117 Sentences With "collaborationists" | Random Sentence Generator

These collaborationists will render themselves ineligible to participate in the party's reconstruction.

The Supreme Court, the political parties, the judiciary, the executive, the press, indeed, all but the Army seem to varied degree collaborationists in this decline.

There seemed to be no end and apparently everyone in Paris except the Germans and collaborationists was standing there to cheer, shout, cry and leave themselves exhausted with happiness.

Benoist-Mechin, one of the most ardent collaborationists, has his office in Paris, where he is in fact, if not titularly, the most important representative of the Pétain government.

The problem is that this tension creates a tendency on the left to indulge in anti-Semitic conspiracy theories and tropes — like blaming a Jewish conspiracy for Western governments' support of Israel or equating Jews who support Israel with Nazi collaborationists.

She has spent the last six years as president of the National Front single-mindedly focused on one objective: erasing the stain of her party's association with the ex-collaborationists, right-wing extremists, immigrant-hating racists and anti-Semites who founded it 45 years ago.

In 2002, "the party was far more associated to the post-war extreme right — where among the founders of the party, you had former collaborationists, people who were nostalgic of Vichy," the collaborationist government that had worked with the German occupiers, and "some of them had fought with the German Nazis," Nonna Mayer, a French political scientist, explained to Vox in her Paris office the week of the election.

Collaborationists were fascists and Nazi sympathisers who collaborated for ideological reasons, unlike "collaborators", people who cooperated out of self-interest. A principal motivation and ideological foundation among collaborationists was anti-communism. Examples of these are PPF leader Jacques Doriot, writer Robert Brasillach and Marcel Déat (founder of the RNP). Some Frenchmen also volunteered to fight for Germany or against Bolsheviks, such as the Legion of French Volunteers Against Bolshevism.

Sentís was upset about Carlos Hugo courting Estudio General de Navarra, considered an Opus Dei outpost, Mercedes Vázquez de Prada, El final de una ilusión. Auge y declive del tradicionalismo carlista (1957-1967), Madrid 2016, , p. 125 In the early 1960s Carlism was undergoing a very peculiar period. Apart from already somewhat abating conflict between anti-collaborationists and pro-collaborationists, a faction of young militants grouped around Carlos Hugo cautiously pursued their own agenda.

It remained on air throughout the German occupation of France in World War II – under the control of the Nazi authorities and French collaborationists – until the liberation of Paris in August 1944.

Collaboration refers to those of the French who for whatever reason collaborated with the Germans whereas collaborationism refers to those, primarily from the fascist right, who embraced the goal of a German victory as their own. Organizations such as La Cagoule opposed the Third Republic, particularly when the left-wing Popular Front was in power. Collaborationists may have influenced the Vichy government's policies, but ultra-collaborationists never comprised the majority of the government before 1944. To enforce the régime's will, some paramilitary organisations were created.

The French concentration camps used by the Vichy regime to intern Jews, Gipsies, Spanish Republicans, Resistants and others, were now used to detain presumed collaborationists. In Paris, these included the Velodrome d'Hiver, the Drancy internment camp (managed by the Resistance until the arrival of the gendarmerie on 15 September 1944) and the Fresnes prison, which held Tino Rossi, Pierre Benoit, Arletty, and the industrialist Louis Renault. The 4 October 1944 ordinance authorised prefects to intern dangerous prisoners until the end of hostilities. For some Collaborationists, internment meant protection from popular vengeance.

The Righteous - > The Unsung Heroes of the Holocaust, Doubleday (2002), pp. 203, 466; . The > Yugoslav Partisans executed two priests, Petar Perica and Marijan Blažić, as > collaborationists on the island of Daksa on 25 October 1944. The Partisans > killed Fra Maksimilijan Jurčić near Vrgorac in late January 1945.

The British captured him, along with other Serbian collaborationists. He was tried and sentenced to death in the 1946 Belgrade Process. His representative at the trial was barrister Dragoljub Joksimović. He was accused of "conspiring to ship slave workers into Germany" according to contemporary American newspapers.

After France's liberation by the Allies in 1944, the Free French and particularly the French Resistance carried out purges of former collaborationists, the so- called "vichystes". The process became known in legal terms as épuration légale ("legal purging"). Similar processes in other countries and on other occasions included denazification and decommunization.

The success of the campaign was not total and the German occupiers of the French Basque Country were surprised to find swastikas in tombs, frontons, and houses. Basque collaborationists would try to take advantage of the similarity. After the Second World War, the swastika was not considered a Basque symbol anymore.

Institute of National Remembrance documents from 2003 on the ongoing investigation]. Last accessed on 10 February 2007. The executions were planned and carried out by German units of SD and SS with help from local collaborationists Special SD and Security Police Squad. Czesław Michalski, Ponary - Golgota Wileńszczyzny (Ponary - the Golgoth of Wilno Region).

40 In fact he remained somewhat skeptical and anxious that the prince might be tempted to pursue a collaborationist line; the same year Larramendi was vital fomenting dissent in the Madrid AET organization,in the mid-1950s Larramendi was on excellent terms with the aetistas, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 54 which deposed its leader and key Don Carlos Hugo promoter, Ramón Massó, as the one who compromised Traditionalist identity and advocated rapprochement with the regime.Rodon 2015, p. 163 In the late 1950s Larramendi was engaged in works of Carlist structures in Madrid; it implied collaboration with personal entourage of the prince, who set his headquarters in the capital. Differences of opinion continued and gave rise to two factions, pro-collaborationists and anti- collaborationists;Rodon 2015, p.

French neo-fascist groups adopted the left In France, the most enthusiastic collaborationists during the German occupation of France had been the National Popular Rally of Marcel Déat (former SFIO members) and the French Popular Party of Jacques Doriot (former French Communist Party members). These two groups, like the Germans, saw themselves as combining ultra-nationalism and socialism. In the south there existed the vassal state of Vichy France under the military "Hero of the Verdun", Marshal Philippe Pétain whose Révolution nationale emphasised an authoritarian Catholic conservative politics. Following the liberation of France and the creation of the Fourth French Republic, collaborationists were prosecuted during the épuration légale and nearly 800 put to death for treason under Charles de Gaulle.

Opera, n. pag. Isac also contributed his texts to Cronica, a literary and political magazine published in Bucharest by Symbolist poet Tudor Arghezi; this review was later criticized by the mainstream politicians as a venue for collaborationists and Germanophiles.Lucian Boia, "Germanofilii". Elita intelectuală românească în anii Primului Război Mondial, Humanitas, Bucharest, 2010, p.103.

He became a strong opponent of the amnesty granted to collaborationists with the Japanese occupation. In 1949 he introduced House Bill No. 2613, the Reciprocity Immigration Bill, which would have barred Australians from the country in response to the treatment of Lorenzo Gamboa under the White Australia policy. His nephew Lito Atienza also became Mayor of Manila.

The British Mission proposed that MAVI and the Albanian communist party, LNC, should collaborate to form a stronger force against the Axis and Albanian collaborationists (Balli Kombëtar), and arranged several meetings near Gyrokaster in August–September 1943.Archaeology, Anthropology, and Heritage in the Balkans and Anatolia: The Life and Times of F.W. Hasluck, 1878-1920. David Shankland.

In February 1941, opposition to the anti-Semitic policies of the Nazis and the collaborationists caused major strikes to break out across the Netherlands. This started after the NSB and its stormtroopers, the Weerbaarheidsafdeling (Defence Section) or WA began a series of provocations against Jewish neighbourhoods in Amsterdam. Fighting broke out in which members of the WA were injured, the collaborationists then called in the support of the German Army which assisted in turning the neighbourhood into a ghetto surrounded by barbed wire and armed positions, non-Jews were not allowed to enter the area. Days later German Ordnungspolizei entered the neighbourhood but a number of police were injured, the Germans then responded by raiding the neighbourhood and capturing 425 Jews who were then deported to concentration camps.

Werth, Alexander, France 1940–1955, London, 1956, p.7. Immediately after D-Day in June 1944 Corinne, along with other collaborationists, started the then very hazardous train journey to Germany. This slow journey eventually was halted by wrecked lines and she transferred to cars provided to take them to the Sigmaringen enclave. It is said that at some point she attempted suicide.

Abas Ermenji, Nje jete per Shqiperine He took part in organizing armed resistance against foreign occupation in the Skrapar-Berat area and managed to keep it free from the Italian forces.:sq:Abas Ermenji After the success of the communist revolution in Albania, Ermenji was forced into exile by the new regime. He settled in Paris where he worked for the Democratic-National Committee "Free Albania", a political organization supported and funded by Western countries where he worked with other nationalists and collaborationists towards the efforts to free Albania from Hoxha's regime and to liberate Kosovo from Yugoslavia.:sq:Abas Ermenji The organization was not successful as a result of multiple conflicts between members of the committee, including opposing views between pro-Italian/German collaborationists and anti-fascist nationalists, regardless of the many attempts to organize a military takeover of Albania.

During the Occupation of Belarus by Nazi Germany (1941–1944), the Belarusian collaborationists influenced newspapers and schools to use the Belarusian language. This variant did not use any of the post-1933 changes in vocabulary, orthography and grammar. Much publishing in Belarusian Latin script was done. In general, in the publications of the Soviet partisan movement in Belarus, the normative 1934 grammar was used.

These policies were reversed after the Tito-Stalin split in June 1948, when Bulgaria, being subordinated to the interests of the Soviet Union took a stance against Yugoslavia. After the Second World War many former "Ohranists" were convicted of a military crimes as collaborationists. Also, after the Greek Civil War many of these people were expelled from Greece and tortured as Bulgarians.Във и извън Македония.

The force at Turjak had considerable ammunition and food supplies. Partisan forces were moving in the same direction as the collaborationists, with orders to disarm Italian troops and capture or destroy any Chetnk or MVAC forces they encountered. The Partisans aimed to inflict as much damage as possible on the former Italian auxiliaries to make them of less value to the Germans when they took over.

The prison was used to incarcerate and liquidate over two thousand anti- fascists. Following World War II, notable prisoners included suspected Axis collaborationists such as Aloysius Stepinac and Ivo Tartaglia. On 5 July 1948, three prisoners were killed by prison authorities after a failed escape attempt. After the Croatian Spring, prisoners included Šime Đodan, Dražen Budiša, Vlado Gotovac, Marko Veselica, Dobroslav Paraga and Franjo Tuđman.

Chapter XIV, "", pp. 209–217 In April 1943, Bousquet met with Himmler, who declared himself "impressed by Bousquet's personality", mentioning him as a "precious collaborator in the framework of police collaboration". At the time, Bousquet was also councillor to Pierre Laval, along with and Charles Rochat. Bousquet was controversial and became resented by his fellow collaborationists and competitors for power, such as Joseph Barthélémy, minister of Justice.

Lanny reports to FDR on the English and French collaborationists. In New York, he meets with Nazi operatives, who believe William Randolph Hearst may be willing to back a coup against FDR. Lanny thinks about Lizbeth and Laurel on his way to San Simeon, where he observes the degeneracy of Hollywood; Hearst is cautious. Back in D.C., Lanny helps FDR write his "Arsenal of Democracy" speech.

Pustków, as well as Pustków Osiedle were the location of the Nazi German troop-training facility called HL-Heidelager for the Ukrainian 14th Waffen SS Division "Galician", as well as other collaborationists military formations including Estonian. Their training, included also killing operations inside the camps and Jewish ghettos in the vicinity of Pustków and in the town itself, most notably, at the Pustków and Szebnie concentration camp nearby.

Population securing food supplies Popular opposition was expressed in numerous spontaneous acts of nonviolent resistance. In Prague and other cities throughout the republic, Czechs and Slovaks greeted Warsaw Pact soldiers with arguments and reproaches. Every form of assistance, including the provision of food and water, was denied to the invaders. Signs, placards, and graffiti drawn on walls and pavements denounced the invaders, the Soviet leaders, and suspected collaborationists.

However, in the late 1930s, the ascent of antisemitism put his political career on hold. Streitman turned to collaboration with the military-fascist dictatorship of Ion Antonescu during World War II, becoming president of the Central Jewish Office. This assignment pitted him against non-collaborationists such as A. L. Zissu. However, his was a ceremonial office, with many of its functions supplanted by the executive leader, Nandor Gingold.

Reich intelligence was actively recruiting ethnic Germans and the Nazi secret service "SicherheitsDienst" (SD) was forming them as early as October 1938 into armed unit that were to serve Nazi GermanyHimmler's Auxiliaries: The Volksdeutsche Mittelstelle and the German National Minorities of Europe, 1933-1945 Valdis O. Lumans page 98 Historian Matthias Fiedler typified ethnic German collaborationists as former "nobodies" whose major occupation was the expropriation of Jewish property.

The summer months of 1944 were marked by an increase in resistance activities. Between 16 May and 23 July, Bezen Perrot took part in 14 counter-insurgency operations. The most notable of them was a fire fight between Free French commandos and Bezen Perrot members in the vicinity of Ploërdut on 13 June which resulted in two deaths and one injury (Alan Heusaff) on the side of the collaborationists.

French troops in Indochina The Overseas Light Infantry Battalion () was an obscure and little known French formation of German prisoners of war and French collaborationists culled from the French penal system and prisoner-of- war camps after World War II for colonial service. BILOM comprised a demi- brigade of three battalions, the first of which entered service on July 6, 1948 as the "1re Bataillon d'Infanterie légère d'Outre-Mer".

Following the shooting of hostages from the rolling-stock factory, the Wehrmacht deployed through the surrounding villages, burning homes and killing indiscriminately. According to the 717th Infantry Division's own records, 1,736 men and 19 "communist" women from the city and its outskirts were executed, despite attempts by local collaborationists to mitigate the punishment. Twenty members of the 717th Infantry Division were later conferred Iron Crosses for their role in the killings.

The French themselves distinguish between collaborators, and collaborationists, who agreed with Nazi ideology and actively worked to further their domestic policies, as opposed to the majority of collaborators who worked with the Nazis reluctantly, and in order to avoid consequences to themselves. The international tribunal at Nuremberg called Vichy régime agreements with the Nazis for deportation of citizens and residents void ab initio due to their "immoral content".

384; Vol. III, p.131-132 The situation became conflictual after the National Liberal cabinet rallied Romania with the Entente, opening Romania to a German-led invasion and having to take refuge in Iași. Several of the Symbolists and modernists in Bucharest were among those who either continued to support or did not actively reject the Central Powers' administration of Romania, leaving their adversaries in Iași to describe them as collaborationists.

There were around thirty militiamen in Lille, who carried out arrests and identity checks and participated actively in the black market. Thus, while some collaborationist movements did develop in the region, they attracted very few members, and their activities remained limited. This was possibly due to the population's fears of annexation to Germany, as well as to the traditional patriotism that characterized the Nord département. Legal and extralegal crackdowns on collaborationists were relatively restrained.

José Apezarena, Todos los hombres del Rey, Madrid 1997, Though since the early post-war years Cárcer had nothing to do with mainstream Carlism, he kept considering himself a Carlist. When received by Franco in 1970, together with other collaborationists he claimed to have represented "antiguo Comunión Tradicionalista".ABC 29.01.70, available here At that time Carlism was being taken over by a progressist, socialist faction of Don Javier's son, Don Carlos Hugo.

Hitler requisitioned the Sigmaringen Castle belonging to the Hohenzollerns in the town of Sigmaringen in Swabia, southwestern Germany. This was then occupied and used by the Vichy government-in-exile from September 1944 to April 1945. Vichy head of state Marshal Philippe Pétain was brought there against his will, and refused to cooperate, and ex-Prime Minister Pierre Laval also refused. Despite the efforts of the collaborationists and the Germans, Pétain never recognized the Sigmaringen Commission.

In some colonial or occupation conflicts, soldiers of native origin were seen as collaborationists. This could be the case of mamluks and janissaries in the Ottoman Empire. In some cases, the meaning was not disrespectful at the beginning, but changed with later use when borrowed: the Ottoman term for the sipahi soldiers became sepoy in British India, which in turn was adapted as cipayo in Spanish or zipaio in Basque with a more overtly pejorative meaning of "mercenary".

A number of German SS soldiers were tried in absentia in 2009 and found guilty but did not serve time. Colonel Giulio Lodovici, leader of the Italian collaborationists, was arrested in 1948, brought to trial and released because of a lack of evidence. All told, 64 members of the Black Brigades were sentenced to life imprisonment or lengthy prison sentences for the Vinca massacre but, because of a general amnesty in 1946, all were released a short time after.

After the war, they were often accused of being traitors or collaborationists. In July 1944, 1500 Malgré-nous were released from Soviet captivity and sent to Algiers, where they joined the Free French Forces. Thirteen Malgré-nous were involved in the massacre of Oradour-sur-Glane together with one genuine volunteer from Alsace. In a trial in Bordeaux in 1953 they were sentenced to prison terms between 5–11 years, while the volunteer was sentenced to death.

Others famous gangsters of the time who were SAC members include or Christian David ("le beau Serge"). Some of these criminals had taken part in the Resistance during the war, and even been deported, thus creating lasting links with future politicians, while others had been collaborationists. The SAC always was independent from the Gaullist party itself, directly reporting to General de Gaulle through Foccart. The Parliamentary report published in 1982 talked of "God without the clergy" ("'").

A devout Catholic, he attempted to eradicate the anti-religious feeling in educational circles and consequently closed the "Écoles Normales", which had been created in each "département" by the François Guizot law of 1833 to prepare teachers for elementary classes, replacing them with "Instituts de formation professionnelle". The anti-clerical Collaborationists opposed him however, and he had to step down (he was replaced by the historian Jérôme Carcopino); his reform was eventually abolished and the "Écoles Normales" were recreated.

Monument in Koliševski's hometown Sveti Nikole After World War II, Koliševski became the most powerful person in PR Macedonia and among the most powerful people in all of Yugoslavia. Under his leadership,Michael Palairet, Macedonia: A Voyage through History, Volume 2, Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2016, , p. 293. hundreds of people of Macedonian Bulgarian descent were killed as collaborationists between 7–9 January 1945.Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Macedonia by Dimitar Bechev, Scarecrow Press, 2009; , p. 287.

The Dünamünde Action (Aktion Dünamünde) was an operation launched by the Nazi German occupying force and local collaborationists in Biķernieki forest, near Riga, Latvia. Its objective was to execute Jews who had recently been deported to Latvia from Germany, Austria, Bohemia and Moravia. These murders are sometimes separated into the First Dünamünde Action, occurring on March 15, 1942, and the Second Dünamünde Action on March 26, 1942. About 1,900 people were killed in the first action and 1,840 in the second.

In the first years after WWII, death sentences were passed in large numbers daily on collaborationists and war criminals, but also on the „enemies of the people“, i.e. all those who opposed the new communist regime. There are no reliable data, but it seems likely that in Yugoslavia until 1951 there were as many as 10,000 death sentences, a majority of which were executed. In Montenegro, there may have been several hundred death sentences, approximately two thirds of which were executed.

In the first years after World War II, death sentences were passed in large numbers daily on collaborationists and war criminals, but also on the „enemies of the people“, i.e. all those who opposed the new communist regime. There are no reliable data, but it seems likely that in Yugoslavia until 1951 there were as many as 10,000 death sentences, a majority of which were executed. In the same period, there must have been several thousands of death sentences and executions in Serbia.

In November 1940, the German authorities pressured him to take a public position against the Jews and in favour of the politics of collaboration with the Vichy regime. Jeanson resigned and went back to prison. He was freed a few months later after the intervention of his friend Gaston Bergery, a neo-radical who had turned to the collaborationists through ultra- pacifism. From that point on he was banned from the press and the cinema, and worked secretly, writing film dialogues without putting his name to them.

Vardar Macedonia was de facto liberated from the Germans and their collaborationists in late November 1944, so the ASNOM became operational in December, shortly after the German retreat. Nevertheless, in December anti- communist Albanian nationalists in Western Macedonia tried to remain in control of the region after the Yugoslav Partisans announced victory. They aimed to resist incorporation of the area into communist Yugoslavia and it was only in early 1945 that the Yugoslav Partisans were able to establish their control over the mountainous area.

To fight partisan activity, the Germans had to withdraw considerable forces behind their front line. On 22 June 1944 the huge Soviet offensive Operation Bagration was launched, Minsk was re-captured on 3 July 1944, and all of Belarus was regained by the end of August. Hundred thousand of Poles were expelled after 1944. As part of the Nazis' effort to combat the enormous Belarusian resistance during World War II, special units of local collaborationists were trained by the SS's Otto Skorzeny to infiltrate the Soviet rear.

Le Pen directed the 1965 presidential campaign of far-right candidate Jean-Louis Tixier-Vignancour, who obtained 5.19% of the votes. He insisted on the rehabilitation of the Collaborationists, declaring that: In 1962, Le Pen lost his seat in the Assembly. He created the Serp (Société d'études et de relations publiques) firm, a company involved in the music industry, which specialized in historical recordings and sold recordings of the choir of the CGT trade-union and songs of the Popular Front, as well as Nazi marches.

Robert J. Soucy, "French press reactions to Hitler's first two years in power." Contemporary European History 7.1 (1998): 21-38. Apart from the leagues, a group of Neosocialists (Marcel Déat, Pierre Renaudel, etc.) were excluded in November 1933 from the French Section of the Workers' International (SFIO, the socialist party) because of their revisionist stances and admiration for fascism. Déat would become one of the most ardent collaborationists during World War II. Another major player in France's right-wing world between the wars was Jacques Doriot.

The operation was called the National Liberation War of Macedonia () by the Partisans, in line with the greater Yugoslav People's Liberation War, but combatants also developed further aspirations over the geographic region of Macedonia. It marked the defeat of Bulgarian nationalism and the victory of the pro-Yugoslav Macedonism in the area. As result the new Communist authorities persecuted the former collaborationists with the charges of "Great Bulgarian chauvinism" and broke up all the organisations that opposed the Yugoslav idea and insisted on Macedonian independence.

Tens of thousands of Ustaše surrendered to the British Army but were handed back to the Partisans. An untold number were killed in subsequent Partisan reprisal killings, together with several thousand Serbian and Slovenian collaborationists. Some Ustaše, who came to be known as Crusaders (), remained in Yugoslavia and carried out guerrilla attacks against the communists. Among these was a small group of fighters led by Luburić, which remained in the forests of southern Slovenia and northern Slavonia, skirmishing with the newly formed Yugoslav People's Army (; JNA).

Some accused war criminals were judged, some for a second time, from the 1980s onwards: Paul Touvier, Klaus Barbie, Maurice Papon, René Bousquet (the head of the French police during the war) and his deputy Jean Leguay. Bousquet and Leguay were both convicted for their responsibilities in the Vel' d'Hiv Roundup of July 1942. Among others, Nazi hunters Serge and Beate Klarsfeld spent part of their post-war effort trying to bring them before the courts. A fair number of collaborationists then joined the OAS terrorist movement during the Algerian War (1954–62).

The Kingdom was reformed into the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in 1929. The Kingdom suffered an Axis invasion during World War II in 1941, and the region of Metohija was incorporated into Italian-controlled Albania, with the Italians employing the "Vulnetari", an Albanian volunteer militia, to control the villages. After Italy's treaty with the Allies in 1943, the Germans took direct control over the region, supported by the local Albanian collaborationists (Balli Kombëtar). After numerous rebellions of Serb Chetniks and Yugoslav Partisans, Metohija was captured by Serb forces in 1944.

EAM's rivals on the other hand guaranteed its participation in the government while simultaneously trying to preserve the lives of the collaborationists. In general, however, in the power vacuum in the wake of the German withdrawal, the EAM/ELAS officials who assumed control tried to impose order, preventing rioting and looting, and resisting calls for revenge by the populace. According to Mark Mazower, "ELAS rule was as orderly as was to be expected in the extraordinary circumstances that prevailed. Passions ran high, and intense suspicions were mingled with euphoria".

After the invasion of Riga, Walter Stahlecker, assisted by the members of Pērkonkrusts and other local collaborationists, organised the pogrom of Jews in the capital of Latvia. Viktors Arājs, aged 31 at the time, a possible former member of Pērkonkrusts and a member of a student fraternity, was appointed direct executor of the action. He was an idle eternal student who was supported by his wife, a rich shop owner, who was ten years older than he was. Arājs had worked in the Latvian Police for a certain period of time.

23 January 1943: German-Vichy French meeting in Marseilles. SS-Sturmbannführer Bernhard Griese, Marcel Lemoine (regional préfet), (Commander of Marseilles Sicherheitspolizei); laughing: René Bousquet (General Secretary of the French National Police created in 1941), creator of the GMRs; behind: Louis Darquier de Pellepoix (Commissioner for Jewish Affairs). Historians distinguish between state collaboration followed by the Vichy regime, and "collaborationists", who were private French citizens eager to collaborate with Germany and who pushed towards a radicalisation of the regime. Pétainistes, on the other hand, were direct supporters of Marshal Pétain rather than of Germany (although they accepted Pétain's state collaboration).

The Nazi administration was assisted by fascist Flemish, Walloon, and French collaborationists. In binational Belgian territory, the predominantly French region of Wallonia, the collaborationist Rexists provided aide to the Nazis while in Flemish-populated Flanders, the Flemish National Union supported the Nazis. In Northern France, Flemish separatist tendencies were stirred by the pro-Nazi Vlaamsch Verbond van Frankrijk led by priest Jean-Marie Gantois. The attachment of the departments Nord and Pas-de-Calais to the military administration in Brussels was initially made on military considerations, and was supposedly done in preparation for the planned invasion of Britain.

Many of these men, especially those who did not answer the call immediately, were pressured to "volunteer" for service with the SS, often by direct threats on their families. This threat obliged the majority of them to remain in the German army. After the war, the few that survived were often accused of being traitors or collaborationists, because this tough situation was not known in the rest of France, and they had to face the incomprehension of many. In July 1944, 1500 malgré-nous were released from Soviet captivity and sent to Algiers, where they joined the Free French Forces.

Summer deals with the moral ambiguities of capitalism through the conflict of two women in socialist Yugoslavia. One is the daughter of former landlords, whose compassionate nature does not prevent them from being exploiters and collaborationists during the German occupation. The other, the daughter of servants, rejects the values of the former, whom she once saved from a firing squad. Derek, written for a youth festival, alludes directly to the Falklands war and shows an idiotic aristocrat stealing the brain of a gifted worker and sending him to die in a war in a country that "sounds like the name of a disease".

Princess Helena became very unpopular during World War II because of her sympathy for the German occupation and the Nazi party after the German occupation of Denmark in 1940. The Danish resistance movement stated that Princess Helena was the only member of the Danish royal house to have betrayed Denmark: she received and entertained Germans in her home, attended parties hosted by the Germans at Gesandtskab and had been introduced to Danish collaborationists by the Danish noblewoman Ebba Lerche., p. 115 Her actions were so unpopular that, on some occasions, enraged Danes had even broken the windows of her limousine.

Meanwhile, special units (SS-Jagdverbände) of local collaborationists were trained by the Germans to infiltrate the Soviet rear. They were trained in Dahlwitz near Berlin by SS-Standartenführer Otto Skorzeny. The paratroopers came from Reichskommissariat Ostland; and were split into commandos based on the country of origin. As part of the Nazi effort to combat the growing Soviet partisan movement in Belarus during the war, some thirty Belarusians from the espionage and sabotage outfit known as "Čorny Kot" (Black Cat) led by Michał Vituška age 37, were airdropped by the Luftwaffe in late 1944 behind the lines of the Red Army.

Following April 1941 Nazi invasion and dismemberment of the Yugoslav Kingdom, Velebit stayed in Zagreb that became capital of the newly created Nazi client, Ustaše-run puppet state entity Independent State of Croatia (NDH). He operated as an underground collaborator of the KPJ- established People's Liberation Front. While working underground he used the alias name Vladimir Petrović, although due to being a well known and respected lawyer before the war he experienced no trouble with NDH authorities. During March 1942 Velebit left Zagreb and joined the Partisans who mounted a guerrilla resistance to the Nazis and domestic collaborationists.

He, however, refused to assume any public role, office or position, thus becoming an emblem of the so- called passive resistance. He sold his estate to István Széchenyi, and moved to Buda to become the de facto leader of Hungarian public life. He steered a middle course between advocates of a second anti-Habsburg uprising aligned with Kossuth, and pro-Austrian collaborationists. The crisis attending the Second Italian War of Independence in 1859, with strong Hungarian popular support for the Italian cause, returned him to active political life, although he opposed the initial Austrian reform proposals of 1860.

Various non-Socialist/non-Communists politicians were object of the court: Pro-Italians, Nazi collaborationists, Balli Kombetar members, previous Ministers, anti-Communist figures, military personnel, King Zog supporters, former publishers and journalists, and members of public administration during the Italian and German regime. "People's Tribunals" had been taking place since December 1944, but the most notorious was the Special Court of Tirana. The Special Court started in Tirana on 1 March 1945, and lasted until April 13 1945. The sessions took place in the premises of former "Savoja" cinema (renamed later to "Kosova" cinema, today's Albanian National Theater building).

On 29 June 1945, Czechoslovakia signed a treaty with the Soviet Union, officially ceding the region. Between 1945 and 1947, the new Soviet authorities fortified the new borders, and in July 1947 declared Transcarpathia as "restricted zone of the highest level", with checkpoints on the mountain passes connecting the region to mainland Ukraine.With Their Backs to the Mountains: A History of Carpathian Rus? and Carpatho-Rusyns, by Paul Robert Magocsi, Central European University Press, 2015 As of December 1944 the National Council of Transcarpatho-Ukraine set up a special people's tribunal in Uzhgorod to try and condemn all collaborationists with the previous regimes - both Hungary and Carpatho-Ukraine.

Philippe Burrin, France Under the Germans: Collaboration and Collaboration (1998)Gerhard Hirschfeld and Patrick Marsh, eds. Collaboration in France: Politics and Culture During the Nazi Occupation 1940–1944 (1989) Recent research by the British historian Simon Kitson has shown that French authorities did not wait until the Liberation to begin pursuing collaborationists. The Vichy government, itself heavily engaged in collaboration, arrested around 2,000 individuals on charges of passing information to the Germans. Their reasons for doing so was to centralise collaboration to ensure that the state maintained a monopoly in Franco-German relations and to defend sovereignty so that they could negotiate from a position of strength.

The main collaborationist regime in Yugoslavia was the Independent State of Croatia, a puppet state semi-independent of Nazi Germany. Leon Rupnik (1880–1946) was a Slovene general who collaborated as he took control of the semi-independent region of the Italian-occupied southern Slovenia known as the Province of Ljubljana, which came under German control in 1943.Stevan K. Pavlowitch, Hitler's new disorder: the Second World War in Yugoslavia (2008) p. 142 The main collaborationists in East Yugoslavia were the German-puppet Serbian Government of National Salvation established on the German-occupied territory of Serbia, and the Yugoslav royalist Chetniks, who collaborated tactically with the Axis after 1941.

Eesti Aeg () was a newspaper in the Republic of Estonia, published as a weekly broadsheet newspaper in 1991-1995 and four issues as a monthly newsmagazine in 1996. One of the first truly independent (of the Soviet ruling clique influences) newspapers, it was set up in 1991 after a mass exodus of staff from Eesti Ekspress after its Soviet parent company, Cross Development FSP, fired Hans H. Luik.Eesti Ekspress 22 March 2007: Nädalalõpu lemmiku teekond hotellitoast aktsiaturule by Tiina Jõgeda The newspaper was known for its courageous approach to journalism. For example, it gathered fame through publishing a list of KGB collaborationists in Estonia.

353 during the 1956 Montejurra gathering they tried to block his access to the microphone, and when he finally succeeded, they cut the cables.Alcalá 2001, p. 125 However, the collaborationists and Zamanillo consolidated their position; backed by the claimant,Zamanillo was at that time considered representative of Javierismo, Vallverdú i Martí 2014, p. 152 who conferred Carlist honors upon him,in 1956 Zamanillo was made a Knight of the Orden de la Legitimidad Proscrita, Francisco Manuel Heras y Borrero, Carlos Hugo el Rey que no pudo ser: la lucha por el trono de España de Carlos Hugo de Borbón Parma, la última esperanza del carlismo, Madrid 2010, , p.

The town was the location of the Szebnie concentration camp during German occupation of Poland in World War II. The facility was constructed in 1940 originally as horse stables for the Wehrmacht next to a manorial estate. Thousands of prisoners perished there over the course of the camp's operation, including Russian prisoners of war, Polish Jews and non- Jewish Poles as well as Ukrainians and Romani people. The charred remains of the camp were entered by the Soviets on 8 September 1944. There was a SS training facility SS-Truppenübungsplatz Heidelager nearby at Pustków, for the Ukrainian 14th Waffen SS Division, as well as other collaborationists military formations.

Others were subject to after-war spontaneous retaliation committed by populations within occupied countries, which in some areas led to "witch hunts" for those suspected of having been collaborators, where vigilantism and "summary justice", were common. After a first period of spontaneous pursuit, provisional governments took the matter into their own hands and brought suspected criminals to court. The Nuremberg Trial in Germany judged only the highest German Nazi authorities, and each country prosecuted and sentenced their own collaborationists. Pierre Laval in France was judged and sentenced to death, while Philippe Pétain was also sentenced to death, but Charles de Gaulle later commuted his sentence into a life condemnation.

After the departure of the Mountain Division towards Ioannina, the area was declared a dead zone and placed under the control of collaborationists under the command of Georgios Poulos. On 2 July, 50 prisoners of war were killed at Vyrsodepseia in reprisal for Ersfeld's death and later in the day, insurgents skirmished with a German patrol at Platamonas. On 3 July, insurgents shot at a German car, wounding a passenger and blew up a railroad tracks outside Litochoro. On the night of 4 July, the Leptokarya–Litochoro railroad was sabotaged once more leading to the derailing of an ammunition train and in the ensuing explosion 10 Germans were wounded.

The Trawniki concentration camp was set up by Nazi Germany in the village of Trawniki about southeast of Lublin during the occupation of Poland in World War II. Throughout its existence the camp served a dual function. It was organized on the grounds of the former Polish sugar refinery of the Central Industrial Region, and subdivided into at least three distinct zones. The Trawniki camp first opened after the outbreak of war with the USSR, intended to hold Soviet POWs, with rail lines in all major directions in the General Government territory. Between 1941 and 1944, the camp expanded into an SS training camp for collaborationists auxiliary police, mainly Ukrainian.

During the first world war a German Leib-Hussar was killed on 9 August 1914 and on the 17th a squadron of Belgian Guides was decimated by German Leib-Grenadiers. In the second World war there were two crashes in Zepperen: on the 30 July 1942 a German Junker 88-A4 was destroyed on landing, the three occupants died. On 27 April 1944 a Canadian Halifax MZ522 with the 431st crashed nearby the Sint-Aloysius institute. All the airmen got out safe by parachute. Two members of the resistance were shot dead near a crossroad “De Dikke Linde” by collaborationists of the German occupation force.

As part of the Nazis' effort to combat the enormous Belarusian resistance during World War II, special units of local collaborationists were trained by the SS's Otto Skorzeny to infiltrate the Soviet rear. In 1944 thirty Belarusians (known as Čorny Kot (black cat) and personally led by Michał Vituška) were airdropped by the Luftwaffe behind the lines of the Red Army, which had already liberated Belarus during Operation Bagration. They experienced some initial success due to disorganization in the rear of the Red Army, and some other German-trained Belarusian nationalist units also slipped through the Białowieża Forest in 1945. The NKVD, however, had already infiltrated these units.

The genocide of Serbs was not properly examined in the aftermath of the war, because the post-war Yugoslav government led by the Communist Party didn't encourage independent scholars out of concern that ethnic tensions stemming from the war could have the capacity to destabilize the new regime. They tried to conceal wartime atrocities and to mask specific ethnic losses. The genocide scholar Henry R. Huttenbach wrote that “an ideologized and camouflaged Titoist Yugoslav history” suppressed the genocide against Serbs, as well as that “suppression bordering of total denial”. All World War II casualties were presented as “Yugoslavs”, while all collaborationists were named as “fascists”.

On 15–16 October, ten German soldiers were killed and 14 wounded during a joint Partisan-Chetnik attack on Kraljevo, a city about south of Belgrade and southeast of Gornji Milanovac. On 15 October, troops of the 717th Infantry Division shot 300 civilians from Kraljevo in reprisal. These reprisal killings continued over the following days, and by 17 or 20 October, German troops had rounded up and shot 1,736 men and 19 "communist" women from the city and its outskirts, despite attempts by local collaborationists to mitigate the punishment. These executions were personally supervised by the commander of the 717th Infantry Division, Generalmajor (Brigadier General) Paul Hoffman.

While most of Greece was occupied by Axis Powers in World War II, resistance movements were created by Greeks while the collaborationist Ohrana battalions were constituted from among the Slavophone population. After Greece was occupied by Italy, Germany and Bulgaria, different guerrilla bands and movements were formed across all of northern Greece,. Some of them fought against the occupation, like Napoleon Zervas and his National Republican Greek League (EDES), while others were collaborationists, like the Ohrana, many of whom later joined the Slavic- Macedonian National Liberation Front (SNOF).There was also the Greek People's Liberation Army (ELAS), a partisan army headed by the Communist Party of Greece (KKE).

Rodolfo Freude, Ludwig's son, became Perón's chief of presidential intelligence in his first term. Recently, Goñi's research, drawing on investigations in Argentine, Swiss, American, British and Belgian government archives, as well as numerous interviews and other sources, was detailed in The Real ODESSA: Smuggling the Nazis to Perón's Argentina (2002), showing how escape routes known as ratlines were used by former NSDAP members and like-minded people to escape trial and judgment. Goñi places particular emphasis on the part played by Perón's government in organizing the ratlines, as well as documenting the aid of Swiss and Vatican authorities in their flight. The Argentine consulate in Barcelona gave false passports to fleeing Nazi war criminals and collaborationists.

On 17 August 1944, Vichy's head of government and minister of foreign affairs Pierre Laval held the last government council of with five of is government ministers. With permission from the Germans, he attempted to call back the prior National Assembly with the goal of giving it power and thus impeding the communists and de Gaulle. So he obtained the agreement of German ambassador Otto Abetz to bring Édouard Herriot, (President of the Chamber of Deputies) back to Paris. But ultra-collaborationists Marcel Déat and Fernand de Brinon protested this to the Germans, who changed their minds and took Laval to Belfort along with the remains of his government, "to assure its legitimate security", and arrested Herriot.

With the pending collapse of the Italians, those that had been collaborating with them were faced with difficult choices: trying to join the Western Allies if they landed in the Slovene Littoral; coming to an arrangement with the Partisans; or preparing to collaborate with the Germans in order to keep fighting the Partisans. Given the political views of the collaborationists, unless the Western Allies landed on the coast, the only viable option remaining was to collaborate with the Germans. For their part, the Partisans, whilst continuing to attack Italian and MVAC units in July and August 1943, began to strengthen and conserve their forces to take advantage in the aftermath of the Italian collapse. Italy surrendered on 8 September.

Immediately after liberation, Joanovici evaded arrest and began testifying against other collaborationists, most notably Pierre Bonny and Henri Lafont, the leaders of the Carlingue. For years, he had been financing a Resistance network inside the Paris Police Prefecture, named Honneur de la Police, and by the time the war was over, he was on such intimate terms with the Police that he enjoyed his own office at the Prefecture and was awarded the Resistance Medal. Other institutions were less fond of his wartime activities, with Roger Wybot, the head of the French counter-intelligence, in particular seeking his arrest. Aided by employees of the Prefecture, he managed to avoid arrest by fleeing to the American-occupied zone of Germany.

The Germans forced Déat at first to merge his new party (RNP) with Eugène Deloncle's MSR (Social Revolutionary Movement), a far-right party, the successor of the Cagoule terrorist group. The merger was a failure and Déat later expelled MSR elements from his party, before trying to form a unified front of Collaborationist parties. Déat also founded, along with fellow Collaborationists Jacques Doriot and Marcel Bucard, the Légion des Volontaires Français (LVF), a French unit of the Wehrmacht (later affiliated with the Waffen-SS). While reviewing troops from the LVF with Vichy figure Pierre Laval in Versailles on 27 August 1941, Déat was wounded in an assassination attempt—carried out by French Resistance member Paul Collette.

As part of the Nazis' effort to combat the enormous Belarusian resistance during World War II, special units of local collaborationists were trained by the SS's Otto Skorzeny to infiltrate the Soviet rear. In 1944 thirty Belarusians, known as "Čorny Kot" ("Black Cat") and personally led by Michał Vituška, were airdropped by the Luftwaffe behind the lines of the Red Army, which had already liberated Belarus during Operation Bagration. They experienced some initial success due to disorganization in the rear of the Red Army, and some other German-trained Belarusian nationalist units also slipped through the Białowieża Forest in 1945. Vituška managed to escape to the West following the war, along with several other Belarusian Central Rada leaders.

By September 1944, collaborationists of the Serbian State Guard, Serbian Volunteer Corps and Chetniks captured about 455 of the remaining Jews in the occupied territory who were sent to the camp where they were killed immediately. In late 1944 the Germans forced a chain gang of Yugoslav prisoners to incinerate the remains of those killed in Banjica. A surviving member of the chain gang, Momčilo Damjanović, testified that the incineration of the corpses was organized by a unit of the Kommando 1005, headed by SS- Standartenführer [Colonel] Paul Blobel, the man responsible for erasing traces of German atrocities throughout German-occupied Europe. According to the Encyclopedia of the Holocaust: All Germans left Banjica on October 2.

The population of Macedonia was greatly affected by the Second World War, as it was militarily occupied by Nazi Germany while its ally, Bulgaria, annexed eastern Macedonia. Germany administered its occupation zone by implementation of the Nuremberg Laws, which saw some 43,00049,000 of Thessaloniki's 56,000 Jews exterminated in the Auschwitz and Bergen-Belsen concentration camps. In its own zone of annexation, Bulgaria actively persecuted the local Greek population with the help of Bulgarian collaborationists. Further demographic change happened in the aftermath of the Greek Civil War, when many Slavs of Macedonia who fought on the side of the Democratic Army of Greece and fought to separate Greek Macedonia from the rest of Greece under the auspices of Yugoslavia, left Greece.

He served in Guinea-Bissau, forced to fight the Marxist movement of liberation, the PAIGC. After the replacement of Salazar by Marcello Caetano in 1969, the regime made some slight democratic openings, one of them was the possibility of workers without any record of illegal political activity participate in the elections for the respective Unions. In 1973 he participated in the election for the leadership of the Lisbon Metallurgical Workers' Union, dominated by the collaborationists of the regime, a characteristic of the corporativist regime of Salazar. Being free of any political suspicion and after being chosen among the MEC workers to integrate the list to the Lisbon Union, he was able to participate in the election and his list, influenced in secrecy by the communists, won it.

The demarcation line between areas of German and Italian responsibility through occupied Yugoslavia was determined at a meeting of the German and Italian foreign ministers in Vienna on 21–22 April 1941. Two days later, Adolf Hitler set the initial boundary (known as the Vienna Line) through the Sandžak along the line Priboj-Novi Pazar, with both those towns falling on the German side of the line. The Germans were not quick to hand over parts of the region to the Italians, maintaining their occupation troops throughout the Sandžak, and initially only allowing the Italians to garrison Bijelo Polje. They were not confident in the ability of the Italians to secure the region, and did not want to rely on Serb collaborationists, at least initially.

Peru was a popular destination for Chinese immigrants at 19th century, mainly due to its vulnerability over slave market and subsequent needed for Peru over military and laborer workforce. However, relations between Chinese workers and Peruvian owners have been tense, due to mistreatments over Chinese laborers and anti- Chinese discrimination in Peru. Due to the Chinese support for Chile throughout the War of the Pacific, relations between Peruvians and Chinese became increasingly tenser in the aftermath. After the war, armed indigenous peasants sacked and occupied haciendas of landed elite criollo "collaborationists" in the central Sierra – majority of them were of ethnic Chinese, while indigenous and mestizo Peruvians murdered Chinese shopkeepers in Lima; in response to Chinese coolies revolted and even joined the Chilean Army.

Cruz Laureada de San Fernando O'Daly participated in various military engagements. He was a Sergeant Major in the army when he participated in the 1809 Peninsular War, also known as the Spanish War of Independence, after the Napoleonic Invasion of 1808 and the kidnapping of both king Charles IV and Prince Ferdinand, later king Ferdinand VII. Both were taken to Fontainebleau in France, while Napoleon usurped the Spanish Crown naming his brother Joseph as king of the Spains of Europe and the Indies, this is so because before the Spanish-American Independences, Spain was a single 'federal' country divided into several kingdoms in Europe, Asia, Africa and the Americas. The Spanish Armed Forces of Europe divided between the collaborationists with Napoleon (afrancesados) and the Patriots against the Napoleonic Occupation/Usurpation.

In Corsica, the native collaborationists linked to the irredentism supported the Italian occupation,Italian irredentists of Corsica stressing that this was a precautionary measure against a possible Anglo-American attack. Also, some Corsican military officers collaborated with Italy, including the retired Major Pantalacci (and his son Antonio), Colonel Mondielli and Colonel Simon Petru Cristofini (and his wife, the first Corsican female journalist Marta Renucci).Vita e Tragedia dell'Irredentismo Corso, Rivista Storia Verità Cristofini, who even met Benito Mussolini in Rome, was a strong supporter of the union of Corsica with Italy and defended irredentist ideals. Indeed, Cristofini actively collaborated with the Italian forces in Corsica during the first months of 1943 and (as head of the Ajaccio troops) helped the Italian Army to repress the Resistance in Corsica before the Italian Armistice in September 1943.

The Waffen Grenadier Brigade of the SS Charlemagne () was a unit of the Waffen-SS formed in September 1944 from French collaborationists many of whom were already serving in various other German units. Named after the 9th- century Frankish king, it superseded the existing Legion of French Volunteers Against Bolshevism formed in 1941 within the German Army (Wehrmacht) and the SS-Volunteer Sturmbrigade France (SS-Freiwilligen Sturmbrigade "Frankreich") formed in July 1943, both of which were disbanded the same month. It also drafted in French recruits from other German military and paramilitary formations and Miliciens who had fled ahead of the Allied Liberation of France (June–November 1944). After training, the Charlemagne Brigade was reclassified as a division as the 33rd Waffen Grenadier Division of the SS Charlemagne (1st French) (33.

In May 1944, under the new pseudonym "Maurycy", Moczarski took the post of the Head of Department of Personnel Sabotage. His assignment, at which he excelled, was to assassinate members of the Gestapo, collaborationists, and Gestapo informers in the AK's ranks. It was his idea to rescue on June 11, 1944 Polish prisoners incarcerated by the Gestapo at Warsaw's Jan Boży Hospital (pl). Biuletyn Informacyjny from 15 July 1943 informing about the death of general Władysław Sikorski and pronouncing a national day of mourning Shortly before the Warsaw Uprising by the underground resistance, Moczarski was given a new post as the head of the radio and telegraph services of Home Army’s headquarters. During the uprising, Moczarski was directing one of the insurgent's radio stations, "Rafał" located in Warsaw’s district Śródmieście- Północ.

The trial of Papon did not only concern an individual itinerary, but the French administration's collective responsibility in the deportation of the Jews. Furthermore, his career after the war, which led him to be successively prefect of the Paris police during the Algerian War (1954–1962) and then treasurer of the Gaullist Union des Démocrates pour la République party from 1968 to 1971, and finally Budget Minister under president Valéry Giscard d'Estaing and prime minister Raymond Barre from 1978 to 1981, was symptomatic of the quick rehabilitation of former collaborationists after the war. Critics contend that this itinerary, shared by others (although few had such public roles), demonstrates France's collective amnesia, while others point out that the perception of the war and of the state collaboration has evolved during these years.

Umarov's controversial appointment of Basayev to the post of prime minister in 2006 was preceded by a public statement rejecting attacks against civilians as a tactic. In another statement in 2004 Umarov wrote: "Our targets are the Russian occupation forces, their military bases, command headquarters and also their local collaborationists who pursue and kill peaceful Muslims. Civil objects and innocent civilians are not our targets." In early 2009 he was, by his own admission, personally involved in the re-activation of notorious Riyadus-Salikhin suicide formation, first set-up and led by Basayev between 1999 and 2004; in the next months a string of suicide attacks killed dozens of people (mostly police officers) and critically injured the Ingush president Yunus-bek Yevkurov, raising fears of a new campaign of attacks directed against Russian civilians.

After the Fall of France in August 1944, he managed to convince the American troops that he had been a forced member of the Service du travail obligatoire, and was designated to be in charge of organizing the arrest and the return to France of former collaborationists. Back to Paris in 1946, he tried with a group of former Waffen-SS to enter anti-communist movements in order to maneuver them. Bousquet then became an activist in the neo-fascist movement Jeune Nation led by Pierre Sidos in the late 1950s. A member of the euro-nationalist magazine Europe-Action, he replaced Dominique Venner as the president of the European Rally for Liberty following its failure in the 1967 legislative election, along with another former Waffen-SS named Pierre Clémenti.

Furthermore, EAM/ELAS was not a monolithic or tightly controlled organization, and its representatives displayed a variety of behaviour; as British observers noted, in some areas ELAS maintained order "fairly and impartially", while abusing their power in others. When British forces landed in the Peloponnese, they found the National Civil Guard, created by EAM in late summer to assume policing duties from the partisans and replace the discredited collaborationist Gendarmerie, maintained control and order. In Patras, for example, joint patrols of British soldiers and Civil Guard men were carried out until November 1944. Reprisals were also a common phenomenon in other European countries that suffered under Nazi occupation, from the mass expulsion of the Germans in eastern Europe to mass executions of collaborationists: over 10,000 in France, and between 12,000 and 20,000 in Italy.

In June 2011, the Independent Commission for Human Rights based in Ramallah published a report whose findings included that the Palestinians in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip were subjected in 2010 to an "almost systematic campaign" of human rights abuses by the Palestinian Authority and Hamas, as well as by Israeli authorities, with the security forces belonging to the PA and Hamas being responsible for torture, arrests and arbitrary detentions. In 2012, the Human Rights Watch presented a 43-page long list of human rights violations committed by Hamas. Among actions attributed to Hamas, the HRW report mentions beatings with metal clubs and rubber hoses, hanging of alleged collaborationists with Israel, and torture of 102 individuals. According to the report, Hamas also tortured civil society activists and peaceful protesters.

From, June 1942, appointed Garrison Major in Algiers, Colonel Jousse actively prepared for the Algiers uprising, storing weapons and contributing to choosing the locations which would be occupied. He himself took part in the execution of the November 8 Putsch and opposing the Vichyist 'plan of the maintenance of law and order' which was intended to be opposed to any invasion. Thus he would facilitate the occupation of strategic points by the resistance by providing them 'VP' arm- bands - 'Public Volunteers', with letters from the Public Commander destined for the military collaborationists, with mission orders to raise the state of security. He personally carried out the arrest of General Koeltz, Commander of the Algerian Army Corps, and went onto the battlefront to put an end to the fire of a resistance battalion protecting the invasion point of Sidi Ferruch for the American troops.

After the defeat of the Axis Powers in 1945 and the rise of communist Josip Broz Tito as leader of a new communist-led Yugoslavia, Croatian nationalism along with other nationalisms were suppressed by state authorities. During the communist era, some Croatian communists were labeled as Croatian nationalists, respectively Ivan Krajačić and Andrija Hebrang. Hebrang was accused by Serbian newspapers that he had influenced Tito to act against Serbian interests, in reality Tito and Hebrang were political rivals, since Hebrang advocated Croatian interests at the federal level and was one of the major Yugoslav Partisan leaders. Hebrang also advocated change of Croatian borders, since, according to him, Croatian boundaries were clipped by Milovan Đilas' commission. He also argued against unfair exchange rates imposed on Croatia after 1945 and condemning show trials against people labeled as collaborationists.

Despite the efforts of the collaborationists and the Germans, Pétain never recognized the Sigmaringen Commission. The Germans, wanting to present a facade of legality, enlisted other Vichy officials such as Fernand de Brinon as president, along with Joseph Darnand, Jean Luchaire, Eugène Bridoux, and Marcel Déat. On 7 September 1944, fleeing the advance of Allied troops into France, while Germany was in flames and the Vichy regime ceased to exist, a thousand French collaborators (including a hundred officials of the Vichy regime, a few hundred members of the French Militia, collaborationist party militants, and the editorial staff of the newspaper Je suis partout) but also waiting-game opportunists also went into exile in Sigmaringen. The commission had its own radio station (Radio- patrie, Ici la France) and official press (, Le Petit Parisien), and hosted the embassies of the Axis powers: Germany, Italy and Japan.

West Bank lawyers were banned on security grounds from organizing professionally a bar association. Palestinians were denied direct political representation after 1976, and instead, village Leagues (rawabit al-qura) were introduced, and furnished by Israeli with arms and militias. These Leagues had a short life: their appointees were considered to be quislings by General Binyamin Ben- Eliezer and collaborationists by the local population, and to have been recruited from people who were lazy or had criminal backgrounds. With the Oslo Accords, Israel negotiated with the Palestinian Liberation Organization a provisory agreement which left the latter some autonomy in Area A, mixed regulation of Area B, and total Israeli administration of the largest zone, Area C. Israel retains a right to operate militarily in all three zones, but security issues have a bilateral dimension that had led a number of critics to argue that effectively the Palestinian National Authority has become Israel's subcontractor in the occupation.

The modern usage of the term stems from the Second Sino-Japanese War in which circumstances forced political figures in China to choose between resistance and collaboration. Nuance in understanding not just why some Chinese chose to cooperate with Japanese but as well as inquiring why cooperation made sense to people at that time has opened up hanjian into being an ambiguous term in modern history rather than the black and white one that it is so often used as. There tend to be two types of hanjian, or collaborationists, when observing the era of the Sino-Japanese War: “the educated and intellectuals, who simply wanted to get power and wealth for themselves, and the poor and uneducated, whose poverty drove them to collaborate and whose ignorance saved them from even thinking they had to justify what they were doing.” Due to this notion and the modern ambiguity of the term, each of these two categories had various motives with the majority being different but some overlapping.

The National Front ( or Front national de l'indépendance de la France) was a World War II French Resistance movement created to unite all of the Resistance Organizations together to fight the Nazi occupation forces and Vichy France under Marshall Petain. Founded in 1941 in Paris by Jacques Duclos, Andre Pican and Pierre Villon, along with their wives all members of the French Communist Party (PCF) they felt that to be a vital force against the Nazis, the collaborationists and the informers that all of the Resistance movements, no matter their party or Religion(Jewish or Catholic) had to band together. Its name was inspired by the Popular Front, a left-wing coalition which governed France from 1936 to 1938. This helped them coordinate attacks all across France, to move weapons, food, false identity papers, information and food, protect and move people who were to be arrested or executed and supply multiple safe houses for the Resistance and for Jews.

Some of the men were pre-war members of IMRO, and thus harbored deep Bulgarian convictions, some to assist in self-defense of Greek attacks,Добрин Мичев. Българското национално дело в Югозападна Македония (1941—44 г.) others due to pro-Nazi sentiments, some to avenge repressions inflicted on them by Greek authorities during the Metaxas dictatorship, and many others to defend themselves from attacks by other Greek resistance movements, which saw them as collaborationists with the Italian, Bulgarian and German forces. In the summer of 1944, Ohrana constituted some 12,000 local fighters and volunteers from Bulgaria charged with protection of the local population.Ivan Alexandrov, Macedonia and Bulgarian National Nihilism, Macedonian Patriotic Organization, "TA" Australia Incorporated, , 1993. p. 30. During 1944, whole called by the Greeks Bulgarophone (now Slavophone) villages were armed by the occupation authorities to counterbalance the emerging power of the resistance and especially of Greek People's Liberation Army (ELAS). On 5 April 1944, rebel group EAM-ELAS attacked a German convoy of lorries killing 25 soldiers.

Although this Freedom Front was theorized by Louis Marin and the other leaders of the party as a tactic against the growing influence of Colonel François de La Rocque's French Social Party--one of the first right-wing French mass party--this union also corresponded with the ideology of the leading classes outside Paris (such as Victor Perret in the Rhône region) and of the activists opposed both to the lefts and to the centre-right parties such as the Democratic Alliance or the Popular Democrats. This shift to the right of the party during the 1930s explain how several important pre-war figures of the party (such as Laurent Bonnevay) left it. The Republican Federation acted as the nexus between parliamentary conservatives and the anti-Republican nationalist right organized in the various far-right paramilitaries and in the ultramonarchist Action française. Party members such as Philippe Henriot or Xavier Vallat (both future collaborationists) thus served as intermediaries between the leaders of the Republican Federation and the extra-parliamentary right.

A pasteboard tag with full > names and full address must be attached to the keys by a wire or a lace. We > highly recommend the Jews to take with them all valuables and > cash...(excerpt) "Воззвание к еврейскому населению Таганрога" Ruins of the Taganrog school no.27 in 1943. This is the building where the Jews of Taganrog came to register prior to be taken to the Gully of Petrushino. On October 29, 1941 all Jews of Taganrog (around 2,500 people) were gathered on Vladimirskaya Plaza, promptly registered at the building of the school no.27 in front of Vladimirskaya Plaza and taken by trucks to the Gully of Petrushino near Beriev Aircraft Factory, where they were shot to death by Schutzmannschaft collaborationists under control of Otto Ohlendorf's Einsatzgruppe D. Of all the Jewish children who lived in Taganrog in 1941 only a 14-year-old boy Volodya Kobrin () managed to escape the certain death, thanks to the help of various people in Taganrog and especially Anna Mikhailovna Pokrovskaya, who was awarded the title of the Righteous among the Nations by the Professor Alisa Shenar, Ambassador of Israel in Russia on July 19, 1996.

Most convicts were given amnesty a few years later. In the police, collaborators soon resumed official responsibilities. For example, Maurice Papon, who would be convicted in the 1990s for his role in the Vichy collaborationist government, was in the position of giving orders for the Paris massacre of 1961 as the head of the Parisian police. The French members of the Waffen-SS Charlemagne Division who survived the war were regarded as traitors. Some of the more prominent officers were executed, while the rank-and-file were given prison terms; some of them were given the option of doing time in Indochina (1946–54) with the Foreign Legion instead of prison. Many war criminals were judged only in the 1980s, including Paul Touvier, Klaus Barbie, Maurice Papon and his deputy Jean Leguay. The last two were both convicted for their roles in the July 1942 Rafle du Vel' d'Hiv, or Vel' d'Hiv Roundup). Famous Nazi hunters Serge and Beate Klarsfeld spent decades trying to bring them to justice. A fair number of collaborationists joined the OAS terrorist movement during the Algerian War (1954–62).

Italian WWII propaganda poster showing a Beretta Model 38 Repubblica Sociale Italiana, armed with a MAB 38A and wearing a "Samurai" magazine-holding vest. Originally designed by Beretta's chief engineer Tullio Marengoni in 1935, the Moschetto Automatico Beretta (Beretta Automatic Musket) 38, or MAB 38, was developed from the Beretta Modello 18 and 18/30, derived from the Villar Perosa light machine gun of World War I. It is widely acknowledged as the most successful and effective Italian small arm of World War II and was produced in large numbers in several variants. Italy's limited industrial base in World War II was no real barrier toward the development of advanced and effective small arms, since most weapons did require large amounts of artisan and semi-artisan man-hours to be fine-tuned and made reliable by default. Italian specialized workers excelled and the initial slow rate of production meant that the MAB 38 became available in large numbers only in 1943, when the fascist regime was toppled and Italy split between the Allied-aligned co-belligerent forces in the south and German collaborationists of the Italian Social Republic in the north.