JASSER: Because, A, they&aposre collectivists, they are both collectivists, and, B, it&aposs the shortcut of suppressing ideas that would defeat them.
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Communists, Islamists, collectivists who don&apost believe in our American Constitutional law, should not be allowed in.
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Like good collectivists, the Soviets limited automobile production and prioritized mass transit, with Stalin approving plans for Moscow's first 13 stations in 1931.
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I told him I did, and I certainly understand how liberals, collectivists and those who refuse to accept the results of the 2628 election seem to be in full 28500/6900 outrage mode.
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But simple math should tell us that the steady conservative takeover of our cultural and intellectual scene, unleashed in full force over the Reagan years, cannot plausibly have produced still another generation of godless collectivists.
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In conjunction with its current exhibition, The Collectivists, a group show highlighting artist-run alternatives to mainstream cultural institutions, the Brand Library is hosting Herstorians, a panel discussion on the opportunities, challenges, and obligations that female arts writers have to examine underrepresented artists and demographics.
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When: Opens Saturday, January 21, 6–9pm Where: Brand Library (1601 W Mountain St, Glendale, California) Alongside the tony, blue-chip galleries and private museums, artist-run spaces have been cropping up all over LA. Six of them are highlighted in The Collectivists, presenting an artistic vision that runs counter to the hierarchical, commercial gallery system.
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If you can embrace the power that pride in personal achievement brings, and can be tolerant of differing points of view, yet pursue your own self-determined course—despite pressure to conform exerted by collectivists and authoritarians across the political and religious spectrum—then Satan always serves as a formidable and inspirational archetype of strength, liberty and iconoclasm.
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In the end, despite the descending darkness and the Republican winds of despair, Democrats can sleep well knowing that the benevolent universe of the lyceum will continue to crank out perfectly-formed collectivists who will take their rightful places in the world and dutifully extol the supremacy of feelings over reason, spirituality over reality, and tribalism over modernity—regardless if what they are professing represents who they are or what they believe.
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A major cultural difference is the difference between collectivism and individualism. Collectivists attend more to the needs and goals of the group they belong to, and individualists focus on their own selves. With such contrast, collectivists would be more likely to help the ingroup members, but less frequent than individualists to help strangers.Triandis, H. C. (1991).
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It is, nevertheless, what collectivists are doing > when they recommend labour-cheques.Peter Kropotkin (1906). The Conquest of > Bread. New York and London: G. P. Putnam's Sons).
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Especially, For Collectivists, they believe not only in how much brand extension product fit to core product but also believe in size of company (reliability & Trustworthy).
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Primitive humans were collectivists due to tribe culture. The personalities of individuals within a tribe were very similar. The division of labor resulted in differentiation in personality traits in order to achieve a higher efficiency. Differentiation in personality traits increased functionality, therefore becoming adaptive through natural selection.
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Individuals are closely linked to one or more groups. Commitment to these valued groups is a primary goal of collectivists, and they tend to look to the goals and successes of the group rather than to the individuals. Words such as “loyalty,” “responsibility,” and “community” permeate collectivist cultural conversations.
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Personal, portable, pedestrian : Mobile phones in Japanese life. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press. Scott Campbell of the University of Michigan, author of several papers on mobile-phone usage, expects some persistence of cultural variations. Campbell's study “suggest that cultural values may influence the norms of mobile communicators, with individualists and collectivists.
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Leclercq, p. 27 The National-Collectivists also opened new affiliate bodies. A "Special Guard", with its own uniforms and rallying cries, was created from the party elite. In late August 1940, the French Guards, styled "group of anti-Jewish action of the French National-Collectivist Party", announced that they were also creating female youth chapters.
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Research has suggested that collectivism exists to defend against infectious diseases. Therefore, cultures that have a higher rate of infections will be more likely to become collectivist. This has been based on a number of observations. Firstly, collectivists place a lot of emphasis on their in-group, caring for one another and hence protecting each other from the negative effects of contagion.
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The collectivists' societies have interdependent social orientation. Their members endorse harmony, relatedness, and connection, don't view themselves as bounded or separated from others, and experience happiness as a sense of closeness to others. Typically interdependent societies are found among Eastern nations, and independent societies are found among Western nations. Subgroups within a nation can also be compared against Independency/Interdependency scale.
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The original International Workingmen's Association (IWMA), often known today as the First International, grouped together workers' societies of various socialist tendencies, including Mutualists, Blanquists, Owenites and republicans, though the most prominent were undoubtedly the Collectivists, grouped around Mikhail Bakunin and the Communists, led by Karl Marx. Towards the end of the First International, the Collectivists adopted Communist positions, but differed from the Marxists in their absolute rejection of authority, both within the International and in their strategic vision for the social revolution, which must immediately abolish the State and not, as with the Marxists, use it in order to gradually establish a communist society. In these early years of the international socialist movement, the IWMA held 5 congresses attended by both these latter tendencies, at which the differences between the various ideologies clearly emerged. After the 5th Congress, the movement split, with the anarchist communists establishing an anti-authoritarian International.
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Katz 1997 With this reform in privatizing public services, neoliberalism has become the ideological platform of economic restructuring. Free market economic theory has dismantled Keynesian and collectivists’ strategies and promoted the Reagan and Thatcher politics of the 1980s. Soon free trade, flexible labor, and capital flight are used from Washington D.C. to London to Moscow.Peck & Tickell 2002 Moreover, economic restructuring requires decentralization as states hand down power to local governments.
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Martin Lawrence Limited. Mutualism also had a considerable influence in the Paris Commune. George Woodcock manifests that "a notable contribution to the activities of the Commune and particularly to the organization of public services was made by members of various anarchist factions, including the mutualists Courbet, Longuet, and Vermorel, the libertarian collectivists Varlin, Malon, and Lefrangais, and the bakuninists Elie and Elisée Reclus and Louise Michel".Woodcock, George (1962).
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In 1935, Damerius acted with troupe member Bruno Schmidtsdorf in Wangenheim's anti-Nazi film, released in the United States in 1936 as Der Kampf. He received his Soviet citizenship in 1935Catherine Epstein (2003), p. 56 Retrieved December 1, 2011 and transferred to the State Institute for Theater Arts in Moscow, where he studied drama direction. He also consulted at the Mezhrabpom Film Studio and staged productions at the German Collectivists' Theater in Odessa.
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In disparaging tone, the two united factions began referring to the National Liberal doctrinaires as "collectivists". Valentin Bodea, "La Maison Robescu", in the V. A. Urechia Library Axis Libri, Nr. 4, September 2009, p.29 Fleva was personally involved in forging the "United Opposition" bloc—he and Dimitrie Brătianu were among the recognized leaders of this new movement. Fleva also discussed cooperation with Junimea, the Conservative inner faction and splinter group, meeting with Junimist spokesman Alexandru Marghiloman.
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In Japan, a respondent would go from the general to the specific in answering, preferring to divide a problem and analyze it piece by piece. Likewise, there are differences between individualist and collectivist cultures in the types of answers they chose. When given a series of options, individualists tend to choose the task oriented option that involves direct communication with others. Yet collectivists choose the option that sees group harmony and protecting or saving face for others as more important.
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217 and famously declared that "property is theft!" in reference to his rejection of ownership rights to land being granted to a person who is not using that land. After Dejacque and others split from Proudhon, the relationship between individualists, and anarcho-communists was characterized by various degrees of antagonism and harmony. For example, individualists like Tucker at once translated and reprinted the works of collectivists like Mikhail Bakunin while rejecting the economic aspects of collectivism and communism as incompatible with anarchist ideals.
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Hobhouse was often disappointed that fellow collectivists in Britain at the time also tended to be imperialists. Hobhouse opposed the Boer War, and his sister, Emily Hobhouse, did much to draw attention to the abject conditions in the concentration camps established by the British Army in South Africa. Initially opposing the First World War, he later came to support the war effort. He was an internationalist and disliked the pursuit of British national interests as practised by the governments of the day.
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It was: The congress adopted a Marxist program and supported collectivism by 73 votes to 27. The collectivists rejected efforts to found cooperatives as being petty bourgeois and covert capitalism. The delegates were also opposed to cooperation and to anarchism, both of which left the status quo undisturbed, and declared themselves in favor of political action. The congress has been described as a triumph of Guesdism, but in fact was a triumph of collectivism, which Guesde's opponents Paul Brousse and Benoît Malon also supported.
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Due to the wide variety of philosophies present in the First International, there was conflict from the start. The first objections to Marx's influence came from the mutualists, who opposed communism and statism. However, shortly after Mikhail Bakunin and his followers (called collectivists while in the International) joined in 1868, the First International became polarised into two camps, with Marx and Bakunin as their respective figureheads. Perhaps the clearest differences between the groups emerged over their proposed strategies for achieving their visions of socialism.
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At first, the collectivists worked with the Marxists to push the First International in a more revolutionary socialist direction. Subsequently, the International became polarised into two camps, with Marx and Bakunin as their respective figureheads. Bakunin characterised Marx's ideas as centralist and predicted that, if a Marxist party came to power, its leaders would simply take the place of the ruling class they had fought against."On the International Workingmen's Association and Karl Marx" in Bakunin on Anarchy, translated and edited by Sam Dolgoff, 1971.
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Bakunin's energy and writings about a great variety of subjects, such as education and gender equality, helped to increase his influence within the IWA. His main line was that the International should try to promote a revolution without aiming to create a mere government of "experts". Workers should seek to emancipate their class with direct actions, using cooperatives, mutual credit, and strikes but avoid participation in bourgeois politics. At first, the collectivists worked with the Marxists to push the First International in a more revolutionary socialist direction.
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In accordance with social expectations, similarity to the social group and adoption of their organizational scheme and values is characteristic of interpersonal cultures. Modesty of one's achievements is preferred in collectivists because they are motivated to bolster the group, not their own esteem as seen in individualists. This can have an interesting interplay with naïve dialecticism. For example, although East Asians are generally more interpersonal, and thus may be expected to favor their in-group, they are also dialectical and understand things as balanced in contradiction.
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Individualist societies, however, are very different to collectivist through their promotion of looking out for oneself, rather than worrying about the needs of the group. This is partly due to these cultures being predominantly in geographical locations which are under a lot less danger from parasite invasions. Unlike collectivists, individualists make much less of a distinction between in-groups and out-groups. A clear distinction, that individualism shows from collectivism, comes from the active encouragement individualist cultures place upon individuals straying from the current social norms.
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According to Ralph Bates: "While there were plenty of abuses, forced collectivization, etc., there were plenty of good collectives, i.e., voluntary ones." A number of scholars and writers on the subject of the Spanish Civil War counter that the presence of a "coercive climate" was an unavoidable aspect of the war that the anarchists cannot be fairly blamed for, and that the presence of deliberate coercion or direct force was minimal, as evidenced by a generally peaceful mixture of collectivists and individualist dissenters who had opted not to participate in collective organization.
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For example, in January, Primary education schools (that had been organized by anarcho- syndicalist commissions) returned to government control.Republican Gazette, issue 27 (27th January 1937) Ascaso received the official appointment of a government delegate on January 19, 1937. In mid-February 1937 a congress, attended by 500 delegates representing 80,000 collectivists from Libertarian Aragon, was held in Caspe with the purpose of creating a regional Federation of Collectives. It is complicated to estimate figures on the economic management of anarchist communities, since most of the reports are biased according to ideological interests and sympathies.
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From a sociological viewpoint the art producing communes of the 1970s failed to sustain themselves, owing largely to the fact that they tended to have open memberships, which eventually attracted people with social problems. These problems then spread and become too difficult for these autonomous entities to handle, although some groups, such as the former Kunsthaus Tacheles, continued to flourish. Today's art communes are a mix of artists, drifters, collectivists, activists, dadaists, and hangers on. Such groups are more politically and ideologically diverse than their mid-20th century counterparts, which has led to many art communes becoming more mainstream commercial entities.
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These results indicate an inability to assume that transactional and transformational leadership will succeed in non-western cultures. In a study of transactional and transformational leadership in China and Australia, transformational leadership predicted performance and trust in the Australian population, but only predicted trust, not performance, in the Chinese population. Transactional leadership did not predict trust or performance in either population. Other findings, however, saw a strong presence of transformational and/or transactional leadership in China, India, Kenya, and the U.S. Allocentrists, similar to collectivists, respond more positively to transformational leadership because they unite individuals around a common goal.
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14 (2): 170–176. "[Anarcho-capitalists] simply replaced the state with private security firms, and can hardly be described as anarchists as the term is normally understood." Rothbard also wrote a piece published posthumously entitled "Are Libertarians 'Anarchists'?" in which he traced the etymological roots of anarchist philosophy, ultimately coming to the conclusion that "we find that all of the current anarchists are irrational collectivists, and therefore at opposite poles from our position. That none of the proclaimed anarchist groups correspond to the libertarian position, that even the best of them have unrealistic and socialistic elements in their doctrines".
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In the countryside of Aragon, the Valencian Community and Murcia, the agrarian communities acted as communes. The business role was joined by that of an institution that replaced the local powers of the municipalities in which they were created, in many cases abolishing money and private property (one of the principles of socialist anarchist society). Some of the most significant Aragonese communities were those of Alcañiz, Alcorisa, Barbastro, Calanda, Fraga, Monzón or Valderrobres. In mid-February 1937, a congress was held in Caspe, the purpose of which was to create a federation of collectives attended by 500 delegates representing 80,000 Aragonese collectivists.
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El anarquismo individualista en España (1923–1938). Virus. p. 92. See El Individualismo ecléctico in The Anarchist Library]. "[W]ithin the strictly anarchist world we find some theorists like Ricardo Mella, who, due to his knowledge of the English language, knows deeply the work of [Benjamin] Tucker and that of the north American individualists, especially by reading regularly the British magazine Freedom and the north American ones The Alarm (Chicago) and the tuckerian Liberty (Boston). [...] Uncomfortable within the polemics between collectivists and libertarian communists, the Galician anarchist tries to integrate the different ideological currents under the proposal of Tarrida del Mármol of an anarchism without adjectives".
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Thatcher herself stated during a speech in 1983: "I would not mind betting that if Mr Gladstone were alive today he would apply to join the Conservative Party".Speech to Conservative Party Conference (14 October 1983) In the 1996 Keith Joseph memorial lecture, Thatcher argued: "The kind of Conservatism which he and I [...] favoured would be best described as 'liberal', in the old-fashioned sense. And I mean the liberalism of Mr Gladstone, not of the latter day collectivists".Keith Joseph Memorial Lecture (11 January 1996) Thatcher once told Friedrich Hayek: "I know you want me to become a Whig; no, I am a Tory".
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Laissez-faire, free-market ideologies—including classical liberalism, neoliberalism and right-libertarianism—are formed around the idea that social inequality is a "natural" feature of societies, is therefore inevitable and in some philosophies even desirable. Wealth inequality in the United States increased from 1989 to 2013. Inequality provides for differing goods and services to be offered on the open market, spurs ambition, and provides incentive for industriousness and innovation. At the other end of the continuum, collectivists place little to no trust in "free market" economic systems, noting widespread lack of access among specific groups or classes of individuals to the costs of entry to the market.
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There are a lot of differences between collectivist and Individualist. For collectivists, when they to buy the brand extension product that low fit to the core product, they will focus not only on how much product fit to the core product but also focus on the size of company to guess the quality of product. In contrast, in the same situation, Individualists will focus on just only how much brand extension product fit to the product and the size of company doesn't matter to guess the quality. For example, If Core product of "A" company is ice cream, High fit product is yogurt, Low fit product is pen.
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Despite this change in nomenclature, Gronlund remained orthodox in his socialist views, as he explained in one 1894 newspaper interview: > As collectivists, we do not approve of the violent methods of the European > [revolutionary] socialists. We want the gradual absorption of all capital by > the government in a peaceable manner. We are satisfied to work with the > Populists, or with Henry George, or with those who advocate government > ownership of railroads, for they are all in the same line with us, though we > go much farther. We would say government ownership of railways, banks, > telegraph lines, factories, mills, workshops, and all industries; also > government ownership of land, for land is capital.
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217 and famously declared that "property is theft" in reference to his rejection of ownership rights to land being granted to a person who is not using that land. After Dejacque and others split from Proudhon due to the latter's support of individual property and an exchange economy, the relationship between the individualists (who continued in relative alignment with the philosophy of Proudhon) and the anarcho-communists was characterised by various degrees of antagonism and harmony. For example, individualists like Tucker on the one hand translated and reprinted the works of collectivists like Mikhail Bakunin while on the other hand rejected the economic aspects of collectivism and communism as incompatible with anarchist ideals.
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A significant portion of the document is dedicated to discussing left-wing politics. Kaczynski says that "problems of our troubled society are particularly manifest in modern leftism." He defines leftists as "mainly socialists, collectivists, 'politically correct' types, feminists, gay and disability activists, animal rights activists and the like", states that leftism is driven primarily by "feelings of inferiority" and "oversocialization", and derides leftism as "one of the most widespread manifestations of the craziness of our world". He additionally states that "a movement that exalts nature and opposes technology must take a resolutely anti-leftist stance and must avoid all collaboration with leftists", as in his view "leftism is in the long run inconsistent with wild nature, with human freedom and with the elimination of modern technology".
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The manifesto railed not only against modern industrial society but also against "leftists", whom Kaczynski defined as "mainly socialists, collectivists, 'politically correct' types, feminists, gay and disability activists, animal rights activists and the like". Because of Kaczynski's intelligence and ability to write in a high-level academic tone, his manifesto was given serious consideration upon release and became highly influential, even amongst those who severely disagreed with his use of violence. Kaczynski's staunchly radical pro-green, anti-left work was quickly absorbed into ecofascist thought. However, Kaczynski also criticized the right wing for their traditionalism, stating that technology erodes traditional social mores that Conservatives and right wingers want to protect, and referred to Conservativism and other right wing thought as "fools".
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John Augustine Ryan (1869–1945) was an American Catholic priest who was a noted moral theologian and advocate of social justice. Ryan lived during a decisive moment in the development of Catholic social teaching within the United States. The largest influx of immigrants in America's history, the emancipation of American slaves, and the industrial revolution had produced a new social climate in the early twentieth century, and the Catholic Church faced increasing pressure to take a stance on questions of social reform. Ryan saw the social reform debate of the early twentieth century as essentially an argument between libertarian individualists and collectivists concerned with equality, and thus contended that an emphasis on human welfare framed in natural law theory provided the most promising means to combine conflicting concerns over individual and social welfare.
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The Paris Commune was considered to be a prototype mode of economic and political organization for a future socialist society by Karl Marx. Private property in the means of production was abolished so that individuals and co-operative associations of producers owned productive property and introduced democratic measures where elected officials received no more in compensation than the average worker and could be recalled at any time. Anarchists also participated actively in the establishment of the Paris Commune. George Woodcock manifests that "a notable contribution to the activities of the Commune and particularly to the organization of public services was made by members of various anarchist factions, including the mutualists Courbet, Longuet, and Vermorel, the libertarian collectivists Varlin, Malon, and Lefrangais, and the bakuninists Elie and Elisée Reclus and Louise Michel".
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George Woodcock manifests that "a notable contribution to the activities of the Commune and particularly to the organisation of public services was made by members of various anarchist factions, including the mutualists Courbet, Longuet, and Vermorel, the libertarian collectivists Varlin, Malon, and Lefrangais, and the bakuninists Elie and Elisée Reclus and Louise Michel". The veteran leader of the Blanquist group of revolutionary socialists, Louis Auguste Blanqui, was hoped by his followers to be a potential leader of the revolution, but he had been arrested on 17 March and was held in prison throughout the life of the Commune. The Commune unsuccessfully tried to exchange him, first against Georges Darboy, Archbishop of Paris, then against all 74 hostages it detained, but Thiers flatly refused. Some women organised a feminist movement, following on from earlier attempts in 1789 and 1848.
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Teresa Claramunt (1862–1931) was a Catalan Spanish anarcho-syndicalist. She was a textile employee and founded an anarchist group in Sabadell influenced by Fernando Tarrida de Mármol, which participated in a strike of seven weeks of 1883 where was claimed a dayjob of 10 hours a day. On October 1884 was one of the founders of the workers Section variant of anarcho-collectivists in Sabadell (Secció Vària de Treballadores Anarco-col·lectivistes de Sabadell). In 1892, with Ángela Lopez de Ayala and Amàlia Domingo they promoted the first Spanish feminist society, the Women Autonomous Society of Barcelona (Sociedad Autónoma de Mujeres de Barcelona) She was arrested after the bombing at the Gran Teatre del Liceu in Barcelona in 1893 and again during the repression of Montjuïc (Procés de Montjuïc) (1896), during which she was brutally beaten.
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H. H. Asquith The 1906 general election also represented a shift to the left by the Liberal Party. According to Rosemary Rees, almost half of the Liberal MPs elected in 1906 were supportive of the 'New Liberalism' (which advocated government action to improve people's lives),) while claims were made that “five-sixths of the Liberal party are left wing.” Other historians, however, have questioned the extent to which the Liberal Party experienced a leftward shift; according to Robert C. Self however, only between 50 and 60 Liberal MPs out of the 400 in the parliamentary party after 1906 were Social Radicals, with a core of 20 to 30. Nevertheless, important junior offices were held in the cabinet by what Duncan Tanner has termed "genuine New Liberals, Centrist reformers, and Fabian collectivists," and much legislation was pushed through by the Liberals in government.
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Carlo Cafiero, first person to break away from Mikhail Bakunin's collectivist anarchism and advocate anarchy and communism As a coherent, modern economic-political philosophy, anarcho-communism was first formulated in the Italian section of the First International by Carlo Cafiero, Emilio Covelli, Errico Malatesta, Andrea Costa and other ex Mazzinian republicans. The collectivist anarchists advocated remuneration for the type and amount of labor adhering to the principle "to each according to deeds",Kropotkin, Peter. The Wages System. 1920. Also available here; quote: "Such, in a few words, is the organization which the Collectivists desire ... their principles are: collective property in the instruments of labor and remuneration of each worker according to the time spent in productive toil, taking into account the productiveness of his work." but they held out the possibility of a post-revolutionary transition to a communist system of distribution according to need.
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"The New Zealanders are collectivists, although they adhere to the old party names of liberals and tories," the American examiners enthused, with the New Zealand Liberal Party reckoned as equivalent to the Fabian socialists of Great Britain. Richard Seddon (1845–1906), Prime Minister of New Zealand from 1893 until his death in 1906, oversaw implementation of an array of social welfare programs as leader of the Liberal Government This idyllic vision – which incidentally paid no attention to the treatment of or conditions endured by the indigenous Polynesian population – proved to be short-lived. With the eruption of World War I in 1914, New Zealand sent soldiers to Allied campaigns in Turkey, Palestine, and France and Flanders. Over 120,000 New Zealanders were enlisted in the New Zealand Expeditionary Force, with about 100,000 men and women eventually serving as soldiers and nurses in Europe, out of a population of 1.14 million.
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Goodway writes that Malatesta developed "a two-pronged strategy" by the 1880s and early 1900s. Malatesta sought on one hand "to unify the anarchist and anti-parliamentary socialists into a new anarchist socialist party" as "anarchism was a minority movement within the Italian left", hence "Malatesta and his followers hoped to galvanize the elements of regional socialist group (the Fasci Siciliani, the Revolutionary Socialist Party of Romagna, and the Partito Operaio) into a new anti-parliamentary socialist party". On the other hand, Malatesta was "one of the first anarchists to stress a syndicalist strategy" and anarchists "had to prod the socialists into insurrections and remain a revolutionary conscience afterwards during socialist reconstruction". Goodway further writes that "Malatesta defined this type of anarchist communism as 'anarchism without adjectives'", described by Goodway as "a concept which he had developed with a group of Spanish anarchist intellectuals in the process mediating between mutually hostile collectivists and communists".
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Coey received United States Marine Corps officer training during his studies and was on track to receive a commission when he requested discharge and left for Rhodesia, asserting that the US government had been infiltrated by a "revolutionary conspiracy of internationalists, collectivists and communists" and that fighting for Rhodesia would allow him to better defend Western interests. He joined the Rhodesian Special Air Service (SAS) and passed out with the rank of trooper in November 1972, receiving recognition as one of the army's best recruits of the year. However, his political views led to an acrimonious fall from favour within the SAS, his expulsion from its officer training programme in October 1973 and ultimately to his leaving the unit four months later. He redeployed to the Rhodesian Army Medical Corps, from which he was posted to the Rhodesian Light Infantry (RLI) heliborne commando battalion in July 1974, concurrently with his promotion to corporal.
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By the 1880s, the first explicitly anarchist influence had manifested when José C. Campos established links between Cuba and Spanish anarchists operating in Barcelona by importing anarchist pamphlets and newspapers. At the same time, many Spanish anarchists emigrated to Cuba, and it became very common for workers to read anarchist literature aloud in the tobacco factories, thereby greatly helping the dissemination of anarchist ideas amongst the workers. During the 1880s, and up through the early 1890s, Cuban anarchists favored an anarcho-collectivist method of organizing and action similar to that of Spain's Federación de Trabajadores de la Región Española (Workers' Federation of the Spanish Region, FTRE), following an "each to his contribution" line, as opposed to the "each to his need" line of the anarcho-communists. Enrique Roig San Martín founded the Centro de Instrucción y Recreo de Santiago de Las Vegas in 1882, to advocate the organization of labor and distribute literature from anarcho-collectivists in Spain.
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Stanley Milgram found that individuals in Norway (from a collectivistic culture) exhibited a higher degree of conformity than individuals in France (from an individualistic culture). Similarly, Berry studied two different populations: the Temne (collectivists) and the Inuit (individualists) and found that the Temne conformed more than the Inuit when exposed to a conformity task. Bond and Smith compared 134 studies in a meta-analysis and found that there is a positive correlation between a country's level of collectivistic values and conformity rates in the Asch paradigm. Bond and Smith also reported that conformity has declined in the United States over time. Influenced by the writings of late-19th- and early-20th-century Western travelers, scholars or diplomats who visited Japan, such as Basil Hall Chamberlain, George Trumbull Ladd and Percival Lowell, as well as by Ruth Benedict's influential book The Chrysanthemum and the Sword, many scholars of Japanese studies speculated that there would be a higher propensity to conform in Japanese culture than in American culture.
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Although generally considered anti-psychiatry by others, he sought to dissociate himself politically from a movement and term associated with the radical left-wing. In a 1976 publication "Anti-psychiatry: The paradigm of a plundered mind", which has been described as an overtly political condemnation of a wide sweep of people, Szasz claimed Laing, Cooper and all of anti- psychiatry consisted of "self-declared socialists, communists, anarchists or at least anti-capitalists and collectivists". While saying he shared some of their critique of the psychiatric system, Szasz compared their views on the social causes of distress/deviance to those of anti-capitalist anti- colonialists who claimed that Chilean poverty was due to plundering by American companies, a comment Szasz made not long after a CIA-backed coup had deposed the democratically elected Chilean president and replaced him with Pinochet. Szasz argued instead that distress/deviance is due to the flaws or failures of individuals in their struggles in life.
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In "Taking On Hate: One NGO's Strategies" (2009), the political scientist Heidi Beirich said that Cultural Marxism demonizes the cultural bêtes noires of conservatism such as feminists, LGBT social movements, secular humanists, multiculturalists, sex educators, and enviromentalists, immigrants and black nationalists. In Europe, the Norwegian far-right terrorist Anders Behring Breivik quoted Lind's culture-war conspiracy in his 1,500-page political manifesto 2083: A European Declaration of Independence, stating that the "sexually transmitted disease (STD) epidemic in Western Europe is a result of cultural Marxism"; that "Cultural Marxism defines Muslims, feminist women, homosexuals, and some additional minority groups, as virtuous, and they view ethnic Christian European men as evil"; and that the "European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) in Strasbourg is a cultural-Marxist-controlled political entity." About 90 minutes before killing 77 people in the 2011 Norway attacks, Breivik e-mailed 1,003 people his manifesto and a copy of Political Correctness: A Short History of an Ideology. In "Collectivists, Communists, Labor Bosses, and Treason: The Tea Parties as Right-wing, Populist Counter- subversion Panic'" (2012), the journalist Chip Berlet identified the culture war conspiracy as basic ideology of the Tea Party movement within the Republican Party.
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Anarchist sympathizers counter that the presence of a "coercive climate" was an unavoidable aspect of the war that the anarchists cannot be fairly blamed for, and that the presence of deliberate coercion or direct force was minimal, as evidenced by a generally peaceful mixture of collectivists and individualist dissenters who had opted not to participate in collective organization. The latter sentiment is expressed by historian Antony Beevor in his Battle for Spain: The Spanish Civil War, 1936–1939. Historian Graham Kelsey also maintains that the anarchist collectives were primarily maintained through libertarian principles of voluntary association and organization, and that the decision to join and participate was generally based on a rational and balanced choice made after the destabilization and effective absence of capitalism as a powerful factor in the region. There is also focus placed by pro-anarchist analysts on the many decades of organization and shorter period of CNT–FAI agitation that was to serve as a foundation for high membership levels throughout anarchist Spain, which is often referred to as a basis for the popularity of the anarchist collectives, rather than any presence of force or coercion that allegedly compelled unwilling persons to involuntarily participate.
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