated in the late 1940s as the Revolutionary Communist Group (GCR) and was led by Livio Maitan who remained a leading fixture in both the GCR and its successor organisations and the USFI until his death in 2004. In 1979 despite having lost many of the membership gains accrued through entrist work in the Communist Youth the GCR renamed itself the Revolutionary Communist League (LCR). It grew moderately, despite elements growing dissatisfied and leaving to form rival Trotskyist groups, through the recruitment of students and work in the factories. It took part in various electoral blocs in the late 1970s.
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The Committee for a Workers' International (CWI) was founded in 1974 and now has sections in over 35 countries. Before 1997, most organisations affiliated to the CWI sought to build an entrist Marxist wing within the large social democratic parties. The CWI has adopted a range of tactics, including working with trade unions, but in some cases working within or supporting other parties, endorsing Bernie Sanders for the 2016 U.S. Democratic Party nomination and encouraging him to run independently. In France, the LCR is rivalled by Lutte Ouvrière, the French section of the Internationalist Communist Union (UCI), with small sections in a handful of other countries.
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Much later Cliff in his autobiography would acknowledge the debt he felt to Haston. There is an irony in this as it has been suggested that Cliff had been briefed by the leadership of the FI, while passing through France, to oppose Haston on just this question, although no proof of this has been made public. More importantly at the time, Haston's collapse and the hostility of the FI to the RCP meant that the party was forced to join the Labour Party. Once inside the Labour Party, its members were instructed to work under the direction of Gerry Healy in his entrist group The Club.
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This may be taken as a first general statement of programme by the SRG given its all encompassing nature and, apart from its position on Stalinism, is informed by a conception of transitional politics that is characteristic of Trotskyism. Meanwhile, entrist work in the Birmingham Labour Party led to the expulsion of SRG members from the Labour Party. The SRG also had its internal controversies of which the first was the expulsion of Ellis Hillman, later a London councillor, who argued that the Stalinist parties were embryonic state capitalist societies. In this he was echoing the positions of the Johnson-Forrest tendency, C. L. R. James and Raya Dunayevskaya, and directly challenging Cliff's analysis of state capitalism.
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During the 1930s, the group opposed the Labour Party, instead supporting the Popular Front movement. The failure of this approach to increase the membership or influence of the organisation led it, in 1941, to adopt a new name, the Socialist Vanguard Group, with an orientation towards supporting sympathetic figures in the Labour Party. It also relaunched its journal as Socialist Commentary. The group was led jointly by Flanders, Moore and Saran, and remained affiliated to the ISK, even though the ISK had few remaining members outside the UK. They decided to adopt an entrist strategy, becoming active in the Fabian Society, Federal Union, National Council for Civil Liberties and Tribune magazine, in the hope of winning them to its ideals, while retaining a high requirements for loyalty and activity among its own members.
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After Healy's followers in the Socialist Labour League left what was renamed the Labour Party Young Socialists, IS was briefly able to take the leadership of that organisation. But by this point much of the life had gone out of the youth movement and Young Guard ceased publication in 1965, being superseded by a new run of Rebel which lasted in its turn until 1967. By this time though, IS as a whole was drifting away from entrist work within the Labour Party as the industrial struggle developed. In 1968, the IS put out an appeal for revolutionary unity, aiming the appeal at the industrial militants aligned with the Communist Party, although it was also directed at the newly formed International Marxist Group (IMG) and the libertarian Solidarity group.
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In early 1990s, the Committee for a Workers International (CWI) split in two over the question of Entryism. Peter Taaffe, a prominent member of English section of the CWI advocated an “Open Turn,” implying the building of an independent organization and an end to “Entryism”. Whereas, another faction led by Ted Grant wanted to maintain its “entrist” strategy. The Struggle also suffered the split and Farooq Tariq, along with perhaps one dozen Struggle members, followed Peter Taaffe’s lead and went on to build an independent political party for workers in Pakistan. The other faction, led by Lal Khan, continued with its "entryism" inside the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP). According to this theory a small militant groups should join mainstream workers’ parties in order to pull them to the left.
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They argued that Canada was an economic colony of the United States and thus an oppressed nation where other Marxists viewed Canada as a fully capitalist nation, if only a "junior partner" participating in the oppression of the developing world. The Socialist League viewed its competitors on the left as extremists and ultra-leftists and was especially critical of their views on the New Democratic Party. The Socialist League was an entrist formation and supported full participation by socialists in the NDP where the LSA and particularly the Revolutionary Marxist Group were increasingly critical of the NDP and came to support running their own candidates against NDP nominees in some ridings during provincial and federal elections. Instead, the Socialist League formed the Left Caucus within the NDP and worked to build a leftist tendency within the party.
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Conversely, supporters of Socialist Appeal argued that the Labour Party was still based on trade unions and that the Labour Party retained support in the working class. As Labour under Tony Blair embraced the Third Way and moved away from its traditional socialist roots, most Trotskyist tendencies in Britain that employed the tactic of entrism left Labour and either run candidates under their own banner, such as the Socialist Party, or joined electoral coalitions such as the Scottish Socialist Party or the Socialist Alliance. The Socialist Party, along with other left-wing organisations, intiatiated the Campaign for a New Workers' Party in 2006, arguing that trade unions should break with Labour and construct their own political formation. However, supporters of Socialist Appeal have rejected this turn and they are the main Trotskyist group in Britain which maintains the entrist tactic in the 21st century (although the Alliance for Workers Liberty left and then rejoined).
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