" #LeTalk "I condemn, without reservation, the collaborationist Vichy government.
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She argued that the collaborationist Vichy regime did not represent France.
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A mole was apparently passing information to the collaborationist Vichy regime.
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Unlike in France or Norway, there was no collaborationist government in Poland.
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Hungary and Croatia are both whitewashing their World War II-era Nazi collaborationist governments.
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Then he was shipped to a camp under the control of the collaborationist French Vichy government.
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The name of Vidkun Quisling, who led the collaborationist government, has since become a byword for treachery.
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The collaborationist Vichy regime of 1940, which enjoyed the support of ultra-traditionalist clergy still lay ahead.
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Perhaps it was because French Guiana had already fallen into the friendly hands of the collaborationist Vichy regime.
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His study in Vichy, the wartime capital of collaborationist France, was crammed with books and periodicals denying the Holocaust.
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Poland was invaded and occupied by Germany in 1939, but unlike in neighboring countries, there was no collaborationist government in Warsaw.
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But the Polish underground state and resistance carried out death sentences against collaborators and blackmailers, and Poland never formed a collaborationist government.
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The Germans, the collaborationist militia, and the French Gestapo organization opened fire with machine guns, rifles, and pistols, and the battle was on.
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Further to the right, the People's Party Our Slovakia openly defends the Nazi collaborationist regime that governed the country during the second world war.
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It also is undeniable that many Eastern Europeans — individuals, pogrom mobs, nationalist armed groups and collaborationist governments — actively participated in the murder of Jews.
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Her father worked as an architect until a 1941 law by France's collaborationist Vichy government forced him — and other Jews — out of the profession.
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But his reputation was shredded when he established the collaborationist Vichy government of unoccupied France that deported more than 70,000 Jews to Nazi death camps.
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But Wednesday's remarks struck a chord in a nation that has lived through two world wars and only in recent decades has acknowledged its collaborationist past.
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During the second world war Gulbenkian was an envoy of the Iranian government to the collaborationist French regime, and was duly proclaimed an enemy alien by Britain.
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Nazis controlled the camps and did not have a collaborationist government in Warsaw during World War II. Critics of Poland's new law say it goes too far.
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Although continually patronised and underestimated, Hall quickly adapted to the secret life, basing herself in Lyon, deep in collaborationist Vichy France, and exploiting her cover as a journalist.
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As Hitler triumphantly toured Paris the following week, 84-year-old Marshal Philippe Pétain, hero of Verdun, hastily formed a collaborationist government in the spa town of Vichy.
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Curfews in Paris were strictly enforced, and special permits were required to cross from German-controlled France into Vichy, the nominally free region of the country under Pétain's collaborationist government.
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He was spared from prosecution as a collaborationist by the intervention of political allies, including his future son-in-law, who claimed he had joined the Resistance and saved Jews.
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Poland never installed a collaborationist government: It ceased to exist as a nation after was invaded at the outset of the war and carved up by Germany and the Soviet Union.
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At an inauguration ball, Sebastian Gorka, a Breitbart editor who was soon to become a White House adviser, wore a medal associated with a Nazi-collaborationist Hungarian group, the Vitezi Rend.
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Petain was widely celebrated for his military leadership during the First World War, but disgraced himself during the Second World War by taking the position as head of the collaborationist Vichy government.
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During the French colonial era, King Mohammed V refused to apply the anti-Semitic measures imposed by the collaborationist French Vichy regime during the Nazi occupation of France in World War Two.
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Brasillach, who was editor of the collaborationist weekly "Je suis partout," in which he published violent attacks against America, Britain and General de Gaulle, wrote one vitriolic article insulting President and Mrs. Roosevelt.
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For decades, many French have held on to the idea that their ancestors had been either victims or resisters of Nazis, or of the collaborationist regime that was set up in Vichy, France.
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De Man, who died in 1983, had incurred worldwide posthumous censure after it was revealed in 1988 that during the war he had written hundreds of articles for collaborationist newspapers in his native Belgium.
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Unlike many in France who collaborated with Germans and accepted the collaborationist Vichy government, La Rochefoucauld fled to Spain, taking the dangerous journey to London so he could meet Charles de Gaulle in person.
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Critics on the left complained that the plan would create two classes of citizens, saying it recalled the dark days of the World War II collaborationist government in France, which rendered hundreds of Jews stateless.
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French civilians hid out in disused underground quarries to escape the intense Allied bombing around Caen, leaving behind thousands of objects including medicine vials, broken dolls, crockery and coins minted by the collaborationist Vichy regime.
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She published an autobiography in 2007, in which she criticized the long delay in the French government's acceptance of responsibility for the murder of French Jews, whose deportations were organized by the collaborationist regime based in Vichy.
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And there prevailed a certain vision of French history, in the easy invocation of former members of the academy, celebrated French writers with dubious wartime collaborationist pasts like Henry de Montherlant, cited by Mr. Grainville as a mentor.
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Much of the press coverage of "Suicide Français" fixated, enraged, on a seven-page section in which Zemmour rebutted the widely held view of Vichy, France's collaborationist government, as fully responsible for everything that happened under its stewardship.
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Though France has long struggled to come to terms with its wartime role under the collaborationist Vichy regime, presidents including Jacques Chirac and Francois Hollande recognised that the French state shared responsibility for deporting Jews to Nazi death camps.
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This step, for some critics, is not unlike stamping the word "Juif" or "Juive" on the papers of French Jews under the collaborationist regime of Vichy, not to mention its stripping of citizenship in 1940 from naturalized French Jews.
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Although certain priests, like Germany's Dietrich Bonhöffer, opposed fascism with supreme courage, today's clergy are still somewhat haunted by the memory of right-wing predecessors (for example, under the collaborationist Vichy regime in France) who gave comfort to, or failed to oppose, totalitarianism.
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Collaborationist militias kept order, and French police were complicit in the most dastardly act of the Occupation: The 1942 roundup of around 13,000 Jews at the Vel d'Hiv bicycle stadium before their eventual deportation to the Auschwitz death camp in German-occupied Poland.
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There is a moment in season 2 of Occupied—a pretty-good Norwegian political thriller in which the country is conquered by Russia and slowly transforms into a collaborationist security state—where a half-dozen intelligence agents are taking part in a depressing LAN party.
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Many belonged to Jewish families whose homes were raided during the Nazi occupation, or who were forced to sell the art — paintings, drawings, sculptures or antiquities — as they fled the country to avoid arrest by France's collaborationist Vichy government and deportation to concentration camps.
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Five years later, when the Germans had overrun France and the collaborationist Vichy regime took control of what was no longer a refuge for Nazi prey in the south, Fry went to Marseille as a volunteer for a privately organized mission, the Emergency Rescue Committee.
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In the first, Barny is threatened by a collaborationist colleague who suspects her of sheltering a Jewish family; in the second, she suffers a crisis of conscience upon learning that a young girl with whom she is acquainted has been marked for death by the Resistance for fraternizing with the Germans.
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The season even opens with an ominous fake ad for "The Partnership" — between the ruling vampires and collaborationist humans — that emphasizes the harmony and diversity of accepting all walks of life, as it tries to gloss over the fact that the vampires are attempting to bump humanity one step down the food chain.
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A cynical move Le Pen later tried to explain that she simply shares the view of former French presidents Charles De Gaulle (a conservative) and François Mitterrand (a socialist) that the "real" France during the Second World War was in London, with De Gaulle's resistance movement, not in Vichy, the capital of the collaborationist regime.
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Some of Klein's most revealing pages concern Matisse's activity in the period leading up to and during World War II. It may seem strange that Matisse could continue pursuing his interest in decoration — and for the pastoral imagery that so often accompanied it — at a time when half of his country was under Nazi occupation, and the rest of it ruled by a nominally independent collaborationist government.
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In 2002, "the party was far more associated to the post-war extreme right — where among the founders of the party, you had former collaborationists, people who were nostalgic of Vichy," the collaborationist government that had worked with the German occupiers, and "some of them had fought with the German Nazis," Nonna Mayer, a French political scientist, explained to Vox in her Paris office the week of the election.
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But as much as his well-known views — his admiration for France's collaborationist World War II leader, Marshal Pétain; his hatred of the country's liberator, Charles de Gaulle; his casual anti-Semitism and racism; his approval of torture in the Algerian war — it is the sense that Mr. Le Pen's long life encompasses the whole sweep of postwar French history, albeit darkly, that accounts in part for his current bookstore triumph.
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The Gestapo established the collaborationist HIPO Corps to replace them.
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Estonian Auxiliary Police were Estonian collaborationist police units during World War II.
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He was assassinated at a very young age near Pogradec by a local collaborationist band.
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During World War II, the Byelorussian Central Council, the Nazi collaborationist régimes, also used the symbol.
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He withdrew politically from Wang, who led a Japan-friendly collaborationist government from 1940 to 1944.
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In 1936, Mu Shiying moved to Hong Kong to pursue his estranged wife. He stayed in Hong Kong, but he returned to Shanghai at the invitation of Liu Na'ou who was working with the Japanese. In 1939, Mu became the general manager of a collaborationist newspaper under Wang Jingwei's collaborationist government.
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During this process, the mood in Norway largely changed with many calls for clemency for the former collaborationist minister.
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Konrad Sundlo was pardoned in 1952 and died in 1965. During the German occupation Sundlo was Rikshirdsjef (paramilitary collaborationist commander) from the autumn of 1940. After that he served as the collaborationist county governor of Oslo and Akershus from 1943 to 1944 and lastly in Sogn og Fjordane until the end of the war.
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Dušan Letica (; 23 October 1884 – 19 September 1945) was a Serbian lawyer, translator, and Axis Power collaborationist during World War II.
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Bak also became a Japanese petty bureaucrat. He tried to introduce the parliamentary system to the Imperial Korean government, but the Korean government refused.Institute for Research in Collaborationist Activities, 《National issues Institute 9》(Seoul: Institute for Research in Collaborationist Activities, 1996) pp. 16 In 1903, he returned and passed the probation period as a civil officer of Imperial Korea.
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In France, many women had their heads shaved as punishment for relationships with Germans. In France, a distinction emerged between the collaborateur (collaborator) and the collaborationniste (collaborationist). The term collaborationist is mainly used to describe individuals enrolled in pseudo-Nazi parties, often based in Paris, who had belief in fascist ideology or were anti-communists.George Grossjohann. 2005.
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Assassination of key figures in the hierarchy of German and collaborationist hierarchy became increasingly common through 1944. In July 1944, the assassinated the brother of Léon Degrelle, head of the collaborationist Rexist Party and leading Belgian fascist. Informants and suspected double agents were also targeted; the Communist claimed to have killed over 1,000 traitors between June and September 1944.
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In the alternate history novel Dominion by C. J. Sansom, Beaverbrook serves as the collaborationist Prime Minister of a Nazi-occupied Britain.
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Milan Aćimović (; 31 May 1898 - 25 May 1945) was a Serbian politician and collaborationist with the Axis in Yugoslavia during World War II.
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Henry Coston (Paris, 20 December 1910 – Caen, Normandy, 26 July 2001) was a French far-right, anti-Semitic journalist, collaborationist and conspiracy theorist.
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As resistance attacks against them escalated, collaborationist parties became more violent and launched reprisals against civilians, including the Courcelles Massacre in August 1944.
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On this same show, Barre defended the collaborationist Maurice Papon at his trial, describing him as "a scapegoat." Barre was criticized for these remarks.
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The collaborationist Inner Mongolian Army of Prince Demchugdongrub, and the later puppet state of Mengjiang, had 10,000 of these rifles as well, received in 1929.
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After the liberation of Greece, a new collaborationist government had been established at Vienna, during September of 1944, formed by former collaborationist ministers. It was headed by the former collaborationist minister . During 1945, Tsironikos tried by a Special Collaborators Court and sentenced to death. On 10 May 1945, he was arrested at Vienna by the Allied forces and sent to Greece, where he was imprisoned.Οι Τσιρονίκος και Ταβουλάρης συνελήφθησαν, Εφημερίδα «Ελευθερία», Παρασκευή 11 Μαΐου 1945, σελίδα 2. Ο Τσιρονίκος παρεδόθη χθες εις τας Ελληνικάς Αρχάς, Εφημερίδα «Εμπρός», Τρίτη 27 Αυγούστου 1946, σελίδα 5. Ο Ε.Τσιρονίκος υπέβαλε αίτηση χάριτος, Εφημερίδα «Εμπρός», Τρίτη 27 Αυγούστου 1946, σελίδα 5.
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The Italians shot on the spot all Slovenes caught with arms or forged documents, relatives of Partisans and thousands of young Slovene men were rounded up and sent to concentration camps. With the aid of Slovene collaborationist forces, the fascist authorities also managed to kill some 1,000 Partisans. In the fall of 1942, at Rožman's urging, the collaborationist forces (Slovene Legion, National Legion, Sokol Legion and Slovene Chetniks) gathered in "The Legion of Death", became part of the MVAC forces, armed and led by the Italian military. Later these collaborationist forces joined the SS-commanded Home Guard, to fight with the Germans against the Partisans.
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In July 1940 he voted for the constitutional change that established the collaborationist Vichy government. As a result, he was barred from politics after the war.
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ELAS emerged victorious and the remnants of PAO began operating under the umbrella of the Security Battalions organized by the collaborationist government in Athens, committing numerous atrocities.
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Shrader, 1999, p. 16 Ioannis Rallis became head of the regime as of April 1943 and was responsible for the creation of the Greek collaborationist Security Battalions.
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Nevertheless, the sales of collaborationist newspapers like Le Soir and the newspapers of pro-collaborationist political parties like Le Pays Réel remained high. A large number of underground newspapers were also published and distributed – the underground paper La Libre Belgique achieved a circulation of 30,000. Siemens factory in Berlin, August 1943. Occupied Belgium was also targeted by the Allied bombers from both the British RAF and American USAAF.
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Chief of collaborationist French State Marshal Pétain shaking hands with German Nazi leader Hitler at Montoire on October 24, 1940. Metropolitan France was divided into a German occupation zone in the north and west and an unoccupied zone in the south. Pétain set up a collaborationist government in the spa town of Vichy and the authoritarian regime French State, replacing the abolished French Republic, came to be known as Vichy France.
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During World War II, Sexé wrote articles for La Gerbe, a French collaborationist weekly newspaper that promoted Vichy or Nazi beliefs. Sexé died in 1986 in Poitiers, France.
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It was established by Nazi Germany within Reichskommissariat Ostland in 1943–44, following requests by collaborationist Belarusian politicians hoping to create an independent Belarusian state with German support.
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On 12 December 1943 the abbé was killed by Jean Thépaut, a member of the French Communist Party following a series of denunciations of Perrot for alleged collaborationist activity.
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The SP UGB exchanged information with a number of different agencies, including the German military intelligence service, the Abwehr, and other collaborationist organisations such as the Serbian Volunteer Corps.
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Collaborationist movements sprang up in the Nord département as early as 1940. The Vlaamsch Verbond van Frankrijk (VVF, Flemish Federation of France), established in 1940, developed a cultural and educational program designed to highlight the close cultural relationship between the Flemish and the Germans. The goal was to justify the incorporation of Lille into Belgium, with a view to rebuilding "Germanic Europe." Other collaborationist movements were sub- sections of national political parties.
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Georgios Tsolakoglou (; April 1886 – 22 May 1948) was a Greek military officer who became the first Prime Minister of the Greek collaborationist government during the Axis occupation in 1941–1942.
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He was apparently indifferent as to whether the government was imperialist, militarist, Nationalist, or collaborationist. Other than for the sake of running China's banks, his views and motives remain elusive.
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Prek Cali. During World War II, the northern Albanian tribes were collaborationist and anti-Communist. Prek Cali led the Kelmendi tribe. Some leaders were persecuted by the new Communist regime.
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In Norway, Vidkun Quisling, head of the collaborationist government from 1942 to 1945 during the German occupation in World War II, held the title of Minister-President (in Norwegian, ministerpresident).
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The French League (full name - French League for purging, mutual aid and European collaboration) was a collaborationist French movement founded by Pierre Costantini in September 1940. Its journal was entitled L'Appel.
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In January 1944, the remnants of PAO, consisting of several hundred men, requested aid from the German authorities and they were reformed into collaborationist, counter- insurgency units. Under German direction, PAO took part in operations against ELAS, while attacking the Bulgarian army, with the tacit approval of the Germans. From then on PAO operated under the umbrella of the collaborationist Security Battalions, committing numerous atrocities. ELAS remained the dominant resistance organization in Greece until the end of the war.
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In the French State under Pétain, French authorities willingly enacted and enforced antisemitic laws, unprompted by Berlin. His collaborationist government helped send 75,721 Jewish refugees and French citizens to Nazi death camps.
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Ante Pavelić became a security advisor of Perón, before leaving for Francoist Spain in 1957. As in the United States (Operation Paperclip), Argentina also welcomed displaced German scientists such as Kurt Tank and Ronald Richter. Some of these refugees took important roles in Perón's Argentina, such as French collaborationist Jacques de Mahieu, who became an ideologue of the Peronist movement, before becoming mentor to a Roman Catholic nationalist youth group in the 1960s. Belgian collaborationist Pierre Daye became editor of a Peronist magazine.
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According to historian Dmitry Vedeneyev, the massacre was committed by SS and collaborationist auxiliary police. The number of perpetrators of the massacre is estimated at 300–500. 5,612 victims of the massacre remain unidentified.
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Belarusian partisans may refer to Soviet-formed irregular military groups participating in the Belarusian resistance during World War II against Nazi Germany as well as the pro-German collaborationist structures behind the Soviet front.
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In 1942 Vuçitërni would serve as manager of the properties of the Muslim Community in Albania. He would be arrested by the Albanian communists in late 1944 and sentenced as war criminal and collaborationist.
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Chen Gongbo (; Japanese: Chin Kōhaku, October 19, 1892 - June 3, 1946) was a Chinese politician, noted for his role as second (and final) President of the collaborationist Wang Jingwei regime during World War II.
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The Belgrade Special Police (, SP UGB) was a Serbian collaborationist police organisation directed and controlled by the German Gestapo () in the German- occupied territory of Serbia from 1941 to 1944 during World War II.
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David Littlejohn, The Patriotic Traitors, London: Heinemann, 1972, p. 210 He was briefly the official ambassador for the collaborationist government in occupied Paris although early on this role passed to fellow Germanophile Fernand de Brinon.
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After completing secondary school during the Nazi occupation, Simone was responsible for supporting her family and forced to take work as a typist for a French collaborationist newspaper, Les nouveaux temps, run by Jean Luchaire.
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Monuments historiques: Chapelle de Koat-Keo During the World War II, Perrot and Breun-Blug were suspected of collaborationist activity. In 1941, Bouillé was made director of Bleun-Brug and sat on the Advisory Committee of Brittany, as its representative. The Committee was seen by resistance activists as part of the collaborationist régime. At this time he advocated a radical plan to build a new Breton capital city to be called "Brittia", which would be a "Celtic Brasilia" on the shores of Lake Guerlédan.
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In 1939, Petit traveled to Nazi Germany to work in the "World Center of Anti-Semitic Propaganda". He returned to France after the proclamation by Marshal Philippe Pétain of the Vichy regime in 1940, and became the chief editor of the collaborationist newspaper Le Pilori before being replaced. Petit worked directly with the Nazi propaganda services and was, because of that, not really appreciated in collaborationist circles. In August 1944, he left for Germany where his two sons worked as volunteers in the German Army.
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There is a great deal of controversy regarding the fate of the collaborationist troops captured at Grčarice and Turjak. According to Partisan records, a total of 115 former MVAC troops and Chetniks were sentenced to death, and others were shot trying to escape from work units. Anti-Partisan sources claim that up to 1,000 were killed. Given the tendencies of both sides to either minimise or inflate these figures to their own ends, it remains unclear how many collaborationist troops were killed following capture.
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The Yugoslav Partisans' Honor Court describes Aleksić as a "highly cultured" and "hardworking" journalist, saying "he behaved very honorably during the war, helping us out and never fully submitting to the collaborationist government or the occupiers".
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Aurenche keeps moving locations so that he does not have to write anything collaborationist. On the other hand, Aurenche's scriptwriting does not help how he lives and he is a womanizer which causes him to procrastinate.
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192 they preferred to comply.Alcalá 2001, p. 148 As late as in 1957 Valiente thought of Iturmendi when sketching a planned Carlist collaborationist strategyVázquez de Prada 2011, p. 400 with the intention to promote the Borbón-Parmas.
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P. Nicanor & Co., "Miscellanea. Făt-Frumos din lacrimă", in Viața Romînească, Vol. XVIII, Issue 1, January 1926, pp. 126–127 In February–March 1919, Herz was court-martialled, with 22 other "collaborationist" journalists, by the Second Army.
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Velimirović was transferred to Dachau alongside Dožić via Budapest and Vienna in September 1944 and was held there as an "honorary prisoner". Upon being released, he and Dožić were relocated to a tourist resort and then to a hotel in Vienna as guests of the German government, where they met with Ljotić and other Serbian collaborationist officials. Discussions between the Serbian side and the Germans took place here. Ljotić and Nedić petitioned Neubacher so that the forces of Chetnik commander Momčilo Đujić could be allowed passage to Slovenia, as did Slovene collaborationist General Leon Rupnik.
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As the sounds of a rebellion against the collaborationist government begin to come through the windows of his office, Ingram awaits the secret police; when someone breaks down the door he turns to stare at the unseen intruder.
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Tang Erho (; Wade-Giles: T'ang Er-ho, 1878 - November 8, 1940) was a medical doctor and politician in the Chinese Beiyang government, later noted for his role as in the collaborationist Provisional Government of the Republic of China.
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Meanwhile, other nearby villages come to give aid by setting off fireworks which mimic the sounds of gunfire in order to intimidate the Japanese. Collaborationist Chinese Army General Binghui suggests that the Japanese retreat and Yamada grudgingly agrees.
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Situation map in first days of Slovak National Uprising In the 1944 Slovak National Uprising, many Slovak units sided with the Slovak resistance and rebelled against Tiso's collaborationist government, while others helped German forces put the uprising down.
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Ding Mocun (; Hepburn: Tei Mokuson; 1901 – July 5, 1947), also known as Ding Lesheng (), was a politician in the early Republic of China. During Japanese occupation, he was a prominent figure in the secret police of the collaborationist regime.
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Zhou Fohai (; Hepburn: Shū Futsukai; May 29, 1897 – February 28, 1948), Chinese politician, and second-in-command of the Executive Yuan in Wang Jingwei's collaborationist Reorganized National Government of the Republic of China during the Second Sino-Japanese War.
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Robert Poulet (4 September 1893 – 6 October 1989) was a Belgian writer, literary critic and journalist. Politically he was a Maurras-inspired integral nationalist who became associated with a collaborationist newspaper during the occupation of Belgium by Nazi Germany.
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René Bonnefoy (16 December 1896 – 30 December 1980), known under the pen names B. R. Bruss and Roger Blondel, was a French science fiction and fantasy writer, and a civil servant under the Nazi collaborationist Vichy regime (1940–44).
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As a result, armed collaborationist militias composed of pro-Bulgarian Slavic-speakers, known as Ohrana, were formed in 1943 in the districts of Pella, Florina and Kastoria. Such units joined EAM in 1944 before the end of the occupation.
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The Wang Jingwei collaborationist government, established in 1940, "consolidated" these regimes, though in reality neither Wang's government nor the constituent governments had any autonomy, although the military of the Wang Jingwei Government was equipped by the Japanese with planes, cannons, tanks, boats, and German-style stahlhelm (already widely used by the National Revolutionary Army, the "official" army of the Republic of China). The military forces of these puppet regimes, known collectively as the Collaborationist Chinese Army, numbered more than a million at their height, with some estimates that the number exceeded 2 million conscripts. Great numbers of collaborationist troops were men originally serving in warlord forces within the National Revolutionary Army who had defected when facing both Communists and Japanese as enemies. Although its manpower was very large, the soldiers were very ineffective compared to NRA soldiers due to low morale for being considered as "Hanjian".
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He was under the command of Otto Ohlendorf, who headed Amt III. From December 1944, Buchardt also headed Sonderkommando Ost, which gathered intelligence on Russian personnel living in German territory, including members of General Andrey Vlasov's collaborationist Russian Liberation Army.
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Norwegian Legion (, ) was a Norwegian collaborationist formation of the Waffen-SS during World War II. It was formed in German-occupied Norway on 29 June 1941, in support of the war aims of Nazi Germany. The unit was disbanded in 1943.
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The Hellenic State (, Elliniki Politeia, also translated as Greek StateYves Durand, Le Nouvel ordre européen nazi, Complexe, Paris, 1990, p. 44)) was the collaborationist government of Greece during the country's occupation by the Axis powers in the Second World War.
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The men of his group were given the choice to stay in Crete or follow him to Macedonia. About half of his men were transferred to Macedonia to reinforced the collaborationist battalion of Georgios Poulos (a.k.a. Poulos Verband).Mazower, Mark.
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Daye was a correspondent of Je suis partout, the ultra-collaborationist French language review headed by Robert Brasillach. He was sentenced to death as a collaborator on 18 December 1946, by the Brussels War Council.Extradiciones, rgentina-rree.com; accessed 14 November 2016.
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539 Whereas, it appears that, most of the local beys, the majority of whom were part of the nationalist resistance group Balli Kombëtar (not to be confused with the collaborationist Balli Kombëtar Çam) and the mufti did not support such actions.
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PPF propaganda poster The Parti Populaire Français (French Popular Party) was a French fascist and anti-semitic political party led by Jacques Doriot before and during World War II. It is generally regarded as the most collaborationist party of France.
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Opposing the collaborationist Central Jewish Office, both Zissu and his Zionist rival, Mișu Benvenisti, spent terms in Romanian concentration camps.Glass, pp. 163–164. See also Crăciun (2011), p. 89 The elderly Diamant stayed behind in Soviet-occupied Bukovina after 1940.
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Chen Zenmin (; Chin Sokumin; 1881 — 1951) was a lawyer and politician in the pre-war Republic of China. He held a number of important posts in the collaborationist Reformed Government of the Republic of China, and Reorganized National Government of China.
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The second collaborationist leader, Konstantinos Logothetopoulos, who had fled to Germany after the Wehrmacht's withdrawal, was caught by the US military and was condemned to life imprisonment. In 1951, he was given parole and thus died outside prison. Ioannis Rallis, the third collaborationist prime minister, was tried on a treason charge; the court sentenced him to life imprisonment. However, several lower and middle figures that had collaborated with the Germans, especially members of the Security Battalions and the gendarmerie, were soon released and reinstated in their posts; in the developing Greek Civil War, their anti-Communist credentials were more important than their collaboration.
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Abellio went to the École Polytechnique and then took part in the X-Crise Group. He advocated far-left ideas, but like many other technocrats, he joined the Vichy regime during the Second World War and became in 1942 secretary general of Eugène Deloncle's far-right Mouvement Social Révolutionnaire (MSR) party.Mark Sedgwick erratum to Against the Modern World Oxford University Press, 2004 He then participated in Marcel Déat's attempt of creating a unified Collaborationist party. In April and September 1943 he participated in the Days of the Mont-Dore, an assembly of collaborationist personalities under the patronage of Philippe Pétain.
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The Italian fascist authorities followed through on many of the recommendations in Rožman's memorandum. Jozo Tomasevich indicated that the bishop's support led to the rapid growth of the Italian-led MVAC units, which absorbed "The Legion of Death" forces which had informally collaborated with the Italians in their brutal offensive against the Partisans in the Summer of 1942. The Italians also released Yugoslav Army officers. At the urging of the SLS and other Slovene collaborationist groups, in March 1942 the Italians apprehended and sent to POW camps 1,100 Yugoslav Army officers, since Slovene collaborationist groups saw them as a threat.
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Wang Jingwei with officers of the Collaborationist Chinese Army The Japanese set up several puppet regimes in occupied Chinese territories. The first of which was Manchukuo in 1932, followed by the East Hebei Autonomous Council in 1935. Similar to Manchukuo in its supposed ethnic identity, Mengjiang (Mengkukuo) was set up in late 1936. Wang Kemin's collaborationist Provisional Government of the Republic of China was set up in Beijing in 1937 following the start of full-scale military operations between China and Japan, another puppet regime was the Reformed Government of the Republic of China, setup in Nanjing in 1938.
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Aside from the Wehrmacht, which was the dominant Axis military in the territory, and (from January 1942) the Bulgarian armed forces, the Germans relied on local collaborationist formations for the maintenance of order.Local movements were formed nominally as subordinate to the local puppet government, but remained under direct German control throughout the war. The primary collaborationist formation was the Serbian State Guard, which functioned as the "regular army" of the Government of National Salvation of General Nedić (hence their nickname, Nedićevci). By October 1941 German-equipped Serbian forces had, under supervision, become increasingly effective against the resistance.
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The Grand Han Righteous Army (大漢義軍) was a collaborationist Chinese army cooperating with the Empire of Japan in campaigns in northern China and Inner Mongolia immediately prior to the official start of hostilities of the Second Sino-Japanese War.
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Chu Minyi; (; Hepburn: Cho Mingi; 1884 – August 23, 1946) was a leading figure in the Chinese republican movement and early Nationalist government, later noted for his role as Minister of Foreign Affairs in the collaborationist Wang Jingwei Government during World War II.
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In the 1940s, during the German occupation of Norway, some Norwegian politicians called for the annexation of Øst-Trøndelag to provide the collaborationist Quisling regime new opportunities for expansion.Foreign Policy Bulletin. Foreign Policy Association, New York - 1941. The American Swedish Monthly Vol. 35.
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Retrieved 11 April 2008. The resistance managed to kill high-ranking collaborationist Dutch officials, such as General Hendrik Seyffardt. In the Netherlands, the Germans managed to exterminate a relatively large proportion of the Jews.Genocide from Holocaust and Resistance in World War II Netherlands .
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Both the collaborationist government and the occupation forces were further undermined due to their failure to prevent the outbreak of the Great Famine, with the mortality rate reaching a peak in the winter of 1941–42, which seriously harmed the Greek civilian population.
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Philip Rees, Biographical Dictionary of the Extreme Right Since 1890, Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1990, p. 330. The Courcelles massacre remains the most famous example of collaborationist reprisals against the civilian population in Belgium and is commemorated by several memorials in the local area.
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The village was burned to the ground in 1943 by the Estonian collaborationist 658th Eastern Battalion under Major Alfons Rebane.Voyakina, Natalya & Vladimir Makarov. "Путь в ЕС под марш СС: Кем же были в действительности эстонские эсэсовцы?" . Voyenno-Promyshlennyi Kurier No. 29 (145).
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During World War II collaborationist Croatian Ustaše regime of Independent State of Croatia seized all property Serbian Orthodox Church and determined that the cathedral would be the central church of Croatian Orthodox Church, which was a part of the widespread persecution of Serbs.
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Beginning in 1940, in Marseille, despite the watchful eye of the collaborationist Vichy regime,Brown, Nancy. "No longer a haven: Varian Fry and the refugees of France." Yad Vashem: The Holocaust Martyrs' and Heroes' Remembrance Authority, October 13, 1999. Retrieved: March 25, 2016.
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It was widely viewed as a collaborationist organization. Georges Yvetot died suddenly on 11 May 1942 in Paris. He was cremated on 15 May 1942 and his ashes were deposited in Père Lachaise Cemetery in a ceremony attended by two hundred people.
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During World War II (1939–45), under the German occupation he contributed to L'Atelier, where he published his memoirs. He had become hostile to communism, and wrote for the collaborationist press. He died on 22 October 1949 at Chapelle-Forainvillers, Eure-et-Loir.
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The headquarters of the C.G.Q.J., located in the former Léopold Louis-Dreyfus bank. The Commissariat-General for Jewish Affairs (; C.G.Q.J.) was a special administration established in March 1941 by the collaborationist Vichy government of France in order to introduce anti-Jewish legislation.
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Ricklefs (1991), page 207 This announcement was seen, according to the U.S. official history, as immense vindication for Sukarno's apparent collaboration with the Japanese. The U.S. at the time considered Sukarno one of the "foremost collaborationist leaders."Kolko, Gabriel. The Politics of War.
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Xavier Vallat Xavier Vallat (December 23, 1891 – January 6, 1972), French politician, was Commissioner-General for Jewish Questions in the wartime Vichy collaborationist government, and was sentenced after World War II to ten years in prison for his part in the persecution of French Jews.
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It would be first published months later in early 1943 in both English and French in the United States, and would only later appear in his native homeland posthumously after the liberation of France, as his works had been banned by the collaborationist Vichy Regime.
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Reflecting his importance to the collaborationist cause, the Fascist authorities in retaliation for Natlačen shot 24 Slovene hostages, suspected supporters of the Liberation Front. After the war the communist authorities desecrated his grave, exhumed his remains, and disposed of them at an unknown location.
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Li Shiqun (; 1905 – September 9, 1943) was a politician in the Republic of China. During the Japanese occupation, he was the head of the secret police Tèwu (also known as Jessfield 76, after the address of its Shanghai headquarters) of Wang Jingwei's collaborationist regime.
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The Albanian collaborationist regime along with Balli Kombëtar subsequently took over the area. In mid-November, the Partisans forced the Balli Kombëtar to retreat.Šta bi danas rekao Abdulah Krašnica From 1945 until 1992 Preševo was part of Socialist Republic of Serbia, within SFR Yugoslavia.
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169 Gazeta Wyborcza, 2001-02-14, Litewska prokuratura przesłuchuje weteranów AK (Lithuanian prosecutor questioning AK veterans), last accessed on 7 June 2006 The crime was a retaliation by the Polish commander for an earlier massacre of Polish villagers in Glitiškės by collaborationist Lithuanian police.
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They saw action during the Second Sino-Japanese War in the late 1930s and many of these rifles were captured by Japanese forces. They were then used to arm five infantry divisions stationed in ChinaBall, pp. 81-82 as well as the Collaborationist Chinese Army.
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He began a double life. To public eyes - and, most importantly, to German and to Italian collaborationist eyes - he was a uniformed police officer. In private, he created a network of informants. These included Giuliano Vassalli and , and Colonel , leader of the (a resistance organisation).
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Gordon et al., p. 276 By January 1941, German authorities had recognized the PNFC as one of five officially collaborationist parties, with a right to organize in occupied territory and with duties in persuading the regime of Vichy France to also embrace full collaboration.Lecouturier, pp.
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Wang Jingwei and officers of the Collaborationist Chinese Army After 1940, the Japanese encountered tremendous difficulties in administering and garrisoning the seized territories, and tried to solve its occupation problems by implementing a strategy of creating friendly puppet governments favorable to Japanese interests in the territories conquered, most prominently the Nanjing Nationalist Government headed by former KMT premier Wang Jingwei. However, atrocities committed by the Imperial Japanese Army, as well as Japanese refusal to delegate any real power, left the puppets very unpopular and largely ineffective. The only success the Japanese had was to recruit a large Collaborationist Chinese Army to maintain public security in the occupied areas.
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The term Collaborationist Chinese Army refers to the military forces of the puppet governments founded by Imperial Japan in mainland China during the Second Sino-Japanese War and World War II. They most notably include the armies of the Provisional (1937–1940), Reformed (1938–1940) and Reorganized National Governments of the Republic of China (1940–1945), which absorbed the former two regimes. Those forces were also commonly known as puppet troops but went under different names during their history depending on the specific unit and allegiance, such as Peacebuilding National Army (). In total, it was estimated that all pro-Japanese collaborationist Chinese forces combined had a strength of around 683,000.
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Soucy, 1995, p.301. In 1941 Céline expressed satisfaction at the demise of the Third Republic describing its parliamentarians as having been concerned not with the welfare of society but only with keeping their seats in the Chamber of Deputies. He was proud, he said, that he had never participated in the electoral 'farce'. During the Occupation of France, he wrote letters to several collaborationist journals, denouncing the Jews.See the article « lettres aux journaux » in Philippe Alméras, Dictionnaire Céline, Plon. Also, "Notre combat pour la nouvelle France socialiste", reprinted in Mémoire juive et Éducation; 9 July 1943, in the collaborationist journal Je suis partout.
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The Flemish Legion () was a collaborationist military formation recruited among Dutch-speaking volunteers from German-occupied Belgium, notably from Flanders. It fought on the Eastern Front during World War II. The Flemish Legion was notionally an independent formation attached to the Waffen SS until May 1943 when it was disbanded and reformed as the SS-Sturmbrigade Langemarck within the Waffen SS itself. It was subsequently reorganised on several occasions and was officially designated as a division in September 1944, though the unit never expanded beyond brigade-strength. From the outset, the Flemish Legion was closely associated with the Vlaams Nationaal Verbond (VNV), a collaborationist and Flemish nationalist political party in Belgium.
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The Slovene Home Guard was a collaborationist force formed in September 1943 in the area of the Province of Ljubljana (then a part of Italy). It functioned like most collaborationist forces in Axis-occupied Europe during World War II, but had limited autonomy, and at first functioned as an auxiliary police force that assisted the Germans in anti-Partisan actions. Later, it gained more autonomy and conducted most of the anti- partisan operations in the Province of Ljubljana. Much of the Guard's equipment was Italian (confiscated when Italy dropped out of the war in 1943), although German weapons and equipment were used as well, especially later in the war.
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The German military administration cooperated closely with the Gestapo, the Sicherheitsdienst (SD), the intelligence service of the SS, and the Sicherheitspolizei (Sipo), its security police. It also drew support from the French authorities and police, who had to cooperate under the armistice, to round up Jews, anti- fascists and other dissidents, and from collaborationist auxiliaries like the Milice, the Franc-Gardes and the Legionary Order Service. The Milice helped Klaus Barbie seize members of the resistance and minorities including Jews for detention. The two main collaborationist political parties, the French Popular Party (PPF) and the National Popular Rally (RNP), each had 20,000 to 30,000 members.
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Yann Goulet (or Yann Renard-Goulet; 20 August 1914 – 22 August 1999) was a French sculptor, Breton nationalist and war-time collaborationist with Nazi Germany who headed the Breton Bagadou Stourm militia. He later took Irish citizenship and became professor of sculpture at the Royal Hibernian Academy.
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The Ukrainian collaborationist forces were composed of an estimated number of 180,000 volunteers serving with units scattered all over Europe. In April 1945, numerous remnants of the UVV were incorporated into the short-lived Ukrainian National Army commanded by general Pavlo Shandruk, disbanded in May 1945.
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Achille (or Achilles) Frederic Boitel (died 1944) was a French industrialist and Nazi collaborator in Paris during the Second World War. He manufactured aircraft engines, traded with the Germans, and played a pivotal role in a collaborationist art syndicate. He was killed by the French resistance.
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Jovanović left Belgrade in early October 1944, alongside other Serbian collaborationist leaders. He was captured following the war and tried as part of the Belgrade Process in 1946. He was found guilty of collaborating with the Germans and was executed in Belgrade on 17 July 1946.
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The collaborationist regime under Rallis set up Security Battalions, units of soldiers that took part in aiding the German Army in fighting the resistance. However, they are known for committing atrocities against the civilian population. An officer named Georgios Bakos served as the minister of national defense.
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Liang Hongzhi; (; Wade-Giles: Liang Hung-chih; Hepburn: Ryō Koushi, 1882 - November 6, 1946) was a leading official in the Anhui clique of the Beiyang Government, later noted for his role as in the collaborationist Reformed Government of the Republic of China during World War II.
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He was the author or co-author of 12 books, and the editor of more than twenty. He was among those Montenegrin historians who refused to engage in historical revisionism to rehabilitate the World War II collaborationist Chetniks, despite this being a trend in the 1990s.
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Boris Alexeyevich Smyslovsky (also Smyslovsky-Holmston and Holmston- Smyslovsky) (3 December 1897 – 5 September 1988) was a Russian-Finnish general, émigré, and anti-communist. His pseudonyms were Arthur Holmston and Hauptman von Regenau. He commanded the pro-Axis collaborationist First Russian National Army during World War II.
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At first the Yugoslav Partisans had mounted diversions and conducted sabotage and had attacked representatives of Aćimović's collaborationist administration. In late August some Chetniks joined the uprising and liberated Loznica. The uprising soon reached mass proportions. Partisans and Chetniks captured towns that weak German garrisons had abandoned.
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He became archbishop of Athens in 1938 and held the post until he resigned in the aftermath of the German invasion of Greece, after refusing to swear-in the collaborationist government of Georgios Tsolakoglou. He was succeeded by Damaskinos. He died on 28 September 1949 in Athens.
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On 17 September, Velouchiotis moved to Kalamata, where Perrotis and other collaborationist officials were also brought. At the central square of the city, the enraged crowd broke the ranks of the ELAS militia and lynched some of the prisoners, while twelve of them were hanged from lampposts.
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The following is a list of Chinese military equipment of World War II which includes artillery, vehicles and vessels. This list covers the equipment of the National Revolutionary Army, various warlords and including the Collaborationist Chinese Army and Manchukuo Imperial Army, as well as Communist rebels.
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Sretenije Zorkić, (Сретеније Зоркић), 1959, Терор у Београду за време непријатељске окупације, Годишњак града Београда(Serbian), књ. VI, Београд, #page= 470 Hostages held to be killed in reprisal for attacks on German or Serbian collaborationist forces were generally held in the Gestapo section of the camp.
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His execution had a devastating effect on the morale of his army and Shandong's civilian population, who lost their confidence in the Chinese government. Most of his soldiers even turned against the Nationalists, first joining the pro-Japanese Collaborationist Chinese Army and then the Communist People's Liberation Army.
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On the morning of 24 April 1941, Xie was assassinated by Sergeant Hao Dingcheng and three other soldiers who had been bribed by the collaborationist government. All four attackers were immediately caught. More than 100,000 people turned up for his funeral and he was posthumously promoted to major general.
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Issue of L'Heure Bretonne for 8 August 1942 L'Heure Bretonne ("The Breton Times") was a Breton nationalist weekly newspaper which was published from June 1940 to June 1944. It was the organ of the Breton National Party and was strongly associated with collaborationist politics during World War II.
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Although certain collaborationist forces had limited battlefield presence during the Second Sino-Japanese War, most were relegated to behind-the-line duties. The Wang Jingwei government was disbanded after Japanese surrender to Allies in 1945, and Manchukuo and Mengjiang were destroyed by Soviet troops in the invasion of Manchuria.
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During World War II, Sternen sympathized with the pro-Nazi collaborationist policy of general Leon Rupnik and even painted a portrait of him. He nevertheless suffered no persecution after the end of the war. He died in Ljubljana on 28 June 1949 and was buried in the Žale cemetery.
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Ioannis Rallis (; 1878 – 26 October 1946) was the third and last collaborationist prime minister of Greece during the Axis occupation of Greece during World War II, holding office from 7 April 1943 to 12 October 1944, succeeding Konstantinos Logothetopoulos in the Nazi-controlled Greek puppet government in Athens.
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Yu Jinhe as pictured in The Most Recent Biographies of Important Chinese People Yu Jinhe (; 1887 – after 1945) was a politician of the Republic of China. He was born in Shaoxing, Zhejiang. He graduated from the Imperial Japanese Army Academy. He was the 2nd collaborationist mayor of Beijing.
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The collaborationist Quisling regime planned to build Norwegian colonies in Northern Russia, following a future success of Operation Barbarossa, and which were to be named Bjarmaland; but these plans never came to be.Norway's Nazi Collaborators Sought Russia Colonies. The Associated Press. Oslo, April 9, 2010 (article on Fox News).
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Bulgarian collaborationist bands participated in reprisal missions together with the Nazi troops in the region. In one occasion together with the 7th SS Panzer Grenadier Regiment they were responsible for a major massacre in the village of Klisoura near Kastoria, that cost the lives of 250 women and children.
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In these reviews he laid the foundations for later French critical thinking by examining the ambiguous rhetorical nature of language and the irreducibility of the written word to notions of truth or falsity. He refused the editorship of the collaborationist Nouvelle Revue Française for which, as part of an elaborate ploy, he had been suggested by Jean Paulhan. He was active in the Resistance and remained a bitter opponent of the fascist, anti- semitic novelist and journalist Robert Brasillach, who was the principal leader of the pro-Nazi collaborationist movement. In June 1944, Blanchot was almost executed by a Nazi firing squad (as recounted in his text The Instant of My Death).
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It has also been argued that the Working Group's negotiations were collaborationist and that it failed to warn Jews about the dangers awaiting them, but most historians reject this view. Israeli historian Yehuda Bauer considers the Working Group's members flawed heroes who deserve public recognition for their efforts to save Jews.
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As part of the German occupation of Norway and Norway's collaborationist Quisling regime, the accession of Quisling Norway into the Anti-Comintern Pact was discussed, most notably in the German Memorandum über die Neuordnung in Norwegen, the 'memorandum regarding the reorganization of Norway', issued in Oslo on 10 February 1942.
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He defended the collaborationist Jacques Benoist-Méchin in the high court, and obtained the acquittal of Paul Creyssel, the former deputy of the Seine. He also participated in the notorious trial of Gaston Dominici. Marcel Héraud died in his home in Paris on 17 September 1960 at the age of 77.
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The remainder of northern and western France was placed under German military control. Unoccupied southern metropolitan France and the French empire were placed under the control of the Vichy Regime, a new collaborationist French government. Some Jews managed to escape the invading German forces. Some found refuge in the countryside.
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Among the Carlists the frustration with the apparently unproductive collaborationist strategy was already rife. The policy crashed altogether when Valiente submitted his resignation in 1967, and Carlos Hugo was expulsed from Spain in 1968. In early 1968 Valiente was replaced as the highest Carlist executive by Juan José Palomino Jiménez.
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In 1937, the Japanese occupied Nanjing, the Nationalist capital. While Kung and other officials fled to Chongqing, Chen remained at his post. In March 1938, he was appointed minister of finance in the collaborationist regime of Liang Hongzhi. The Liang regime had jurisdiction in the provinces of Jiangsu, Zhejiang, and Anhui.
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Wang Kemin (; Wade-Giles: Wang K'o-min, May 4, 1879 - December 25, 1945) was a leading official in the Chinese republican movement and early Beiyang government, later noted for his role as in the collaborationist Provisional Government of the Republic of China and Wang Jingwei regime during World War II.
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Elisabeth Schweigaard Selmer (born Ragnhild Elisabeth Schweigaard, 18 October 1923 – 18 June 2009) was a Norwegian jurist and politician for the Conservative Party. During the Nazi occupation of Norway, Elisabeth Schweigaard worked with the Norwegian resistance movement "Hjemmefronten" against the Nazi collaborationist Quisling regime. Elisabeth was then just a teenager.
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Moreover, he began research for the prosecution of German businessmen, although the trial was subsequently conducted by United States judges instead. Dubost worked on prosecutions of collaborationist French businessmen in the late 1940s. He was appointed as assistant to the general prosecutor of the Court of Appeal of Paris in 1955.
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List of victims on the wall of Pinkas Synagogue in Prague, Brumel–Fink The Holocaust in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia resulted in the deportation, dispossession, and death of 80,000 Jews. It was carried out by Nazi Germany, which was occupying the country, with some collaboration by the Czech collaborationist government.
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Pierre Eugène Drieu La Rochelle (; 3 January 1893 – 15 March 1945) was a French writer of novels, short stories and political essays. He was born, lived and died in Paris. Drieu La Rochelle became a proponent of French fascism in the 1930s, and was a well-known collaborationist during the German occupation.
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The Germanisation was facilitated by a collaborationist political group, the Volksdeutsche Bewegung, founded shortly after the occupation. Shortly before the surrender, the government had fled the country along with Grand Duchess Charlotte, eventually arriving in London, where a Government-in-exile was formed. Luxembourgish soldiers also fought in Allied units until liberation.
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Under the 1969 constitution, the B roll was reserved exclusively for non-Europeans. This black political grouping was one of those that participated in the 1979 'internal settlement'. Association with the UDI state and with the internal settlement carried a collaborationist stigma that would damage the credibility of the black politicians involved.
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His son, Ioannis Rallis (1878–1946), was collaborationist Prime Minister from 1943 to 1944, during the German occupation. After the liberation of Greece he was sentenced to life imprisonment for collaboration and died in jail in 1946. His maternal grandfather, Georgios Theotokis, was four times Prime Minister of Greece, between 1901 and 1907.
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Ren Yuandao as pictured in The Most Recent Biographies of Important Chinese People Ren Yuandao (, 1890–1980) was a Chinese general of the Republic of China, who held military posts in the collaborationist Reformed Government of the Republic of China and later the Wang Jingwei Government during the Second Sino-Japanese War.
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Thereafter, the Imperial Japanese Army mobilized to quell the uprising, defeating the peasant rebels by September. About 300 Yellow Sand insurgents were killed or wounded in the fighting. The East Hebei government survived the Tungchow mutiny in late July 1937 before being absorbed into the collaborationist Provisional Government of China in February 1938.
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Disgusted with his dealings with the Slovene Alliance, and following the defeat at Grčarice, Novak disbanded his remaining troops and escaped to Italy in late September. Of the approximately 6,500 collaborationist troops present in the province at the time of the Italian surrender, about 500 were killed fighting the Partisans in the immediate aftermath of the capitulation, about 3,000 were captured, and about 1,000 agreed to join the Partisans. The remaining 2,000 were still in the field, although they were quickly disarmed by the Germans. The aftermath of the Italian surrender was devastating for the collaborationist forces, not only due to their losses, but also due to the large amounts of Italian arms and equipment captured by the Partisans, which allowed a substantial increase in their forces.
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Retrieved 13 January 2008. The numbers of Jewish police varied greatly depending on the location, with the Warsaw Ghetto numbering about 2,500, Łódź Ghetto 1,200 and smaller ghettos such as that at Lwów about 500. Historian and Warsaw Ghetto archivist Emanuel Ringelblum described the cruelty of the Jewish Ghetto Police as "at times greater than that of the Germans", concluding that this formation's members distinguished themselves by their shocking corruption and immorality. Group 13, a Jewish collaborationist organization in the Warsaw Ghetto, which reported directly to the German Gestapo, 1941 In Warsaw, the collaborationist groups Żagiew and Group 13, led by Abraham Gancwajch and colloquially known as the "Jewish Gestapo", inflicted considerable damage on both Jewish and Polish underground resistance movements.
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In the occupied Greece, alongside the Axis- controlled collaborationist governments, a vigorous resistance movement developed. Its major force was the communist-controlled EAM/ELAS. During 1944, EAM/ELAS established a de facto separate administration, formalised in March 1944 after elections in both occupied and liberated territories, as the Political Committee of National Liberation (PEEA).
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Konstantinos I. Logothetopoulos (; 1 August 1878 - 6 JulyMacedonia , digital library of Greece, Απέθανε την νύκτα ο Λογοθετόπουλος (Logothetopoulos dies overnight), 7-7-1961, retrieved 8-7-2011. 1961) was a distinguished Greek medical doctor who became Prime Minister of Greece, directing the Greek collaborationist government during the Axis occupation of Greece during World War II.
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Saprykin was also reported to have served with collaborationist forces. Saprykin died on 24 April 1990 in Toronto and was buried at the Russian Cemetery in Toronto. On 4 December 1991 Saprykin's Hero of the Soviet Union award was restored. In July 1999 his ashes were moved to a mass grave in Krasnaya Sloboda.
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Collaborationist paramilitary and political organisations, such as the Milice and the Service d'ordre légionnaire, were also dissolved. The provisional government also took steps to replace local governments, including governments that had been suppressed by the Vichy regime, through new elections or by extending the terms of those who had been elected not later than 1939.
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Its leader, Joris Van Severen, was killed before the Nazi occupation. Some of its adepts collaborated, but others joined the resistance. These collaborationist movements are generally classified as belonging to the National Socialist model or the German fascist model because of its brand of racial nationalism and the close relation with the occupational authorities.
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'Cai Pei (; Hepburn: Sai Bai; 1884–1960) was a diplomat and politician in the pre-war Republic of China. He held a number of important posts during the collaborationist Reorganized National Government of China, and successively held the positions of Mayor of Nanjing Special City and Ambassador to Japan. His courtesy name was Ziping (').
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On 2 December 1943, men of the Milice, the French collaborationist paramilitary organisation, assassinated Maurice Sarraut. Bousquet was set to arrest the attackers, and the Milice asked Berlin to get Bousquet removed. After ordering releases and destroying his archives, Bousquet resigned on 31 December 1943. He was replaced by Joseph Darnand, head of the Milice.
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Collaborationist paramilitary and political organizations, such as the Milice and the Legionary Order Service, were also disbanded. The provisional government also took steps to replace local governments, including governments that had been suppressed by the Vichy regime, through new elections or by extending the terms of those who had been elected no later than 1939.
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Nicolaos Matussis, Nicolae MatussiAdina Berciu-Drăghicescu, Maria Petre, Şcoli şi biserici româneşti din Peninsula Balcanică, Documente (1918–1953), Editura Universităţii din Bucureşti, 2006, Volumul II, (; 1899 – 1991) was a Greek Aromanian lawyer, politician and leader of the Vlach "Roman Legion", a collaborationist, separatist Aromanian paramilitary unit active during World War II in Central Greece.
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Gebirgs-division im zweiten Weltkrieg Bloodstained Edelweiss. The 1st Mountain-Division in WWII Ch. Links Verlag, 2008. , p. 702 Apart from the formation of an Axis collaborationist local administration and armed battalions, a paramilitary organization named Këshilla and a paramilitary group called Balli Kombëtar Çam were operating in the region, manned by local Muslim Chams.
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The Italian governorate of Montenegro was established as an Italian protectorate with the support of Montenegrin separatists known as Greens. The Lovćen Brigade was the militia of the Greens who collaborated with the Italians. Other collaborationist units included local Chetniks, police, gendarmerie and Sandžak Muslim militia.War and Revolution in Yugoslavia: 1941–1945 by Jozo Tomasevich.
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The Battle of Kilkis was an armed conflict between communist resistance organisation ELAS and a coalition of collaborationist Security Battalions, nationalist resistance organisations EDES and the National Greek Army (EES). On 4 November 1944, ELAS captured Kilkis after nine hours of fighting. The nationalists suffered many casualties during the battle and in prisoner killings afterwards.
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Schutzmannschaft-Brigade Siegling (also ) was a Belarusian Auxiliary Police brigade formed by Nazi Germany in July 1944 in East Prussia, from members of six local volunteer battalions of Schutzmannschaft following the Soviet Operation Bagration. The six retreating collaborationist units who joined Siegling included Bataillon 57 (ukrainische), Bataillon 60 (weißruthenische), Bataillon 61, 62, 63 (ukrainische), and Bataillon 64 (weißruthenische).
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The Sivattistas, named RENACE. Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 75 Though 20 years earlier he expelled from the Comunión those who had accepted seats in Francoist structures, at the beginning of the sixties Don Javier viewed the appointment of five Carlists to the Cortes as the success of the collaborationist policy,Vázquez de Prada 2016, pp.
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During World War II, he ran for a while the collaborationist radio station Radio Paris. He became a director at the publishing firm Hachette. He began writing children's books that were published in the famous Bibliothèque rose and Bibliothèque verte series. He created the recurring characters Luc and Martine, and translated many of the Jennings novels of Anthony Buckeridge.
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His last assignment would be as prefect of Shkodër from January 1944.Pepa, Pjetër, The criminal file of Albania's communist dictator (2003), Uegen, p.23 He was arrested and sent to the communist Special Court in 1945, which sentenced him to death as "collaborationist" and "enemy of the people" like many other politicians of the pre-communist era.
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PEAN's most spectacular act of sabotage was the bombing of the collaborationist ESPO headquarters on 20 September 1942. ESPO (Ελληνική Σοσιαλιστική Πατριωτική Οργάνωσις, Hellenic Socialist Patriotic Organization) was the largest Greek National-Socialist organization. ESPO was trying to recruit volunteers for a "Greek Legion" to fight in the Eastern Front alongside the Germans.Bernard O'Connor: Sabotage in Greece, lulu.
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Il faut choisir (Pétain or democracy? You have to choose). In 1944, despite his collaborationist involvement, Suarez wrote in vain to Doctor Illers, the superintendent of the Compiègne camp, to ask for the freedom of his friend Robert Desnos, a supporter of the résistance. Suarez was sentenced to death in 1944; he was shot on 9 November.
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Alfred Benjamin (8 January 1911 – September 1942) was a German bank employee who became a Communist activist. He was obliged to emigrate and in 1935 was in France where after 1940 he joined the French Resistance. He died in an accident during the late summer of 1942 while attempting to escape from collaborationist France to Switzerland.
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Others state the reason for his arrest was his statements about the collaborationist nature of the PA during the 2008–2009 Gaza War.Sherine Bahaa, , PTT, 25 January 2009. He was released due to a mass outcry and protest at his arrest. He was once again harassed on several occasions by the PA beginning in January 2012.
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He collaborated with the Axis powers during the war and became the Minister of Justice in the Government of National Salvation, a collaborationist government set up by Nazi Germany following the invasion of Yugoslavia. He escaped the Soviets and Partisans prior to the liberation and fled to Austria at the end of the war, where he died in 1949.
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Zamanillo Ferrer was very uneasy about 1955 Fal's dismissal from political leadership and pro-collaborationist turn of the party.Mercedes Vázquez de Prada, El nuevo rumbo político del carlismo hacia la colaboración con el régimen (1955–56), [in:] Hispania 69 (2009), p. 190, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 40 During a 1956 meeting of the executiveLavardin 1976, p.
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In March 1942, Regent Miklós Horthy dismissed Bárdossy from the post. He worked with the collaborationist governments after the German occupation of Hungary in 1944. After the end of the war, Bárdossy was found guilty of war crimes and collaborationism by a People’s Court and sentenced to death. He was executed by firing squad in January 1946.
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It is possible that Lie was introduced to Heinrich Himmler as early as 1935. They maintained a close personal relationship during the entire Nazi era. Lie became a rival of Vidkun Quisling's during the occupation of Norway. Despite his later collaborationist stance, Lie took part in the defense of Norway after the German invasion of Norway, fighting at Folldal.
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Papon later claimed he had Gaullist tendencies during the war. A confidential report from the Nazis at the time shows that in April 1943, he identified as a "collaborationist" during "personal or official conversations." Another document from July 1943 called him a "good negotiator." During World War II, Papon served as a senior police official in the Vichy régime.
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Dr. Otto Heinrich Drechsler, the Territorial Commissioner (Gebietskommissar) of Latvia may have been present. Roberts Osis, the chief of the Latvian collaborationist militia (Schutzmannschaft) was present for much of the time. Viktors Arajs, who was drunk, worked very close to the pits supervising the Latvian men of his commando, who were guarding and funnelling the victims into the pits.
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During the German occupation of Norway in the course of World War II, Johansen joined the fascist party Nasjonal Samling and supported the collaborationist government of Vidkun Quisling,Jim Samson. Music and Nationalism: Five Historical Moments. In: Nationalism and Ethnosymbolism: History, Culture and Ethnicity in the Formation of Nations. Athena S. Leoussi and Steven Grosby (editors); pp. 55-67.
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Riisnæs during the Second World War Sverre Parelius Riisnæs was a Norwegian jurist and public prosecutor who was born 6 November 1897 in Vik, Sogn county and died 21 June 1988 in Oslo. He was a member of the collaborationist government Nasjonal Samling in occupied Norway during World War II and a Standartenführer (Colonel) in the Schutzstaffel.
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They were brought by Nazi and Serbian collaborationist forces to the city of Valjevo. The convoy was secured by Chetnik leader Jovan Škavović Škava. The meeting between Mihailović and the Nazis in the village of Divci preceded the Partisans' surrender. Of that group of prisoners, 263 were executed by the Nazis in Krušik, Valjevo, on 27 November 1941.
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The police reportedly set up a "collaborationist civilian town council" led by a former mayor, Marian Karolak. Karolak established a local police force, whose members included Eugeniusz Kalinowsk and Jerzy Laudanski. The town council is reported to have included Eugeniusz Sliwecki, Józef Sobutka, and Józef Wasilewski. Karol Bardon, a translator for the Germans, may also have been a member.
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He, and Aleksandar Belić, president of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, pleaded to general Milan Nedić to accept the position as the head of the collaborationist regime in 1941. His factories continued to work, having contracts with the Nedić's quasi-army. However, he didn't work with the Chetniks, major opponents of the, later victorious, Communist Partisan rebels.
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Jean Luchaire (21 July 1901 - 22 February 1946) was a French journalist and politician who became the head of the French collaborationist press in Paris during the German military occupation.Werth, Alexander, France 1940-1955, London, 1956, p.130. Luchaire supported the Révolution nationale declared by the French Government after it relocated to the spa town of Vichy in 1940.
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Uzel (or Uzel-près-l'Oust) is a commune in the Côtes-d'Armor department in Brittany in northwestern France. It is about west-northwest of Rennes and north-northwest of Loudéac. The old school, in the centre of Uzel, was the scene of torture and killings by the Nazis and by the collaborationist Bezen Perrot, in 1944.
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He edited the weekly publication L'Écho des îles Saint-Pierre-et-Miquelon ("The Echo of the islands of Saint-Pierre and Miquelon"). With his brother-in-law Henri, he was a part of the collaborationist elite of Saint-Pierre, causing them both to be arrested in January 1944. Despite both being fervent anti-Gaullists, they became political adversaries.
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"I didn't know that a man could die of a broken heart." Loviton's lover from 1943 had been the collaborationist publisher Robert Denoël. Denoël was shot dead in a Paris street in December 1945 but the assassin was never caught. His wife Cecile directly accused Jeanne of complicity in the murder and the theft of his business Editions Denoel.
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Panagiotis Demestichas (, 6 July 1885 (O.S.) – 14 November 1960) was an officer of the Greek Army who rose to the rank of Lieutenant General, leading an army corps in the Greco-Italian War. He also briefly served as Minister of the Interior in the first collaborationist government under general Georgios Tsolakoglou during the Axis occupation of Greece.
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Additionally, a few weeks before the withdrawal of the German troops in October 1944, it had been reaffirmed in the Caserta Agreement that all collaborationist forces would be tried and punished accordingly; and that all resistance forces would participate in the formation of the new Greek Army, under the command of the British. Yet, on December 1, the British commander Ronald Scobie ordered the unilateral disarmament of EAM-ELAS. The EAM ministers resigned on the 2nd of December and EAM called for a rally in central Athens on the 3rd, requesting the immediate punishment of the collaborationist Security Battalions and the withdrawal of the "Scobie order". The rally of some 200,000 people was shot at by the Greek Police and Gendarmerie, leaving 28 protesters dead and 148 wounded.
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Nino Frank was born in Barletta, in the southern region of Apulia, a busy port town on Italy's Adriatic coast. In the late 1920s, Frank was a supporter of the Irish writer James Joyce, along with a circle that also included Moune Gilbert, Stuart Gilbert (who helped to make the French translation of Ulysses in 1929), Paul and Lucie Léon, Louis Gillet, and Samuel Beckett. In 1937, Frank conferred a great deal with Joyce about the Italian translation of Joyce's Anna Livia Plurabelle."Once upon a time and a very good time it was...", February 2006 During the Second World War and the Nazi occupation of France, Frank wrote for the collaborationist weekly Les Nouveaux Temps, but he was known as a critic of the collaborationist Vichy government's censorship policies.
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Rožman never responded to the letter. Three additional letters were addressed to Rožman in 1942, by Catholics in Liberation Front, beseeching him and other members of the Church not to support collaborationist forces, which were fighting on the side of the fascist occupiers, causing much Slovene bloodshed, and instead urged the church to remain neutral. Edvard Kocbek, leader of the Christian Socialists, wrote a fifth letter to Rožman in 1943, criticizing Rožman for not responding to the previous missives from the Liberation Front, and for continuing to allow priests to take part in the political and military work of collaborationist forces. As with previous letters, Rožman did not respond to Kocbek either The Liberation Front included many believers in its ranks, and some 40 priests joined the partisans in Ljubljana Province alone.
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The Serbian Volunteer Corps ( / Srpski dobrovoljački korpus (СДК / SDK); ), also known as Ljotićevci (Љотићевци) after their ideological leader Dimitrije Ljotić, was the party army of Zbor and collaborationist anti-Partisan military formation that was raised in the Territory of the Military Commander in Serbia during World War II. In July 1941, a full-scale rebellion by the communist Yugoslav Partisans and the royalist Chetniks erupted in the territory. The Germans pressured Milan Nedić's collaborationist government to deal with the uprisings under the threat of letting the armed forces of the Independent State of Croatia, Hungary, and Bulgaria occupy the territory and maintain peace and order in it. It was absorbed in the Waffen-SS in 1944 after evacuating to Slovenia, and in 1945 was rechristened the Serbian SS Corps ( / Srpski SS Korpus; ).
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On 16 November 1943 the collaborationist French police forces arrested the Manouchian group at Évry-Petit Bourg. His companion, Mélinée, managed to escape the police.(in Russian) Армянский боец французского Сопротивления Manouchian and the others were tortured to gain information, and eventually handed over to the Germans' Geheime Feldpolizei (GFP). The 23 were given a 1944 show trial for propaganda purposes before execution.
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Proposing an authoritarian, anti-democratic movement to Anton Mussert they formed the National Socialist Movement. He became director of their youth corps, the Nationale Jeugdstorm. After the German invasion, Geelkerken was appointed Inspector-General of the Nederlandsche Landwacht (collaborationist home guard set up to combat the Resistance). After the war he was sentenced to life imprisonment but was released in 1959.
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In 1943, the organisation functioned as an auxiliary police force for the Nazis fighting against the Resistance. The soldiers of Bezen Perrot enrolled in the Waffen- SS, wearing SS field-uniforms. In May 1944, he symbolically founded a new Breton national party on extreme nationalist lines. At the Liberation of France, these collaborationist activities brought opprobrium on the whole of the Breton movement.
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Luchaire was born in Paris. In 1879 he became a professor at Bordeaux and in 1889 professor of mediaeval history at the Sorbonne; in 1895 he became a member of the Académie des sciences morales et politiques, where he obtained the Jean Reynaud prize just before his death. His grandnephew was the French collaborationist Jean Luchaire, during World War 2.
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Launched on 1 September, this attack was initially unsuccessful. After being reinforced by the Podrinje Partisans, the town was captured in the early hours of 6 September. In the meantime, other elements of the Podrinje Partisan Detachment had expelled the German garrison and collaborationist gendarmes from Bogatić on 3 September. On 6 October 1941, Loznica was re-occupied during the German Mačva operation.
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Montenegrin National Army () was an army whose supreme commander was Montenegrin collaborationist politician and separatist Sekula Drljević. When Pavle Đurišić retreated with his forces from Montenegro toward Slovenia in 1945, he made a safe-conduct agreement with Drljević. According to this contract Đurišićs forces were aligned with Drljević as the "Montenegrin National Army" with Đurišić retaining operational command, based on instructions of Drljević.
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He went to the Sandžak in October and took over the local volunteer militia of around 5,000 anti-communist, anti-Serb Muslim men headquartered in Sjenica. This formation was sometimes thereafter called the Kampfgruppe Krempler or more derisively the "Muselmanengruppe von Krempler". This military unit was created by joining the three battalions of Albanian collaborationist troops with some units of Moslem militia.
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It has been argued that there was a fear any judgement in Sidos' favour would have been considered a vindication of his collaborationist background in wider society. Le Soleil, organ of L'Œuvre Française, dismissed the Jewish origin of some members in the council, namely Gaston Palewski and René Cassin, as the reason for their refusal.Le Soleil, n°99, 2-15 octobre 1970.
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However, it was not allowed to distribute leaflets or publish newspapers, and the collaborationist press gave it little attention. In September 1942 Gazier refused to sit on the high council of the industrial economy. He was one of the founders of the Libération-Nord movement of the French Resistance. Gazier's union became one of the main sources of false identity cards in Paris.
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Ljotić had no control over the SDK, which was commanded by Colonel Kosta Mušicki. In late 1944, Ljotić and his followers retreated to Slovenia with the Germans and other collaborationist formations. In March, Ljotić and Chetnik leader Draža Mihailović agreed on a last-ditch alliance against the Yugoslav Partisans. Ljotić's followers were placed under the command of Chetnik commander Miodrag Damjanović.
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Cen Deguang as pictured in The Most Recent Biographies of Important Chinese People Cen Deguang (1897–?) was a politician of the collaborationist Wang Jingwei regime. He, along with Wang Jingwei, was considered by many Chinese to be a Hanjian, or traitor. Deguang claimed he was just following orders, since his friend Wang was his superior. He is from Guangxi, son of Cen Chunxuan.
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Himmler begins by discussing partisans in Russia and support from Russian Liberation Army, Vlasov's collaborationist forces. The widespread idea that there would be a 300 kilometre wide belt dominated by partisans behind the German front is considered false. Frequently expressed is the view that Russia can only be conquered by Russians. This view is considered to be dangerous and wrong.
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In 1938, he was imprisoned for several months, charged with having taken part in the conspiracy of La Cagoule, a far right terrorist group. He was released because of lack of proof. Following the 1940 defeat of France against Nazi Germany, Jacques de Bernonville joined the Vichy government. In 1943 he was appointed as a commander of the collaborationist Milice, the Vichy police.
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Frot published articles in René Château's collaborationist paper France Socialiste. He agreed to sit in the Vichy National Council, but soon resigned, and in 1941 refused to enter the government of Admiral François Darlan. In 1941–42 he wrote a number of articles that defended the Republic. He helped the Nord movement but did not actively participate in the French Resistance.
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On July, in home of Vladislav Ribnikar on Dedinje was held session of Central Committee. Present were Tito, Ranković, Milutinović, Đilas, Ribar, Vukmanović and Žujović. Decision was made on beginning of sabotages and small attacks on German and collaborationist forces. Here was established Supreme Staff for Serbia with Žujović, Filip Kljajić, Branko Krsmanović, Nikola Grulović and Rodoljub Čolaković as members.
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During the Second world war, the synagogue was expropriated and set to be sold by the Nazis. Collaborationist forces in Amiens occupied the synagogue during the occupation of the city. The synagogue was returned to the Jewish community following the Liberation of France. The community's Torah scroll had been safeguarded during the war by non-Jewish members of the community.
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Their property and belongings were later expropriated by multiple institutions, as well as by individuals. The Germans arranged for Greater Albania's collaborationist government to be reorganized shortly after occupying the country. On 15 September, the Albanian National Committee was established under German sponsorship. It governed until a regency council was established and recognized by Germany as the country's official government on 3 November.
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Many Żagiew members were related to the collaborationist Jewish organization Group 13, which was also led by Gancwajch. The organization operated primarily within the Warsaw Ghetto. Żagiew was established in late 1940 and existed until the Ghetto's elimination during the 1943 Warsaw Ghetto Uprising. Żagiew had over a thousand Jewish secret agents and some were permitted by their Gestapo handlers to possess firearms.
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The FRB yuan was replaced by Kuomintang fabi in 1945 at 5 FRB yuan = 1 fabi. The Wang Jingwei government in Nanjing established the collaborationist Nanjing Reformed Government () in 1938. This was later reorganized into the Nanjing National Government () in 1940. They established the Central Reserve Bank of China (, pinyin: Zhōngyāng Chǔbèi Yínháng) which began issuing CRB yuan in 1941.
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In the Pre-World War II years, the fascist movement in the Low Countries gained momentum, with the collaborationist Vlaamsch Nationaal Verbond (Flemish National Union) putting down roots in the region. Aalst, along with Brussels and Antwerp were the strongest subscribers to this line of thought. The 20th century was marked by bombardment and occupation by the Germans during both world wars.
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The collaborationist government sent Konstantinos Logothetopoulos as negotiator.Heinz A. Richter, Komnēnos Pyromaglou: Griechenland zwischen Revolution und Konterrevolution (1936-1946), p. 198 Otto Braun (the owner of the Transdanubia trade company) became the company's first director. A branch office was located in Berlin, led by Fred Goecker, vice-chairman of the German chamber of commerce in Greece, as well as another in Thessaloniki.
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After the defeat of France, he was Minister of Industrial Production and Minister of Labour in the collaborationist Vichy Government, holding the latter office until April 1942. He oversaw the destruction of unionism. As a result, he was expelled from the CGT in 1944. After the war he tried to form an anti-communist union movement, but with limited success.
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The court was headed by Koci Xoxe who's real profession was a metal worker with only four years of schooling. The Genocide on the intellectual elite of the Albanian nation under the communist terror leaving behind his wife and five offspring. His family would be persecuted. During all communist era, he would be recalled as "traitor, collaborationist, feudal, corrupt, and Italian agent".
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Bernard assisted in 1996 at the funerals of the war criminal and Collaborationist Paul Touvier. He also regularly collaborates with Tribune nationaliste, the mouthpiece of the Neo-Nazi group Parti nationaliste français et européen (PNFE). He was given the rank of knight of the Légion d'honneur in the beginning of 2006 on proposal of the current French President Nicolas Sarkozy.
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The diocese had been vacant since 1950AD. In 1973 he became chairman of the Ordinaries of Slovakia. He was an active member of the collaborationist Association of Catholic Clergy Pacem in Terris until its demise after November 1989. He gave his resignation to Pope John Paul II. February 14, Died May 3, 2003 and is buried in his hometown Pobedim.
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He became a leading figure in the Vichy French organization ' (French Legion of Veterans) and recruited troopers for the fight against "Bolshevism". The next year, he founded the collaborationist militia, Service d'ordre légionnaire (SOL), that supported Philippe Pétain and Vichy France. He offered his help against the French Resistance. On 1 January 1943 he transformed the organization into the Milice.
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187 He became the PFNC spokesman, reporting that the party had no intention of fusing with other collaborationist bodies so as to form a one-party state. As Labat explained, the PFNC had "suffered to maintain its doctrine", and expected to eventually emerge as France's legitimate single-party."Vers le parti unique? (II)", in Paris-Midi, July 13, 1942, p.
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Recognizing the potential effect that could have on their control of information in the occupied country, the Germans rapidly created collaborationist radio stations, also aimed at a Belgian audience, using the remaining assets from the INR, the Francophone ("Radio Brussels") and Dutch language . The Germans brought out radio blockers to disrupt the signal and made listening to illegal in December 1940.
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In August 1944 Slovak partisans launched an uprising against the collaborationist Slovak State, as a result of which the Germans invaded the country. Mordowicz was among those arrested. He was returned to Auschwitz, but the SS failed to recognize him, which saved his life, and he was sent to another camp, then liberated. Both Mordowicz and Rosin survived the war.
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Cambridge University Press, 2006. pp. 105-106. After the fall of Greece to the Germans in spring 1941 and the division of the country among the Axis powers, Alcibiades Diamandi created a collaborationist organisation known as the Roman Legion, with the support of the Italian occupation authorities and promoted the idea of a Vlach canton or semi-independent state, called several decades later by the name "Principality of Pindus" (even if it was never formed, nor proclaimed) that would encompass northwestern Greece. Diamandi also met the Greek collaborationist Prime Minister, Georgios Tsolakoglou, but Tsolakoglou refused to accommodate his demands. In reality Italian "military authorities refused to permit any form of self-administration by the Aromanians in the awareness that their irredentist aspirations, or appeals for annexation to Italy, were a masquerade by a minority movement seeking political and economic revenge".
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He was assassinated December 2, 1943 at his home in a suburb of Toulouse. The collaborationist press immediately accused the Resistance, but very soon, the police arrested the killers. They were released shortly after the intervention of Joseph Darnand and the German authorities. At the end of the war, the regional leader of the Milice, Henry Frossard, was accused of providing weapons and vehicles to the killers.
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Quite soon after the occupation began, Cain was removed from his post by the Vichy government because he was Jewish and replaced by collaborationist Bernard Faÿ. In February, 1941, Cain was denounced in Le Matin and arrested. He was detained in French prisons until January 1944, when he was sent to Buchenwald. He was freed by American forces in April, 1945, when the camp was liberated.
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Only some 30 works from this period have been recovered; two were found in the Historisches Zentrum von Wien. Schalek was deported to the Terezin (Theresienstadt) ghetto in February 1942, where she produced more than 100 drawings and watercolors portraying fellow inmates and their life there. Because of her refusal to portray a collaborationist doctor, she was deported to Auschwitz on 18 May 1944, where she perished.
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In 1931 he published the Vingt ballades (Twenty ballads), which reflected his pacifist views. He resigned from the International League in 1937, saying the organization did not condemn the Moscow Trials strongly enough. During World War II (1939–45) Pioch at first published in the collaborationist press under the Vichy regime. As late as August 1942 Pioch was writing criticism of the opera in l'Oeuvre.
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The success of the putsch can be attributed to Germain Jousse, who allowed 400 armed civilians to arrest General Juin, Commander in chief, as well as the collaborationist Admiral Darlan, and who paralysed the mobilisation of the Vichyist 19th Army Corps during the 15 hours in which the Allied forces unloaded unopposed, encircled Algiers, and achieved surrender the same evening with its port intact.
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In Thessaloniki, Greek police marched almost 50,000 Sephardi Jews to the Holocaust trains, rented from the Greek railway company, that would take them to Auschwitz, where more than 95% were murdered. When Jewish community leaders appealed to collaborationist Prime Minister Ioannis Rallis, he claimed that the Jews of Thessaloniki had been guilty of subversive activities and that this was the reason they were deported.
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Attendance figures differ according to the source consulted. Some spoke of 155,000 visitors,Alan Riding, Et la fête continue : La vie culturelle à Paris sous l'Occupation, éd. others claimed 500,000 paid entrants, with as many free and half-off tickets, as claimed by the collaborationist authorities for the Paris region.Philippe Bourdrel, Histoire des juifs de France [History of the Jews of France], volume II, ed.
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The Groupe Collaboration was a French collaborationist group active during the Second World War. Largely eschewing the street politics of many such contemporary groups, it sought to establish close cultural links with Nazi Germany and to appeal to the higher echelons of French life.Fiss, p. 202 It promoted a "Europeanist" outlook and sought the rebirth of France through part of Europe-wide "National Revolution".
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In the Autumn of 1941, Makarova was separated from her troops. Three months later, in January 1942, she was recruited by the local authorities at the town of Lokot, which was the capital of the Lokot Autonomy, an collaborationist statelet established by the Nazis in October 1941. Makarova was hired as a machine gun shooter. Her job was to execute Russian POWs and partisans including their families.
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He moved frequently to avoid the Gestapo. When Lille was liberated Laurent and some members of the French Forces of the Interior (FFI) took possession of the offices of the prefecture in the name of the Republic. He was made head of the socialist federation of Nord. He took over the presses of the collaborationist journal Le Réveil du Nord and created Nord Matin.
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Maurice Pujo (; 26 January 1872 – 6 September 1955) was a French journalist and co-founder of the nationalist and monarchist Action Française movement. He became the leader of the Camelots du Roi, the youth organization of the Action Française which took part in many right-wing demonstrations in the years before World War II (1939–45). After World War II he was imprisoned for collaborationist activity.
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David Littlejohn, The Patriotic Traitors, Heinemann, 1972, p. 358 Bichelonne was one of the cabinet members taken under SS guard from Vichy to Belfort on the night of 17–18 August as the Nazis desperately sought to maintain the collaborationist government by any means necessary.Littlejohn, The Patriotic Traitors, p. 276 Moved to the Sigmaringen enclave, Bichelonne fell ill and was sent to the SS hospital at Hohenlychen.
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In 1939, after the Soviet occupation of Lwów she was the editor of the Lwów collaborationist quarterly "Almanach Literacki" (Literary Almanac), an organ of the "Sojuz Pisatielej" (Writers' Soviet) of the Soviet Union. In 1946 she was part of the diplomatic corps for the People's Republic of Poland in Luxembourg. Between 1946 and 1962 she resided in Western Europe. She came back to Warsaw in 1962.
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He particularly distinguished himself for his bravery and leadership as commander of the 34th Infantry Regiment in the Battle of Dumlupınar (1921), for which he was promoted to Major General. He later became Lieutenant General (1928) and Chief of the Greek Gendarmerie. He briefly served as Deputy Minister of National Defence in the collaborationist government of Ioannis Rallis in 1943, during the Axis occupation of Greece.
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Schutzmannschaft Battalion 202 was a failed collaborationist auxiliary police battalion in the General Government during World War II. It was made up of 360 conscripts with German leadership. The unit was created in Kraków on March 27, 1942 with recruitment beginning in May. Only two Polish men volunteered. As a result, the Germans resorted to conscription from the regular Polish city- police called Einheimische Polizei.
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After the war López was forced to take refuge in France and then England. He published Material de Discusión in London, and maintained a collaborationist position. He called for the CNT to take this position, then abandoned anarcho-syndicalism in favor of "all-powerful" trade unions that would replace political parties and rule in their place. He did not find support for this concept.
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In December 1944, the Croatian Home Guard and the Ustaše Militia were unified to create the Croatian Armed Forces. On 7 December, Luburić forced more than 30 members of the collaborationist Serbian Volunteer Corps off a train passing through Zagreb's main railway station and ordered that they be shot. Destined for Slovenia, they had received Pavelić's approval to pass through Zagreb unmolested, but Luburić showed no regard.
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In this capacity, he confiscated the Villa Massilia, owned by a collaborationist, and assigned it to the Union of Jews for Resistance and Mutual Aid, which turned it into a haven for the orphans of the Holocaust. Philippe Jérôme, "Bonjour les enfants! À la villa Massilia de Sainte-Maxime", in L'Humanité, March 18, 2011 He was working on his last political essay, Naissance de l'U.
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Additionally, Jewish collaborationist groups such as Żagiew and Group 13 worked directly for the German Gestapo, informing on Polish resistance efforts to save Jews.Israel Gutman, The Jews of Warsaw, 1939–1943: Ghetto, Underground, Revolt, Indiana University Press, 1982, , pp. 90–94.Itamar Levin, Walls Around: The Plunder of Warsaw Jewry during World War II and Its Aftermath, Greenwood Publishing Group, 2004, , pp. 94–98.
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During the Northern Expedition Gao Guanwu served as the commander of the National Revolutionary Army garrison in Xuzhou. In March 1938 he was recruited to join the collaborationist Reformed Government of the Republic of China. He successively held the offices of Vice-Minister for Security and Chief of Nanjing City Office. When later Nanjing City was transformed into Nanjing Special City, he was appointed Mayor.
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In 1910 there were 105,000 Italians in Tunisia. During World War II, French Tunisia was ruled by the collaborationist Vichy government located in Metropolitan France. The antisemitic Statute on Jews enacted by the Vichy was also implemented in Vichy Northwest Africa and overseas French territories. Thus, the persecution, and murder of the Jews from 1940 to 1943 was part of the Shoah in France.
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By the end of the war, the Chetnik movement transformed into a collaborationist Serb nationalist militia completely dependent on Axis supplies.7David Martin, Ally Betrayed: The Uncensored Story of Tito and Mihailovich, (New York: Prentice Hall, 1946), 34. The highly mobile Partisans, however, carried on their guerrilla warfare with great success. Most notable of the victories against the occupying forces were the battles of Neretva and Sutjeska.
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Ilektra Apostolou in 1944. Ilektra Apostolou (, 1912 - 26 July 1944) was a member of the Young Communist League of Greece, United Panhellenic Organization of Youth and the Communist Party of Greece, participating in the Greek Resistance. She was also a proponent of woman's rights. She was executed by the collaborationist State Special Security Directorate, which was a section of Hellenic Gendarmerie, because of her activity.
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Over time, the EDES Central Committee and political apparatus in Athens, directed by Stylianos Gonatas, became increasingly ineffective, estranged from the EDES guerrillas in the mountains (headed by Zervas) and winning the particular enmity of the organization because of Gonatas's support for the collaborationist Security Battalions.Shrader, 1999, p. 30, 38D. Michael Shafer, Deadly Paradigms: The Failure of U.S. Counterinsurgency Policy, Princeton University Press, 2014, , p. 169.
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476 During October 1943-October 1944 Zervas consistently rejected active collaboration though he favoured a temporary coexistence. According to German records, a conspiracy of German-Ralli's collaborationist government- British can't be sustained. This policy of coexistence enabled the Germans to concentrate their operations against ELAS. Zervas' pro-royalist tendencies and close collaboration both with the Germans and the British Office destroyed EDES' initial republican and democratic ideology.
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At this stage, Brătescu-Voinești struck out Herz's name from all new editions of Sorana.Călinescu, p. 581 As noted by literary historian Dan Mănucă, Brătescu had a simmering conflict with another collaborationist, Tudor Arghezi, and viewed by the latter as a leading enemy of his Germanophile colleagues. Mănucă argues that this view was exaggerated, but also that its escalation pushed Brătescu into a conflict with Herz.
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The mystery of the two photos was clarified in a note which explained: Moreover the titles of the first pages, as in the rest of the paper, seemed bland enough, for example "Effective Strategy", where the author strove to imitate the convoluted prose of Maurice- George Olivier, a collaborationist journalist who was a mouthpiece of propaganda communications for the people: He goes on to satirize enemy propaganda, poking fun in passing at the military concepts of hedgehog defense and elastic defense: Another first-page article was the "German communiqué": Finally, under the title "International week" and the subtitle "From picking back to defensive victory", Faux Soir drove the point home by asserting that: From the classified section, to the obituaries and the advertisements, each paragraph was a farce aimed at one or another collaborationist, or hinting at the government in exile or the country's liberation.
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Other large states are difficult to classify as pan-national. Around 1942 Nazi Germany controlled a vast collection of annexed territories, German-administered civilian entities, puppet states, collaborationist states, and front-line areas run by the military. The conquests were partly inspired by the idea of Lebensraum, but that is not in itself a pan-nationalist concept. The Soviet Union had a Soviet identity, but no "Soviet" ethnicity, culture, or language.
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The ESPO () was a collaborationist, pro-Nazi organization created in the summer of 1941 in German-occupied Greece, under the leadership of Georgios Vlavianos and later Dr. Spyros Sterodimas. Its members were ultra- nationalists, Nazis, and fascists aiming to help the Axis occupation forces against Communism and Jews. One of their main actions was the ransacking of the synagogue on Melidoni Street, Athens, by the ESPO's youth section.
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The French and British governments recognized Franco's leadership of Spain on 27 February 1939. Philippe Pétain, who later became the leader of the collaborationist Vichy regime in France, became French ambassador in Burgos on 2 March. He would oversee the repatriation of the Republican gold reserves and the paintings of the Museo del Prado from France to Spain. The Spanish Civil War ended on 1 April 1939 in Nationalist victory.
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The épuration légale (French "legal purge") was the wave of official trials that followed the Liberation of France and the fall of the Vichy Regime. The trials were largely conducted from 1944 to 1949, with subsequent legal action continuing for decades afterward. Unlike the Nuremberg Trials, the épuration légale was conducted as a domestic French affair. Approximately 300,000 cases were investigated, reaching into the highest levels of the collaborationist Vichy government.
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A nationalist branch of the resistance movement, led by a former Troezenian officer in the Hellenic Army named Apostolos Kouvelakis was very supported by the local population. After each operation German razzias were common due to the evil work of collaborationist informants and they generally finished with brutal reprisals such as shootings and house burnings.Kostas Ath. Sarantopoulos "Βαλτέτσι 1944 – Μαρτυρία (Valtetsi 1944 - Martyrdom)", Armos Editors, Athens 2003, pg.
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A number of collaborationist art syndicates were formed that allowed dealers, including Jewish dealers, to trade with the Germans, looted works to be removed from France, pricing and currency anomalies to be exploited, and the origins and destinations of paintings to be disguised.Harclerode, pp. 60-61. The Roberts Commission (1943–46) described Boitel as an art dealer and speculator but as having no professional knowledge of the subject.M1944, p. 534.
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229 touring the frontlines and making 4,000 km across Vascongadas, Castile, Extremadura and Andalusia.Martorell Pérez 2011, p. 853 In December 1937 the adventure came to an abrupt end when in Granada Arrúe was reached by the military detention order; only thanks to intervention of collaborationist Carlists he was allowed to make it to the Burgos prison himself instead of having been escorted in handcuffs by Guardia Civil.Martorell Pérez 2011, p.
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Stahmer with Wang Jingwei, the president of the pro-Japanese Nanjing regime. In October 1941, Stahmer was appointed as German ambassador to the collaborationist Chinese reorganised national government under Wang Jingwei, established in Nanjing by the Japanese occupation,US Consul in Shanghai to the Secretary of State, November 9, 1941 Foreign Relations of the United States 1941, vol. V, pp. 870–872 and remained in that position until late 1942.
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Pierre-Henri Teitgen was rapporteur for political questions and René Courtin was rapporteur for economic questions. In a report issued in April 1943 Bastid was skeptical about a collaborationist vision of Europe along the lines advocated by Vichy. Later the Committee was encouraged to explore the possibility of a European federation. Bastid was a member of a committee of nine Radical politicians who met weekly from October 1943.
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It was a high-risk game", from Rapport om mitt arbeid under okkupasjonen, 172 Holst also organised squads for liquidating dangerous German and collaborationist Norwegian agents."Under Kaka's leadership a couple of new liquidation teams were established, including tails. Most of the people working as tails were women. Agents from Operation Bittern trained the two teams, and the plan was that the agents themselves would lead the first liquidations.
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The camp was guarded by Flemish collaborationist paramilitaries as well as German SS units. Of the 300 prisoners that died in the camp itself, 185 were executed; many of the rest died of torture, disease or exposure. Most of those that did survive were transported to concentration camps. The German execution poles and gallows, as well as the torture chamber, are preserved in the current museum on the site.
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The town is known for the Battle of Meligalas, which took place on 13–15 September 1944 between the Greek Resistance forces of the Greek People's Liberation Army (ELAS) and the collaborationist Security Battalions. After the battle ELAS forces executed hundreds of Security Battalionists in an event that remains a point of reference and a rallying cry both for the far right and the left in Greece to this day.
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The provincial department of these services controlled local political police, headed by Rupnik's delegate and former Ljubljana police chief, Lovro Hacin. The Germans understood the previous relationship between the collaborationist forces and the Italians, and wanted to establish a similar arrangement to supplement their limited manpower. This intent coincided with that of the anti-Partisan forces, who were under a greater threat from the Partisans after the Italian surrender.
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Lucile's relationship with Bruno draws the hostility of many of the townfolk. The Viscountess de Monfort (Harriet Walter) later catches Benoit stealing a chicken from her coop. When Benoit points a gun at her, she tells her husband, the collaborationist Viscount de Monfort (Lambert Wilson), who sends the German soldiers after Benoit. While hiding in a barn, Benoit kills Kurt with his gun and flees into the forest.
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This was followed by the launch of the journal La Vie Nationale which proved short-lived and which was followed by a number of equally short-lived collaborationist reviews. He was a founder of Mouvement Social Révolutionnaire and became leader of the group in 1942 after Eugène Deloncle stepped aside. However Fonteony soon lost interest in what was a declining group.David Littlejohn, The Patriotic Traitors, London: Heinemann, 1972, p.
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The Kenpeitai ran extensive criminal and collaborationist networks, extorting vast amounts of money from businesses and civilians wherever they operated. They also ran the Allied prisoner of war system, which often treated captives with extreme brutality. Many of the abuses were documented in Japanese war crimes trials, such as those committed by the Kempeitai East District Branch in Singapore. The Kenpeitai also carried out revenge attacks against prisoners and civilians.
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To balance the situation, the authorities brought in an orthodox Nazi, Reinholdt Breien, an additional under-secretary.Ringdal, 1991: p. 74 Platou was largely loyal during his one year in the Nazi-controlled Minister of Justice. When the pre-war Supreme Court Justices laid down their offices in December 1940, Platou participated in appointing the new, collaborationist Supreme Court Justices--though these were not first and foremost drawn from the Fascist milieu.
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The German and the Italian navies operated submarines and raiding ships in the Indian and Pacific Oceans, notably the Monsun Gruppe. The Italians had access to concession territory naval bases in China which they utilized (and which was later ceded to collaborationist China by the Italian Social Republic in late 1943). After Japan's attack on Pearl Harbor and the subsequent declarations of war, both navies had access to Japanese naval facilities.
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Other academics and intellectuals had exposed Hu as a collaborationist from the Sino-Japanese War via essays in public journals and newspapers, ultimately ending his time as a formal teacher in Taiwan.Zhou 2017, p. 2. That being said, Hu continued to act as a mentor while in Taiwan, the Taiwanese writers and intellectuals Chu Tien-hsin and Chu Tien-wen being among his pupils.Zhou 2017, p. 2-3.
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Ralph Hewins (1909 - 1984) was a British biographer. Amongst his most famous works are Count Folke Bernadotte: his Life and Work (1949), The Richest American: J. Paul Getty (1960) and the Vidkun Quisling biography Quisling: Prophet without Honour (1965), which was translated into Norwegian (titled Quisling: profet uten ære). The biography of Quisling stirred much controversy in Norway, owing to its apologetic and revisionist portrayal of the Nazi collaborationist Quisling.
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In 1940 he was promoted to general by the collaborationist government under Wang Jingwei in Nanjing and was made the war minister. After the capitulation of Japan in 1945, he was arrested by the Nationalists and sentenced to death the following year. However, the sentence was never carried out and he was instead sent to Taiwan, where he lived in prison until his release in 1975. Bao died in 1980.
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The Japanese managed to establish two collaborationist regimes during their occupation in China. In the north, the "Provisional Government of China" () based in Beijing established the Federal Reserve Bank of China (, pinyin: Zhōngguó Liánhé Zhǔnbèi Yínháng). The FRB issued notes in 1938 at par with Kuomintang fabi. Although initially equivalent, the Japanese banned the use of Nationalist currency in 1939 and set arbitrary exchange rates in favour of the FRB yuan.
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Raising so much money impoverished many people, who joined the guerrillas. To fight against the guerrillas, Thouvenot tried to create local collaborationist militia called Civic Guards. They were formed by the mayors and the wealthiest neighbors of each municipality. Some of them caused serious problems to the guerrillas during 1810 and 1811, but by the end of 1811 all had deserted or been disarmed by the guerrillas, often without resistance.
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The Czechoslovak government-in-exile led by President Edvard Beneš issued a proclamation in April 1944 excluding from political participation former collaborationist Hungarians, Germans, and the Russophile Ruthenian followers of Andrej Brody and the Fencik Party (who had collaborated with the Hungarians). This amounted to approximately one-third of the population. Another one-third was communist, leaving one-third of the population presumably sympathetic to the Czechoslovak Republic.
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Deloncle in 1937 The group was founded in 1936 or 1937 by Eugène Deloncle and enjoyed privileged relations within industrial circles (National Federation of Ratepayers, Lesieur, L'Oréal etc).Winock, Michel (1993) Histoire de l'extrême droite en France. An important member was Joseph Darnand, who later founded the Service d'ordre légionnaire (SOL), the forerunner of the Milice, the collaborationist paramilitary of the Vichy regime. His nephew Henri Charbonneau was also a member.
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In 1929 he joined with Xavier de Langlais to found , a workshop of Breton Christian art. The duo worked closely together on a number of projects, including the college chapel of St. Joseph in Lannion. The workshop included among its members Mlle Ménard (glazier), Madame Planiol (restoration of priestly vestments) and Jules-Charles Le Bozec. During World War II, Perrot and Breun-Blug were suspected of collaborationist activity.
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Andrzej Świetlicki (1915–1940) was a Polish politician, a member of the far- right National Radical Camp Falanga. After the 1939 German invasion of Poland, in October 1939 he formed a pro-collaborationist National Radical Organization (Narodowa Organizacja Radykalna). After a few months of collaboration with the Germans (Abwehr and Gestapo) he was arrested in the German AB-Aktion and executed on 20/21 June 1940 in the Palmiry massacre.
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Milorad Nedeljković (3 December 1883, Knjaževac, Kingdom of Serbia – 1961, France) was a Serbian economist and Axis-collaborating politician. He graduated and got his Ph.D. from the University of Belgrade Faculty of Economics. He was a professor of national economics and finance at the Subotica Law School. Nedeljković is best known for being part of Milan Nedić's German-collaborationist government (Government of National Salvation) during World War II as a minister.
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At the same time the Japanese began their occupation of Qiqihar, securing control of all three Manchurian provincial capitals. At Mukden and Kirin the Japanese had already established collaborationist Chinese governments. At Qiqihar they established another government under pro-Japanese General Zhang Jinghui. Japan also secured control of the central section of the Chinese Eastern Railway, however, the eastern section was still under the control of General Ting Chao in Harbin.
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In World War II, Knin was in the so-called second Italian occupation zone, administered by civilian authorities of collaborationist Independent State of Croatia led by fascist Ustasa regime, but with heavy Italian military presence. The Italians also relied heavily on local ethnic Serb militias (Chetniks) to maintain order and suppress partisan resistance. Chetniks and Ustasa officers collaborated as antifascist resistance intensified. Ustasa regime declared Knin county seat.
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The Last Penny (French: Le dernier sou) is a 1946 French drama film directed by André Cayatte and starring Ginette Leclerc, Gilbert Gil and Fernand Charpin. A secretary tries to save her friend's company from being bankrupted by unscrupulous figures. It was one of three films Leclerc appeared in for the collaborationist Continental Films, which she believed led to her arrest by the authorities following the Liberation.Mayne p.
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In need of a reliable collaborationist force to combat the Communists, they gave him permission to form the Serbian Volunteer Detachments (, SDO) in September 1941. The SDO initially launched public appeals calling for volunteers "in the struggle against the Communist danger" and eventually grew to consist of 3,500 armed men. These appeals failed to mention guerrilla leader Draža Mihailović or his Chetniks. By November, Ljotić was openly denouncing Mihailović.
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Officially the Rada BNR never recognized the Belarusian SSR. Most of the members of the Rada who returned to Belarus, including former Prime Minister Vaclau Lastouski, were later killed in the Soviet terror in Belarus in the 1930s. During the Second World War and the German occupation of Czechoslovakia the Rada refused to cooperate with the Nazis or recognize the collaborationist government of Belarus, the Belarusian Central Rada.
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111 Baek Sukgi On July 8, 1977, Ahn's ashes were transferred from Majorca to the Korean National Cemetery. In 2008, Ahn was included in the list of pro-Japanese collaborators by the Institute for Research in Collaborationist Activities and the Committee for Publication of a Directory of the Biographies of Pro-Japanese Collaborators because he was a conductor at a concert which commemorated the 10th anniversary of Manchukuo.
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The situation in French Indochina was particularly complex. After a short military confrontation in September 1940 the colonial government, which was loyal to the Vichy French collaborationist regime, permitted the Japanese to use ports and airfields in northern Indochina. In July 1941 the Japanese occupied southern Indochina and established airfields as well as an important naval base at Cam Ranh Bay. The French authorities remained in place as a puppet government.
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Unlike the situation in most German-occupied European countries where the Germans successfully installed collaborationist governments, in occupied Poland there was no puppet government. The Germans had initially considered the creation of a collaborationist Polish cabinet to administer, as a protectorate, the occupied Polish territories that had not been annexed outright into the Third Reich. At the beginning of the war German officials contacted several Polish leaders with proposals for collaboration, but they all refused. Among those who rejected the German offers were Wincenty Witos, peasant party leader and former Prime Minister; Prince Janusz Radziwiłł; and Stanisław Estreicher, prominent scholar from the Jagiellonian University. In 1940, during the German invasion of France, the French government suggested that Polish politicians in France negotiate an accommodation with Germany; and in Paris the prominent journalist Stanislaw Mackiewicz tried to get Polish President Wladyslaw Raczkiewicz to negotiate with the Germans, as the French defenses were collapsing and German victory seemed inevitable.
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Because of this, after the surrender in 1945, the stance of the United States was that Thailand should be treated as a puppet of Japan and be considered an occupied nation rather than as an ally. This was done in contrast to the British stance towards Thailand, who had faced them in combat as they invaded British territory, and the United States had to block British efforts to impose a punitive peace.I.C.B Dear, ed, The Oxford companion to World War II (1995) p 1107 Also involved were members of the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere, which included the Manchukuo Imperial Army and Collaborationist Chinese Army of the Japanese puppet states of Manchukuo (consisting of most of Manchuria), and the collaborationist Wang Jingwei regime (which controlled the coastal regions of China), respectively. In the Burma campaign, other members, such as the anti-British Indian National Army of Free India and the Burma National Army of the State of Burma were active and fighting alongside their Japanese allies.
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The playwright Georges Feydeau wrote a popular comedy called La Dame de chez Maxim ("The Lady from Maxim's"). During World War II, Maxim's was the most popular Parisian restaurant of the German high command and collaborationist celebrities. Hermann Göring, Otto Abetz, and Ernst Jünger favored Maxim's when in Paris. Due to the support of officials, Maxim's enjoyed protected status during the occupation: its employees were not deported and it was exempt from food restrictions.
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The Byelorussian Auxiliary Police (; ) was a collaborationist paramilitary force established in July 1941. Staffed by local inhabitants from German- occupied Byelorussia, it had similar functions to those of the German Ordnungspolizei in other occupied territories. The activities of the formation were supervised by defense police departments, local commandants' offices, and garrison commandants. The units consisted of one police officer for every 100 rural inhabitants and one police officer for every 300 urban inhabitants.
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There were around thirty militiamen in Lille, who carried out arrests and identity checks and participated actively in the black market. Thus, while some collaborationist movements did develop in the region, they attracted very few members, and their activities remained limited. This was possibly due to the population's fears of annexation to Germany, as well as to the traditional patriotism that characterized the Nord département. Legal and extralegal crackdowns on collaborationists were relatively restrained.
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In 1930, Pangalos was sent to prison for a building scandal. He remained in prison for two years and was released during a period when a number of amnesties were given by Venizélos. He never regained the popular support he had before the coup, and never again played a role in Greek politics. After Greece fell to the Germans in 1941, Pangalos and other Venizelist officers moved to support the new collaborationist regime.
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The uprising sought to overthrow the German collaborationist government and detach Slovakia from the Axis. Reik with other Jewish Paratroopers; from right to left, top row: Reuven Dafni, Zadok Doron, . Bottom row: Sara Braverman, Arieh Fichman, Haviva Reik There were armed underground Jewish cells in each of the three Slovak labor camps before the SNR was established. Early in 1944 they established contact with the SNR, and became part of the movement.
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Xie did not agree to these terms, and after refusing numerous offers from Wang Jingwei's collaborationist government, Xie Jinyuan was assassinated on 24 April 1941 at 5 a.m. by Sergeant He Dingcheng and three others of his own troops, who were bought over by Wang Jingwei's government. He died at 6 a.m. More than 100,000 people turned up for his funeral, and he was posthumously made a brigadier general of the National Revolutionary Army.
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The Political Committee of National Liberation (, Politiki Epitropi Ethnikis Apeleftherosis, PEEA), commonly known as the "Mountain Government" ( Kivernisi tou Vounou), was a Communist Party-dominated government established in Greece in 1944 in opposition to both the collaborationist German-controlled government at Athens and to the royal government-in-exile in Cairo. It was integrated with the Greek government-in-exile in a national unity government at the Lebanon conference in May 1944.
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A 1986 Soviet reference book on Africa claimed that about one third of African states followed this path. In some countries designated as socialist-leaning by the Soviet Union such as India, this formulation was sharply criticized by emerging Maoist or Chinese-leaning groups such as the Communist Party of India (Marxist), who considered the doctrine class collaborationist as part of the larger Sino-Soviet split and the Maoist struggle against so-called Soviet revisionism.
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Prior to his return to flight duty with his squadron in North Africa, the collaborationist Vichy Regime unilaterally promoted Saint-Exupéry as one of its members – quite a shock to the author. Subsequently, French General (later French President) Charles de Gaulle, whom Saint-Exupéry held in low regard, publicly implied that the author-pilot was supporting Germany. Depressed at this, he began to drink heavily. Additionally, his health, both physically and mentally, had been deteriorating.
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The Russian Monument in the municipality commemorates the asylum given to Russian soldiers during the Second World War.Schellenberg TravelGuide on Virtual Tourist.com Near the end of World War II, Liechtenstein granted asylum to approximately five hundred soldiers of the First Russian National Army, a collaborationist Russian force within the German Wehrmacht. This act was no small matter, as the country was poor and had difficulty feeding and caring for such a large group of refugees.
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Operation Cottbus was an anti-partisan operation during the occupation of Belarus by Nazi Germany. The operation began on 20 May 1943 during the World War II occupation of northern Belarus in the areas of Begoml, Lepel and Ushachy. A number of Belarusian, Latvian, Lithuanian, and Ukrainian collaborationist units took part in the operation, along with the SS Special Battalion Dirlewanger.Richard Breitman (1997) Himmler's Police Auxiliaries in the Occupied Soviet Territories Museum of Tolerance Online.
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The brothers flee to the Naliboki Forest, vowing to avenge the deaths of their parents. The brothers encounter other Jewish escapees hiding in the forest and take them under their protection and leadership. Tuvia kills the local (Auxiliary Police) chief responsible for his parents' deaths. Over the next year, they shelter a growing number of refugees, raiding local farms for food and supplies and moving their camp whenever they are discovered by the collaborationist police.
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1945 In the mid 1940s Tejada again neared Carlism, at that time with no king, divided into few factions and politically bewildered. First commencing co-operation with their periodicals,in 1942 with La Misión. Bartyzel 2015, p. 249 in the Madrid cafes he mixed with Carlists of different persuasions, including the pro-collaborationist CarloctavistasBrocos Fernández 2005 and the intransigent orthodox Javieristas; he also took part in their minor public manifestations against the regime.
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He joined to collaborationist Provisional Government of the Republic of China in December 1937. However, he was dismissed from that post after a short period, retaining a seat of the largely powerless Provisional Government Committee. With the establishment of the Reformed Government of the Republic of China under Wang Jingwei, he was appointed to the North China Policy Committee. Declared a traitor by the Kuomintang, Jiang died of old age in 1943.
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After the surrender of Japan and collapse of the collaborationist Reorganized National Government of China, Jiang Kanghu was arrested by Chiang Kai-shek's Nationalist Government as a traitor. However, due to the ongoing Chinese Civil War, his case was never brought to trial. After the establishment of the People's Republic of China, he remained imprisoned in Shanghai at the Tilanqiao Prison. Jiang Kanghu died in prison due to malnutrition and tuberculosis on December 7, 1954.
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Kluge reviews Légion des Volontaires Français, a French collaborationist formation, November 1941. During Operation Typhoon, the German advance on Moscow, Kluge had the 4th Panzer Group, under the command of Erich Hoepner, subordinated to the 4th Army. In early October, the 4th Panzer Group completed the encirclement at Vyazma. Much to Hoepner's displeasure, Kluge instructed him to pause the advance as his units were needed to prevent break-outs of Soviet forces.
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Carlist standard In the mid-1950s the intransigent Carlist policy gave way to a conciliatory course, engineered by the new political leader José María Valiente. Zubiaur was initially counted among the "guipuzcoanos",Javier Lavardín, Historia del ultimo pretendiente a la corona de España, Paris 1976 , p. 40 a hardline faction opposing the new strategy. In 1956 he took part in works of Junta de las Regiones, a somewhat rebellious body contesting the collaborationist policy.
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In September 1941, Partisans organised sabotage at the General Post Office in Zagreb. As the levels of resistance to its occupation grew, the Axis Powers responded with numerous minor offensives. There were also seven major Axis operations specifically aimed at eliminating all or most Yugoslav Partisan resistance. These major offensives were typically combined efforts by the German Wehrmacht and SS, Italy, Chetniks, the Independent State of Croatia, the Serbian collaborationist government, Bulgaria, and Hungary.
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Roland Silly (-) was a French trade unionist and politician. In the 1930s, Roland Silly was Secretary of the Federation (or section) of technicians of the CGT and member of the Socialist Party SFIO, led by Paul Faure. During the German occupation, (1940-1944), Roland Silly was a member of the Rassemblement national populaire, a collaborationist party led by Marcel Déat, and the head of the Jeunesses national-populaire, the youth movement of the party.
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147 which in turn embarked on a number of new initiatives. Zamanillo viewed them as part of the collaborationist strategy and supported; in 1960 Semana Nacional de Estudios of AET in Valle de los Caidós he spoke about a possibilist evolution of the doctrinefull title Estudio razonado de la evolución doctrinal del carlismo. Nuevos rumbos de la doctrina carlista: la política posibilista como resultado, Martorell Pérez 2014, p. 102, Martorell Pérez 2009, p.
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A few weeks later, he was appointed by President Manuel Quezon as mayor of the City of Greater Manila in 1941. His responsibilities included administering the open city upon the arrival of occupational troops of the Imperial Japanese Army on January 2, 1942. By 1942, Vargas became chairman of the Japanese-sponsored Philippine Executive Commission. During the collaborationist Second Philippine Republic, he was once asked by the Japanese to assume the Presidency, but he declined.
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1124 One scholar suggests that Arrúe conspired against Fal, considering him too conventional in his anti- Francoist bid;Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 392; the same author in his other work claims that Arrúe has been loyal to Fal, see Martorell Pérez 2011, p. 850 if this is the case indeed, the ensuing deposition of Fal and collaborationist turn of mid-1950s caught Arrúe bitterly disappointed; he was leaning to a Sivattista dissidence.
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A special unit of the battalion was sent to garrison the Italian concession in Tianjin, China in 1924 and stayed there until it was interned by the Japanese in 1943, when Italy declared war on the Axis. In the confusion, one post resisted, holding out against Japanese attacks for 24 hours before surrendering. The interned Italians were then given the choice to represent the collaborationist fascist government, or become prisoners of war.
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Maurice Bunau-Varilla (1856 – 1 August 1944) was a French press magnate, and proprietor of the newspaper Le Matin. During the Second World War, he made the newspaper's editorial line pro-German and pro-collaborationist, and it ceased publication 16 days after his death. Bunau-Varilla admired Adolf Hitler more out of his anti-Communist leanings than out of Nazi conviction. Bunau-Varilla developed and promoted Synthol as a cure-all tonic.
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The Courcelles massacre (), sometimes known as the Rognac massacre (Tuerie du Rognac), was a massacre of 19 civilians perpetrated by a collaborationist militia associated with the Rexist Party in German-occupied Belgium during World War II. It occurred on 17–18 August 1944 near Courcelles, a suburb of the industrial city of Charleroi in Hainaut Province, shortly before the Liberation of Belgium in revenge for the killing of a Rexist official by the Belgian Resistance.
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Following the dissolution of Grand Orient Freemasonry in Vichy France on 13 August 1940,Robert Richardson, The Priory of Sion Hoax in Gnosis (No. 51, Spring 1999), p. 49-55. Plantard wrote a letter dated 16 December 1940 to Marshal Philippe Pétain offering his services to the collaborationist government, referring to a 'terrible Masonic and Jewish conspiracy'.Jean-Jacques Bedu, Les Sources Secrètes du Da Vinci Code, page 63 (Monte-Carlo, Èditions du Rocher, 2005.
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By 13 July, this proclamation prompted the outbreak of an anti- Italian uprising in Montenegro led by local communists (Partisans) and Serb nationalists (Chetniks). Having assumed power the previous day, Drljević established the Provisional Administrative Committee of Montenegro, a collaborationist entity which was a territorial component of the Italian Empire. He also organized his followers to fight against Montenegrin Chetniks and the Yugoslav Partisans. In September, he was dismissed from office by the Italians.
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During this period, the Partisans also captured other MVAC troops, including some of those located at Zapotok. The rest withdrew towards Ljubljana, suffering devastating losses, where they were disarmed by the newly-arrived Germans. Boris Kidrič stated the Partisans had captured about 1,200 collaborationist troops by 21 September. A small number were charged with war crimes and shot, while the rest were allocated to labour units in preparation for integration into Partisan units.
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In its aims and ideology, the SD was anti-Partisan. anti-communist and antisemitic. The Slovene Home Guard (SD) functioned like most collaborationist forces in Axis-occupied Europe during World War II, but had limited autonomy, and at first functioned as an auxiliary police force that assisted the Germans in anti-Partisan operations. Later, it gained more autonomy and conducted most of the anti-Partisan operations in Slovenia, while still having German officers in command.
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The National Popular Rally (, RNP, 1941–1944) was a French political party and one of the main collaborationist parties under the Vichy regime of World War II. Created in February 1941 by former members of the French Section of the Workers' International (SFIO) of the neosocialist tendency and led by Marcel Déat, the party was heavily influenced by fascism and saw the circumstances of the occupation as an opportunity to revolutionarise France.
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Initially PBI was run by individuals who had worked at the Labour Department during the Japanese occupation. But in 1946 Setiadjit returned to Indonesia from exile in the Netherlands, and he assumed leadership of the party and became its chairman. Under Setiadjit, the collaborationist elements lost control over the party. Setiadjit's takeover in PBI was done with active support from the Indonesian government, as Sukarno had feared strong 'anarcho- syndicalist' tendencies of PBI.
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A year after Rusia în fața cugetărei românești, Romania signed its pact with the Entente, declaring war on Germany and Austria-Hungary. Following initial successes in the Battle of Transylvania, the Romanian Land Forces were pushed back, and southern Romania fell to the Central Powers. Karnabatt stayed behind in occupied Bucharest. Together with Arghezi, Ioan Slavici, Saniel Grossman and Dem. Theodorescu, he began writing for the collaborationist daily, Gazeta Bucureștilor, in December 1916.
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Under the collaborationist Reorganized National Government of China led by Wang Jingwei Ding served in the Central Political Committee, the Military Committee, and the Executive Yuan of the Reorganized National Government. He later held the cabinet-level posts as Minister of Society and Minister of Transport in the Reorganized National Government and served at one point as governor of Zhejiang Province. On December 21, 1939 he escaped an assassination attempt involving Zheng Pingru.
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The airborne assault was preceded by heavy bombing of the town by the Luftwaffe. The ground forces included Home Guard forces of the Independent State of Croatia along with collaborationist Chetniks. Tito, his principal headquarters staff and the Allied military personnel escaped, despite their presence in Drvar at the time of the airborne assault. Fierce Partisan resistance in the town itself and along the approaches to Drvar contributed to the failure of the mission.
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During the occupation of Serbia in WW2, Aleksić was initially employed at the collaborationist magazine Novo vreme, as editor of the culture section. Because of a misunderstanding, he was arrested by the Serbian Gestapo, held for five months and tortured, causing him to remained bedridden until death. At the request of his coworkers, he was released from prison. In 1944, he was part of the management of the Centrala za humor theater.
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In 1940 Stankievič went to Warsaw and joined the Nazi collaborationist pro-German Belarusian Committee. He also created a pro-Polish Belarusian group called the Belarusian Nationalist Party. In fall 1941 Stankievič moved to the Nazi-occupied Minsk, where he worked at the science department of the pro-Nazi puppet administrative body, the Belarusian Central Rada. He was member of the Belarusian Self-Help and was among founders of a Belarusian Scientific Society.
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While Germans actively encouraged the conflict, they tried not to get directly involved. Special German units formed from the collaborationist Ukrainian and later the Polish auxiliary police were deployed in pacification actions in Volhynia, and some of their crimes were attributed to the Home Army or to the UPA. According to Yuriy Kirichuk the Germans actively prodded both sides of the conflict against each other.Jak za Jaremy i Krzywonosa, Jurij Kiriczuk, Gazeta Wyborcza 23.04.
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They suspiciously distrusted the government, with the result that French morale in the face of the war with Germany was badly prepared.Anthony Adamthwaite, Grandeur and Misery: France's Bid for Power in Europe 1914–1940 (1995) pp. 175–192. In 1942, the occupying German forces took control of all of the Parisian newspapers and operated them with collaborators. In 1944, the Free French liberated Paris, and seized control of all of the collaborationist newspapers.
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Xhafer Deva, a Kosovo Albanian collaborator and German ally, was then appointed the Minister of Interior. Deva subsequently founded the collaborationist Second League of Prizren in Kosovo. Foreseeing the arrival of German troops, beginning in September 1943, the Jews of Albania-proper fled the cities and hid in the countryside, where they were concealed by rural Albanians. Some Jews feigned conversion to either Christianity or Islam while still maintaining a Jewish identity.
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With a new administration in place, the Germans demanded that the Albanian authorities provide them with lists of Jews to be deported. The local authorities did not comply, and even provided Jewish families with forged documents. In early 1944, the German occupational authorities again demanded that Albanian officials produce a list of all the Jews living in the country. Two local Jewish leaders subsequently approached Albania's collaborationist Prime Minister, Mehdi Frashëri, for assistance.
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In the alternative reality depicted in John Wyndham's short story Random Quest, where the Second World War did not happen, Butler is the prime minister. The story was written in 1954, when Butler acceding to the premiership was a serious possibility. Butler becomes World War II prime minister in the 2007 alternative history novel Resistance by Owen Sheers. However, he leads a collaborationist puppet government after Germany has largely conquered the British Isles.
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In May 1924, he was appointed to the Commander of the 4th Army of the Northern Expedition Force commanded by Sun Yat-sen. In March 1940, Gu Zhongchen was appointed to the Vice-Chief of the Examination Yuan within the collaborationist Reorganized National Government of China under Wang Jingwei. In November 1944, he promoted to the Chief of the Examination Yuan. Gu Zhongchen died on July 31, 1945 at the age of 86.
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Beneš's proclamation of April 1944 excluded former collaborationist Hungarians, Germans and the Rusynophile Ruthenian followers of Andrej Bródy and the Fencik Party (who had collaborated with the Hungarians) from political participation. This amounted to approximately ⅓ of the population. Another ⅓ was communist, leaving ⅓ of the population presumably sympathetic to the Czechoslovak Republic. Upon arrival in Subcarpathian Ruthenia, the Czechoslovak delegation set up headquarters in Khust, and on 30 October issued a mobilization proclamation.
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Costantini fought as an officer in the First World War and as a reserve officer in the armée de l'air during 1939–1940. He founded the Mouvement social européen. In 1940, he founded the collaborationist Ligue française d’épuration, d’entraide sociale et de collaboration européenne and with Jean Boissel, Marcel Déat, Pierre Clementi and Eugène Deloncle co-founded the Légion des volontaires français contre le bolchevisme (LVF). He edited the Ligue's organ, the journal L'Appel.
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But unlike on the Mainland, the occupiers were not able to put together a collaborationist film industry. They managed to complete just one propaganda movie, The Attack on Hong Kong (1942; a.k.a. The Day of England's Collapse) before the British returned in 1945 (Teo, 1997). A more important move by the Japanese may have been to melt down many of Hong Kong's pre-war films to extract their silver nitrate for military use (Fonoroff, 1997).
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This led to a period of Indochina under Japanese occupation with cooperation of the collaborationist Vichy French, who still retained administration of the colony. During this time the Viet Minh, a communist resistance movement, developed under Ho Chi Minh from 1941, with allied support. During a 1944–1945 famine in northern Vietnam, over one million people starved to death. In March 1945, after the liberation of France in Europe and heavy setbacks in the war.
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She was born Spomenka Diklić in Belgrade, then the capital of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, to a Serb father (Radenko Diklić) and a Slovene mother (Marija Jelica Mravlje). Her father died at the Glavnjača prison, where the opponents of the collaborationist state of Milan Nedić were imprisoned. After World War II, she moved with her mother to Slovenia, then part of the Yugoslavia. She spent her childhood in the village of Žiri.
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The Germans began a search for a suitable Serb to lead a collaborationist regime in the occupied territory. Consideration was given to appointing Belgrade police chief Dragomir Jovanović, but the German Military Commander in Serbia selected former Yugoslav Minister of Internal Affairs Milan Aćimović. Aćimović formed his Commissioner Government () on 30 May 1941, consisting of ten commissioners. Aćimović was virulently anti-communist and had been in contact with the German police before the war.
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He published his first novel, Echec et Mat, in 1960. His 1986 novel, L'organidrame, was selected for the Prix Goncourt (awarded to Michel Host for Valet de nuit instead). His 1994 novel, L'hôtel des deux gares, was about a collaborationist in Paris during World War II. His 2002 novel, Retour à Santopal, was based on his career as a correspondent under Augusto Pinochet in Chile. Ballet also published research about the works of Roger Vailland.
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Japanese occupiers created a collaborationist government in northern China and reverted the city's name to Beijing to serve as capital for the puppet regime. After Japan's surrender in 1945, the city returned to Chinese rule and was again renamed Beiping. During the subsequent civil war between the Chinese Nationalists and Communists, the city was peacefully transferred to Communist control in 1949 and renamed Beijing to become the capital of the People's Republic of China.
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New Haven, CT; London: Yale University Press, 2006 (hardcover, ), page 132 At the same time, Nazi Germany organised collaborationist military units such as Andrey Vlasov's Russian Liberation Army and Pyotr Krasnov's Cossacks. During the Second World War, the strong patriotism of Vlasov's army presented Russians with an alternative to the state-centered nationalism promoted by the Stalin's government.Cathrine Andreyev, Vlasov and the Russian Liberation Movement: Soviet reality and emigre theories. Cambridge University Press, 1987.
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But disillusionment in democracy eventually caused many neosocialists to distance themselves from the traditional left and call for more authoritarian government. After 1936 many evolved toward a form of participatory and national socialism which led them to join with the reactionary right and support the collaborationist Vichy regime during World War II. For instance, René Belin and Marcel Déat became members of the Vichy government. As a result, Déat's neosocialism was discredited in France after the war.
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As of 1942, its operations could mainly be characterized as anticommunist and "maréchaliste" (in reference to the cult of personality surrounding Marshall Pétain). The PPF regularly lacked money and activists, and was criticized for recruiting members with lengthy criminal records. The Milice française, established by the Vichy government in 1943, was approved by Brussels on March 19, 1944. It quickly came into conflict with the other collaborationist movements (the Francist Party, the PPF, and the VVF).
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Longo took part in the Spanish Civil War as an inspector of the Republican troops in the International Brigades under the leadership of Randolfo Pacciardi, and took the nom de guerre Gallo. After the defeat of the Second Spanish Republic by General Franco, he returned to France. Following the 1940 invasion of France, the Vichy-based collaborationist government was established under Philippe Pétain. Longo was arrested and detained in an internment camp at Vernet from 1939 to 1941.
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He was eventually arrested by collaborationist forces in spring 1944, after unknown civilians reported his Jewish origin.Daniel, p. 636; Răileanu & Carassou, p. 133 Dieter Schlesak, "Fondane – martor la granița imaginației noastre" , in Apostrof, Nr. 4/2009 Held in custody by the Gestapo, he was assigned to the local network of Holocaust perpetrators: after internment in the Drancy transit camp, he was sent on one of the transports to the extermination camps in occupied Poland, reaching Auschwitz-Birkenau.
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Following the failure of the initial collaborationist puppet government in the German- occupied territory of Serbia, the Commissioner Government, Milan Nedić, a pre- war politician who was known to have pro-Axis leanings, was then selected by the Germans to lead the Government of National Salvation. Two guerilla movements emerged in occupied Yugoslavia – the Serb nationalist Chetniks, led by Colonel (later General) Draža Mihailović, and the multi-ethnic, Communist- led Yugoslav Partisans, led by Josip Broz Tito.
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The Pacification of Manchukuo was a Japanese anti-insurgency campaign during the Second Sino-Japanese War to suppress any armed resistance to the newly established puppet state of Manchukuo from various anti-Japanese volunteer armies in occupied Manchuria and later the Communist Northeast Anti-Japanese United Army. The operations were carried out by the Imperial Japanese Kwantung Army and the collaborationist forces of the Manchukuo government from March 1932 until 1942, and resulted in a Japanese victory.
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An Englishman's Castle is a BBC television serial first broadcast in 1978, written by Philip Mackie and directed by Paul Ciappessoni. The story was set in an alternative history 1970s, in which Nazi Germany won World War II and England is run by a collaborationist fascist government. Peter Ingram (Kenneth More) is a writer for a soap opera (also called An Englishman's Castle), which is set in London in 1940, during the fictional Nazi invasion and subsequent occupation.
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The debate focused mainly on the relations with PCd'I and the creation of a united front with communists, a proposal which would be later approved. Balabanoff was confirmed as secretary and director of Avanti!, with Dino Mariani as deputy secretary. Despite the LSI was considered by the maximalist PSI as "the International of war and collaborationist reformism, den of social chauvinists", this kind of collaborative "elasticity" or spirit of understanding towards the London Bureau was a surprise.
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After the war, Pétain was tried and convicted for treason. He was originally sentenced to death, but due to his age and World War I service his sentence was commuted to life in prison. He died in 1951. His journey from military obscurity, to hero of France during World War I, to collaborationist dictator during World War II, led his successor Charles de Gaulle to write that Pétain’s life was "successively banal, then glorious, then deplorable, but never mediocre".
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Călugăru claimed that this account was British manipulation, suggesting that "if Hitler dared to attack the Russians he would be crushed." Still, Călugăru stood out among Romanian Jews for condemning passive compliance with Antonescu's orders, asking his coreligionists not to recognize the collaborationist Central Jewish Office.Dennis Deletant, Hitler's Forgotten Ally: Ion Antonescu and His Regime, Romania, 1940-1944, Palgrave Macmillan, London, 2006, p.123. Călugăru found himself promoted by the new authorities after the August 1944 Coup overthrew Antonescu.
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Yang led more than 40 engagements in Jilin Province, despite critically lacking supplies. In response, the Japanese committed a scorched earth strategy by routinely looting rural harvests, confiscating food from villages, and forcefully segregating civilians into "lawful settlements," in the attempt of depriving the resistance any means of supply. Large collaborationist patrols were also frequently deployed to inflict attrition on the guerrillas. Yang and his men were closely encircled by 40,000 Japanese troops in January to mid- February 1940.
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These conditions were the ground for favorable reception of German encouragements to carry out atrocities. On 27 June 1941 the Germans named Józef Mordasiewicz and Leon Kosmaczewski as heads of the local collaborationist administration, and setup an auxiliary Polish police force headed by Konstanty Kiluk. At least ten of the auxiliary Police had previously been imprisoned by the NKVD and were released by the Germans. The Germans armed those Poles whom they saw as trustworthy with guns.
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He resigned in 1947 in order to direct (until 1953) the SNEP, a society charged with liquidating the assets of collaborationist newspapers outlawed after the Liberation. He was a juror at the trial of Philippe Pétain. Meanwhile, he headed the commission of the National Assembly for the coordination of Muslim affairs. In this capacity, he tried to ameliorate the lot of Algerians and participated in the preparation of the statute of 1947, which was not applied.
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Dragomir "Dragi" Jovanović (27 July 1902 - 17 July 1946) was a Serbian politician and Axis collaborator who served as the mayor of Belgrade from 1941 to 1944, during World War II. He was captured by communist forces on December 11, 1945 in Munich in Allied occupied Germany following the war and tried alongside other Serbian collaborationist leaders in 1946. He was found guilty of collaborating with Reinhard Heydrich and Heinrich Himmler and other German officials and executed in Belgrade.
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Greece was under the control of the Third Reich from 1941 to 1944. After the liberation, the country followed a controversial period of denazification. Many collaborators and especially former leaders of the Nazi-held puppet regime in Athens were sentenced to death. General Georgios Tsolakoglou, the first collaborationist prime minister, was tried by the Greek Special Collaborators Court in 1945 and sentenced to death, but his penalty, like most death sentences, was commuted to life imprisonment.
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The Mukden Incident of September 18, 1931 halted further work on the Qiqihar–Keshan (Qike) railway, as it was known. In June 1932, the Japanese Kwantung Army resumed construction. This effort was hampered by attacks and sabotage by partisan forces led by Ma Zhanshan, Su Bingwen and others. From October 20 to November 10, 1932, Ma's Northeast Anti- Japanese National Salvation Army laid siege to the Laha station before being driven back by Japanese and collaborationist reinforcements.
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As such he was a brother-in-law of Ole Rømer Aagaard Sandberg, farmer and MP from Furnes. Laurantzon died in May 1975 in Hamar. During the German occupation of Norway he edited the magazine Norsk Jord from 1941 to 1945. During the last phase of the Second World War he edited the newspaper Nationen for two and a half months, and headed the collaborationist Quisling regime's Ministry of Agriculture for a short period from April to May 1945.
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Biszku joined the Hungarian Communist Party (MKP) in 1944 and participated in the Angyalföld resistance movement that fought against the Nazi German occupation force and against the collaborationist pro-fascist Arrow Cross Party government during the end of World War II. After the war, he played a role in the organization of the Budapest Police, then he established the Angyalföld branch of the communist party. He had worked for the MKP's Budapest Party Committee since 1946.
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In 1944, at the urging of Western Allies, Slovene members of the Yugoslav government- in-exile in London, called on the SD to transfer their allegiance to the Partisans. , and recognize the Tito-Šubašić agreement, which the Allies also supported. Yet despite Partisan offers of amnesty, most SD members continued fighting against the Partisans, on the side of the Nazis, unlike many Croat Home Guards, Chetniks and other collaborationist troops who either joined the Partisans, or just stopped fighting.
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The Parliament Acts are rarely invoked: the War Crimes Act was only the fourth statute since 1911 enacted under their provisions, and the first since the Parliament Act 1949. The War Crimes Act remains the only time that the Parliament Acts were invoked by a Conservative government. To date only one person, Anthony Sawoniuk, has been convicted under the Act. In 1999, he was sentenced to life imprisonment for murder during his involvement with the collaborationist Belarusian Auxiliary Police.
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At the same time, the Germans set up a collaborationist government in Athens, which lacked legitimacy and support. The puppet regime was further undermined when economic mismanagement in wartime conditions created runaway inflation, acute food shortages and famine among the civilian population. The power vacuum that the occupation created was filled by several resistance movements that ranged from royalist to communist ideologies. Resistance was born first in eastern Macedonia and Thrace, where Bulgarian troops occupied Greek territory.
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Cf. German order № 1023-42 July 17, 1942, p. 173. Theo J. Schulte, The German Army and Nazi Policies in Occupied Russia, New York: St. Martin's Press, 1989 The German authorities established the Autonomy to serve as a test case for Russian collaborationist government under the SS in the proposed Reich Commissariat of Muscovy ().De Cordier (2010), The Fedayeen of the Reich: Muslims, Islam and Collaborationism During World War II, p. 34 China and Eurasia Forum Quarterly, 2010.
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Shortly thereafter, Deva informed the leaders of the Jewish community that he had successfully refused the German request. In June 1944, the Germans once again demanded that the Albanian collaborationist government produce a list of the country's Jews and the Albanian authorities refused once more. The situation in Kosovo was quite different. There, Deva began recruiting Kosovo Albanians to join the Waffen-SS. The 21st Waffen Mountain Division, nicknamed Skanderbeg, was formed on 1 May 1944.
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The scene depicts a once-collaborationist character as finally having summoned the courage to be in open defiance against a supreme government. American heavy metal band Metallica recorded a song called "Don't Tread on Me" on their self- titled fifth studio album, released in 1991. The album cover features a dark grey picture of a coiled rattlesnake like the one found on the Gadsden Flag. The song's lyrics refer to political phrases from the American Revolutionary War.
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Throughout the war they sent inspirational radio speeches and supported clandestine military actions in Norway against the Germans. On the day of the invasion, the leader of the small National- Socialist party Nasjonal Samling, Vidkun Quisling, tried to seize power, but was forced by the German occupiers to step aside. Real power was wielded by the leader of the German occupation authority, Reichskommissar Josef Terboven. Quisling, as minister president, later formed a collaborationist government under German control.
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Pavelić, meanwhile, was misled into implementing German-style anti-Jewish laws, similar to those that Yugoslavia had implemented even before the invasion. Bačić and his son fled Jasenovac and sought refuge in Serbia, it is said, where they offered their services to the collaborationist leader Milan Nedić. Bačić's property, which housed a brick factory prior to the invasion, was transformed into a "concentration and labour" camp and resumed production. At its height, the camp's brick factory employed 180 inmates.
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On the June 22 its vanguard approached Kangbao, and after several hours of fighting, the Manchukuo force under General Cui Xingwu fled, allowing the Chinese forces to re-occupy the town. In late June, a force under Ji Hongchang pushed northeast against Dolonnur with two corps. The Northern corps recaptured Baochang from the now- demoralized Manchukuo force under Cui Xingwu. The Southern corps under Fang Zhenwu advanced on Guyuan, held by the collaborationist General Liu Guitang.
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The Northern Epirus Liberation Front (, Métopo Apelefthérosis Voreíou Ipeírou (MAVI)) also called the Northern Epirote Liberation Organization (Εθνική Απελευθερωτική Οργάνωση Βορειοηπειρωτών (ΕΑΟΒΗ), Ethnikí Apeleftherotikí Orgánosi Voreioipeirotón (EAOVI)), was an ethnic Greek resistance group that operated in areas of southern Albania during the Italian and German occupation of Albania (1942–44). The group operated after the withdrawal of the Greek forces from the area (April 1941), against the invading Italians, Germans and both against the Albanian communist and collaborationist organizations.
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By the end of 1943 he advocated a "real" collaborationist government, Laval being, in his opinion, "inadequate"."Indictment in the Luchaire Trial" in Les Proces de la Collaboration, Paris, 1948. During the occupation, as editor of Nouveaux Temps, he drew a salary of 100,000 francs a month, besides 'extras', lived in great luxury, lunched at the Tour d'Argent and according to his daughter Corinne, even started keeping expensive mistresses, which he had not done in the past.
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The press was heavily censored during the Second World War; the Paris newspapers were under tight German supervision by collaborators; others were closed.Valerie Holman, "The Impact of War: British Publishers and French Publications 1940-1944," Publishing History (2000), Issue 48, pp 41-65. In 1944, the Free French liberated Paris, and seized control of all of the collaborationist newspapers. They turned the presses and operations over to new teams of editors and publishers, and provided financial support.
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Arthur Qvist (17 February 1896 – 20 September 1973) was a Norwegian military officer, Nazi collaborator and Olympic horse rider. He commanded the Waffen- SS's Norwegian Legion during World War II. Qvist competed in the 1928 Summer Olympics where he earned a silver medal and in the 1936 Summer Olympics. During World War II he served as a Major in the Waffen-SS and was sentenced to 8 years in prison for his collaborationist crimes after the war.
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Following the withdrawal of German forces from the Peloponnese in September 1944, a part of the collaborationist forces in Kalamata withdrew to Meligalas, where a force of about 1,000 Battalionists gathered. There they were quickly surrounded by ELAS detachments, some 1,200 strong. After a three-day battle, the ELAS partisans broke through the fortifications and entered the town. The ELAS victory was followed by a massacre, during which prisoners and civilians were executed near a well.
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However, France's collaborationist government, Vichy France, was determined to resist the Allied invasion in order to save their country from further German retribution. As part of TF Green, 1LT Richard Van Nostrand’s 1st Platoon, 13th AR Reconnaissance Company was the first to land. They began racing for their objectives at 0603. To the west, the remainder of 13th Armor Reconnaissance Company under CPT G. Samuel Yeiter, was the first unit to land as part of TF Red.
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The SP UGB would make a recommendation, often accompanied by the views of the puppet regime, but only the Gestapo could approve release. In some cases, the Gestapo would refuse such requests without an explanation. Jovanović later established the Serbian Security Service (, SDB), and after its establishment, the SP UGB regularly exchanged information with it. The SP UGB also exchanged information with the collaborationist Serbian Volunteer Corps, the German military intelligence bureau, the Abwehr, and Mihailović's Chetniks.
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The city itself was spared of urban fighting and destruction that many other Chinese cities suffered in the war. The Japanese created another puppet regime, the Provisional Government of the Republic of China, to manage occupied territories in northern China and designated Beiping, renamed Beijing, as its capital.Li, Dray-Novey & Kong 2007: 166 This government later merged with Wang Jingwei's Reorganized National Government of China, a collaborationist government based in Nanjing, though effective control remained with the Japanese military.
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They had no international standing, even within the Axis. Their powers, quite limited from the beginning, were further reduced over time, which was frustrating and difficult for Nedić in particular. Despite the ambitions of the Nedić government to establish an independent state, the area remained subordinated to the German military authorities until the end of its existence. The real power rested with the administration's Military Commanders, who controlled both the German armed forces and Serb collaborationist forces.
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Germany attacked Yugoslavia on 6 April 1941, occupied it and partitioned it. A collaborationist government, headed by Milan Aćimović, was installed in occupied Serbia. Though retired for several years, Kumanudi signed the Appeal to the Serbian Nation. The Appeal, published on 13 August 1941, though appeared to be gathering the population against the Bolshevism and Communism, actually was calling not to oppose the German occupation and to collaborate with the quisling governments of Aćimović and his successor Milan Nedić (Government of National Salvation).
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In addition, the Ma clique and the Xinjiang clique, both KMT affiliates, were contesting each other in the western fringes from 1931 until 1937 in the Xinjiang Wars when the Soviet Union's support helped the Xinjiang group to triumph. Xinjiang then became a Soviet protectorate and safe haven for Communists. The Ma clique also fought Sun Dianying in 1934. Wang Jingwei's collaborationist government during the Second Sino-Japanese War can be seen as an extension of these party power struggles.
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In French, the Freikorps are referred to as "Corps Franc". Starting in October 1939, the French Army raised a number of Corps Franc units with the mission of carrying out ambush, raid, and harassing operations forward of the Maginot Line during the period known as the Phoney War (Drôle de Guerre). They were tasked with attacking German troops guarding the Siegfried Line. Future Vichy collaborationist, Anti-Bolshevik and SS Major Joseph Darnand was one of the more famous participants in these commando actions.
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Jacques de Mahieu, whose real name is Jacques Girault, (1915–1990) was a French Argentine anthropologist and Peronist. He wrote several books on esoterism, which he mixed with anthropological theories inspired by scientific racism.La rama nazi de Perón, La Nación, 16 February 1997 A collaborationist in Vichy France, he became a Peronist ideologue in the 1950s, mentor to a Roman Catholic nationalist youth group in the 1960s, and later in life, head of the Argentine chapter of Spanish neo-Nazi group CEDADE.
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The Germans attempted to encourage prisoners to adopt Nazi or collaborationist ideologies, even supporting the creation of a pro-German newspaper, Le Trait d'Union, for prisoners and pro- Vichy Cercles Pétain groups existed in many separate camps. Although Pétain was generally supported by the prisoners, Pierre Laval who was Petain's de facto Prime Minister was extremely unpopular. Laval's re-promotion in 1942 following his dismissal in December 1940, together with the failure of his Relève system, widely undermined support for Vichy among prisoners.
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Nikolaus “Klaus” Barbie (25 October 1913 – 25 September 1991) was an SS and Gestapo functionary during the Nazi era. He was known as the "Butcher of Lyon" for having personally tortured prisoners of the Gestapo – primarily Jews and members of the French Resistance – while stationed in Lyon under the collaborationist Vichy regime. After the war, United States intelligence services employed him for his anti-Marxist efforts and also aided his escape to Bolivia. The West German Intelligence Service later recruited him.
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Meanwhile, the headquarters of the CGT de los Argentinos (CGTA, an offshoot of the General Confederation of Labour created in 1968 over opposition to the collaborationist stance adopted by the general secretary of the CGT, Augusto Vandor) were searched and its leaders arrested. Thus, Agustín Tosco, one of the main leader of the CGTA, was arrested and condemned by the War Council. On the following days, official medias reflected the official vision of the events, allegedly a conspiracy of international communism.
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Henri Petit (alias: Henri-Robert or Henry-Robert) (1899–1985) was a French journalist, collaborationist under the Vichy regime, and far-right activist. Henri Petit wrote several anti-Semitic and anti-Masonic books, and worked with far-right journalist Henry Coston, creator of an "Anti-Jewish Youth" organisation. Petit presented himself as an "anti-Jew" candidate for the 1936 legislative elections, which were won by the left-wing Popular Front. Petit then broke with Coston, who accused him of having stolen him money.
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Julio Urquijo, Azcoitia 1949 One scholar suggests that having moved with his newly wed wife to San Sebastián, Arrúe rejected proposals to live off perks and administrative positions.Martorell Pérez 2011, p. 855 Instead, he joined the anti- collaborationist Carlist faction loyal to Don Javier, and threw himself into rebuilding the independent Traditionalist network in the province. In 1940 he was appointed the representative of Gipuzkoa in a 4-member interregional vasco-navarrese junta;Martorell Pérez 2011, p. 855, Martorell Pérez 2009, p.
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As knowledge of the lynch mobs spread through the Korean community, thousands attempted to flee the city. The Tokyo police tasked a collaborationist group called Sōaikai with arresting escaping Koreans and detaining them in camps in Honjo, Tokyo. Tokyo police chief Maruyama Tsurukichi ordered the Sōaikai to confine Koreans to the camps to prevent them from spreading news of the massacre abroad. The Sōaikai eventually ordered 4,000 Koreans to perform unpaid labor cleaning up the city ruins for over two months.
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During the German occupation the theatres in Norway were subject to a nazification process by the German occupants and the Nazi collaborationist government. The Nazis established a school called "Statens teaterskole", and demanded it to be mandatory for everybody that wanted to work in a theatre. The school was largely boycotted by students. When the Nazi government took control over the theatres by arresting resistant board members and inserting supporters in leading roles, the theatres experienced a general boycott from the public.
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Potatoes were fried using Greek olive oil and shipped back to Germany, and the tomato crop was hurried to scurvy-ridden German troops in Africa. One US correspondent commented; "Germany worked like a pack of driver ants, picking Greece clean",TIME, 9 February 1942, Vol. XXXIX, No. 6. but the corrupt, collaborationist government also controlled the black market in whatever food was still available, causing rampant inflation of the drachma, which saw the price of a loaf of bread, where available, reach $15.
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Initially, the strikers' demands were financial, but it quickly assumed a political aspect, as the strike was encouraged by EAM's labour union organization, EEAM. Finally, the strike ended on April 21, with the full capitulation of the collaborationist government to the strikers' demands, including the immediate release of arrested strike leaders.Mazower (2001), p.112 In early 1943, rumours spread of a planned mobilization of the labour force by the occupation authorities, with the intent of sending them to work in Germany.
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In his own post-war testimony, Jovanović recounted an incident in which he recognized a wounded Yugoslav prisoner of war as a Jew. He claimed to have singled the officer out and reported him to the Germans, who arrested him and took him to Banjica, where he was shot. Beginning in mid-1942, Jovanović provided financial aid to the Chetniks of Draža Mihailović from his own personal fund. By late 1943, he was working as a Chetnik agent within the Serbian collaborationist government.
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He was sympathetic to the civil right demands of Robert Havemann, who was seen by the regime as a high-profile political dissident. By 1979 Neubert was participating actively in Peace Groups of the Evangelical Students' Association and, during then 1980s, in other peace circles. He found himself increasingly in conflict both with the state authorities and with the inherently collaborationist leaderships of the official evangelical churches which were keen to retain a level of recognition and toleration from the party leadership.
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After France fell to the Nazis in 1940, Vichy French naval troops were blockaded on Martinique. Forced to remain on the island, French sailors took over the government from the Martiniquan people and established a collaborationist Vichy regime. In the face of economic distress and isolation under the blockade, they instituted an oppressive regime; Fanon described them as taking off their masks and behaving like "authentic racists".David Macey, "Frantz Fanon, or the Difficulty of Being Martinican", History Workshop Journal, Project Muse.
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In summer 1944, he had several speeches directed to the members of the collaborationist Slovene Home Guard, urging them to join forces with the partisan forces. One of his speeches, titled A Clear Word from London was printed on leaflets which were dropped by Allied airplanes over Slovenia. In Autumn 1944, Furlan replaced Izidor Cankar as Minister for Culture and Telecommunication in the Provisional Government. In early 1945, he went to the liberated territories in southern Slovenia together with Franc Snoj.
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In June 1940, Germany invaded and defeated France, and subsequently occupied a portion of the country. Philippe Pétain established a collaborationist government in Vichy to administer unoccupied French territory. On 18 June French General Charles De Gaulle broadcast an appeal over the radio to his compatriots abroad, calling on them to reject the Vichy regime and join the United Kingdom in its war against Germany and Italy. The broadcast provoked division in France's African territories, where colonists were forced to choose sides.
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Also during Operation Barbarossa, the SS had recruited collaborationist auxiliary police from among Soviet nationals. The local Schutzmannschaft provided Germany with manpower and critical knowledge of local regions and languages. In what became known as the "Holocaust by bullets", the German police battalions (Orpo), SiPo, Waffen-SS, and special-task Einsatzgruppen, along with Ukrainian and Lithuanian auxiliaries, operated behind front lines, systematically shooting tens of thousands of men, women, and children,the Wehrmacht also participated in many aspects of the holocaust by bullets.
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He put his factories at the service of Vichy France, which meant that he was also assisting the Nazis. Over a period of four years, Renault manufactured 34,232 vehicles for the Germans. Renault argued that "by continuing operations he had saved thousands of workers from being transported to Germany", but Life in 1942 described him as a "notorious Paris collaborationist". During the occupation of France the company was under the control of the Germans, with people from Daimler-Benz in key positions.
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Aside from the German political leaders mentioned above, including Reich Minister Alfred Rosenberg, General Commissar Karl-Siegmund Litzmann and General Commissar Wilhelm Kube, the regional collaborationist structures across Reichskommissariat Ostland included Estonian political leaders such as Hjalmar Mäe, Oskar Angelus, Alfred Wendt (or Vendt), Otto Leesment, Hans Saar, Oskar Öpik, Arnold Radik, Johannes Soodla; Latvian political leaders with Oskars Dankers, and Rūdolfs Bangerskis; Lithuanian political leaders: Juozas Ambrazevičius, and Petras Kubiliūnas; as well as the Belarusian nationalist leaders from the Belarusian Central Council.
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Since the nineteenth century Île d'Yeu has attracted many artists. Jean Rigaud (1912–1999), official painter to the French Navy, had a house there, as did Maurice Boitel (1919–2007). Jean Dufy (1888-1964) made about twenty paintings of l'Ile d'Yeu during several summer stays between 1926 and 1930. Philippe Pétain, the proclaimed hero of Verdun during World War I who later became the leader of France's wartime collaborationist Vichy régime, was sentenced to life imprisonment for treason on Île d'Yeu.
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On September 21, 1943, after being denounced by an acquaintance, Perez was arrested in Paris by the Milice Francaise, a French collaborationist paramilitary force of the Vichy Regime.Silver, Mike (2016). Stars of the Ring, Published by Roman and Littlefield, Los Angeles, pp. 210–113. He was detained in the Drancy internment camp before being transported to the German extermination camp of Auschwitz where he was assigned to the Monowitz subcamp to serve as a slave laborer for I.G. Farben at the Buna-Werke.
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There were also Legaliteti members including their leader Abaz Kupi, the "Blloku Indipendent" (Independent Block) of pro-Italian and/or collaborationist elements who had been involved with Albanian puppet governments during the war, (e.g. Ernest Koliqi, Mustafa Kruja, Gjon Marka Gjoni, Shefqet Verlaci) anti-fascist and anti-communist guerrillas (led by Said Bey Kryeziu) who cooperated with British-American emissaries during the war, other independent anti-communists, e.g. Muharrem Bajraktari, as well as other political factions including the "Peasant League" ().
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The Third Republic came into being in April 1945. Its government, installed at Košice on 4 April and moved to Prague after its liberation on 10 May, was a National Front coalition in which three socialist parties—KSČ, Czechoslovak Social Democratic Party, and Czechoslovak National Social Party—predominated. The Slovak Popular Party was banned as collaborationist with the Nazis. Other conservative yet democratic parties, such as the Republican Party of Farmers and Peasants, were prevented from resuming activities in the postwar period.
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The Eye of Vichy () is a 1993 French documentary film directed by Claude Chabrol. It consists of a selection in chronological order of authentic footage, mostly newsreels and documentaries, shown on cinema screens in France between 1940 and 1944. Intertitles or a narrator occasionally add linking or supplementary information. The bulk of the material was produced under the Vichy régime and the aim of the film is to show the worldview which the collaborationist government of Pétain promoted to its population.
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In June 1940, the German army seized all shipyards from the new collaborationist Vichy France government including the Le Fier- class torpedo boats still under construction. These were Le Fier, L'Agile, L'Entreprenant, Le Farouche, L'Alsacien, and Le Corse. Le Breton, which was the least complete of the ships, was scrapped and the seven unbuilt ships were cancelled. The remaining torpedo boats were transferred to the Kriegsmarine and renamed TA1-TA6 (Torpedoboot Ausland) and were to be completed for the Germans with revised specifications.
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In 1941, Bouillé was made director of Bleun-Brug and sat on the Advisory Committee of Brittany, as its representative. The Committee was seen by resistance activists as part of the collaborationist régime. At this time he advocated a radical plan to build a new Breton capital city to be called "Brittia", which would be a "Celtic Brasilia" on the shores of Lake Guerlédan. Due to his association with Perrot and the committee, he was interned after the Liberation of France.
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The occupied country was divided into three zones (German, Italian and Bulgarian) and in Athens, a puppet regime was established. The members were either conservatives or nationalists with fascist leanings. The three quisling prime ministers were Georgios Tsolakoglou, the general who had signed the armistice with the Wehrmacht, Konstantinos Logothetopoulos, and Ioannis Rallis, who took office when the German defeat was inevitable, and aimed primarily at combating the left-wing Resistance movement. To this end, he created the collaborationist Security Battalions.
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After the first execution in Banjica on 16 July 1941. It was run by the German Gestapo and commanded by Gestapo official Willy Friedrich, in cooperation with the SP UGB. Members of the Serbian State Guard (; SDS) acted as prison staff. The SDS were the military arm of the collaborationist Government of National Salvation led by Milan Nedić, a pre-war politician who was known to have pro-Axis leanings, who had been selected to lead the puppet government by the Germans.
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In 1940, Norway was invaded and occupied by Nazi Germany. From 1941 the Nazi collaborationist party Nasjonal Samling used Bredtveit as a political prison. It bore a similarity to Falstad concentration camp, in the original purpose of the facility. People incarcerated at Bredtveit during the war included several professors arrested during the crackdown on the University of Oslo in October 1943: Johan Christian Schreiner, Odd Hassel, Ragnar Frisch, Johannes Andenæs, Carl Jacob Arnholm, Bjørn Føyn, Eiliv Skard, Harald K. Schjelderup and Anatol Heintz.
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Hryhoriy Mykytovych Vasiura (, ; February 15, 1915 – October 2, 1987) was originally a senior lieutenant in the Red Army who was captured during the Nazi invasion of the USSR in 1941 and subsequently volunteered for service in the Schutzmannschaft (the Nazi collaborationist auxiliary police) and the Waffen-SS. Vasiura's wartime activities were not fully revealed until the mid-1980s, when he was convicted as a war criminal by a Soviet military court and executed in 1987 for his role in the Khatyn massacre.
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De Becker was initially convinced that the creation of a German-led New Order in Europe was imminent and hoped for Belgium to retain some autonomy as an authoritarian state under German auspices. He expanded on these themes in an autobiographical essay published in 1942 as Livre des Vivants et des Morts (). However, he remained apart from the major collaborationist groups such as Rex which he left in 1941. He was friends with the cartoonist Georges Remi (Hergé) and the writer Henry Bauchau.
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Only his party, [Zissu] claimed, represented the ethnic political interests of the Jewish population in Romania; all the other bodies were capitulationist and collaborationist and detrimental to Jewish interests."Zertal, p. 97 Scholars Jean Ancel and Camelia Crăciun also see Zissu as an unjust critic of Filderman, noting that the latter was not ever adverse to Zionism.Crăciun, pp. 80, 91–93, 98 Yet, Filderman "insisted in continuing to fight for civic and political rights in Diaspora, here conflicting with the Zionists.
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During World War II, Italy's declaration of war on France and Great Britain came on 10 June 1940. The Italians did undertake some offensive actions beginning on 18 June. From Harrar Governorate, troops under General Guglielmo Nasi to attack French Somaliland, there was some skirmishes. When the government on 10 July learned that the armistice was not yet put into effect in French Somaliland, President Philippe Pétain a collaborationist government at Vichy sent General Gaëtan Germain as his personal representative to correct the situation.
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He became a councillor in Deurne for the Belgian Socialist Party. The same year, he entered the Belgian Parliament, where he would stay until 1968. He was the successor of Willem Eekelers as mayor of Antwerp in 1947, and remained in that position for nearly thirty years, a record for the city. When Lode Craeybeckx died in 1976, the first Alderman Leo Delwaide, Christian democrat and collaborationist mayor of Antwerp under Nazi occupation, took over ad interim, until a new mayor was sworn in.
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Those responsible for the murders, according to the DSE, were collaborationist groups, national guards, rural police, and members of the British armed forces. One of the flags used by the Greek Democratic Army during the Greek Civil War, from 1946–1949. Under these circumstances, the persecuted partisans that were still free, started to form guerrilla groups named Groups of Persecuted Fighters.Δοκίμιο Ιστορίας του ΚΚΕ, ΚΕ ΚΚΕΟ Εμφύλιος Πόλεμος στην Πελοπόνησσο, Α. Καμαρινού By the summer of 1946 cells of these groups had been established throughout Greece.
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Of the 2,173 Jews who lived in Norway prior to German invasion, at least 775 were deported to camps, and 765 were killed either in concentration camps or extrajudicially. A significant portion of the remaining Jews were smuggled out of the country by the Norwegian resistance movement. The Nazi collaborationist Quisling regime reinstated the 19th century ban on Jews in Norway. According to historian Kjersti Dybvig, after the end of WWII, the Norwegian government refused to pay for the travel expenses of Jews returning to Norway.
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After the Fall of France in 1940, he protested against the nationalist and collaborationist weekly L'Heure Bretonne. He also opposed the foundation of the Breton Celtic Institute, which was created under the patronage of the Germans in 1941 at the instigation of German Celticist Leo Weisgerber. Le Goaziou became president of the Union of Religious Bookstores and the Booksellers' Union of France. Involved in the Resistance, he was denounced and arrested by the Gestapo in October 1943, but released in April 1944 for lack of evidence.
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900 houses were burned, 50 civilians were shot and 3,500 became internally displaced. At Zarko 35 out of the 42 men inhabiting the village were shot for their alleged participation in the assassination of the publisher of the collaborationist newspaper Kritikos Kiryx (Cretan Herald). In the following days the operation expanded to other villages, men were executed, houses were looted and then burned or dynamited regardless of their involvement in resistance activities. The looted property was collected at Scholi Asomaton and transported by lorries to Rethymno.
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General Yang (Anthony Wong) is a commander of a Chinese military faction, possibly part of the recently defeated Collaborationist Chinese Army allied with the Empire of Japan. Alternatively he may have been a renegade Kuomintang officer due to his German-style uniform, American Jeeps and captured Red Army weapons. He was the Emperor's supporter and set up the Emperor's revival and followed him to Shangri-La with his assistant Choi. He dies with Choi when they get crushed at the end of the film.
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The collaborationist administrations of German-occupied countries in Europe had varying degrees of autonomy, and not all of them qualified as fully recognized sovereign states. The General Government in occupied Poland was a German administration, not a Polish government. In occupied Norway, the National Government headed by Vidkun Quisling – whose name came to symbolize pro-Axis collaboration in several languages – was subordinate to the Reichskommissariat Norwegen. It was never allowed to have any armed forces, be a recognized military partner, or have autonomy of any kind.
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In 1997, La Rochefoucauld testified on behalf of Maurice Papon, who was being tried on charges of deporting 1600 French Jews to their deaths in Nazi concentration camps while Papon was an official with Franch's wartime collaborationist Vichy government. La Rochefoucald told the court that Papon had risked his life to help the Resistance and the Allies. Papon was convicted of complicity in Nazi crimes against humanity but fled to Switzerland while appealing. He was arrested at a Gstaad hotel, where he had registered as Robert Rochefoucauld.
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Milan Kalabić (; 1886 – 3 October 1942) was a Serbian military officer who fought in the Balkan Wars and the First World War and was involved with the Chetniks during the Second World War. He collaborated, from 1941 until 1942, with the collaborationist government of Milan Nedić as an officer in the Serbian State Guard and the county prefect of Kragujevac. He also aided the Chetniks, which would result in his execution by the Gestapo in October 1942. He was the father of Chetnik commander Nikola Kalabić.
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Parti Franciste. (1934) In 1943, then 16 years old (the minimum required age), Pierre Sidos joined the youth movement of the Parti Franciste, one of the main collaborationist movements under the Vichy regime. In January 1946, he was tried by a court in La Rochelle—along with his father, mother and his brother Jacques—convicted and received a 5-year jail sentence for his membership in the Parti Franciste. The conviction was reduced as Sidos was still a minor at the time of the events.
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Meanwhile, the Belgian Resistance, formed in late 1940, expanded vastly. From 1944, the SS and Nazi Party gained much greater control in Belgium, particularly after the military government was replaced in July by a Nazi civil administration, the . In September 1944, Allied forces arrived in Belgium and quickly moved across the country. That December, the territory was incorporated de jure into the Greater German Reich although its collaborationist leaders were already in exile in Germany and German control in the region was virtually non-existent.
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In January 1942, Serbian collaborationist authorities issued stamps commemorating the exhibition. The stamps portrayed a "strong and victorious Serbia triumphing over the plot of world domination". Juxtaposing Serbian and Jewish symbols, the stamps depicted Judaism as being the source of all evil in the world while promoting the Serbian humiliation and violent subjugation of the Jews. They also ensured that every time a person mailed a letter they would be reminded that Jews, Masons and Communists were the supposed enemies of the Serbian people.
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Creston's Resistance activity contrasted markedly with the collaborationism of other Breton nationalists, including colleagues in Seiz Breur. Fellow members Yann Goulet and Olier Mordrel were active supporters of Nazi Germany, in the belief that German victory would lead to Breton independence. Even before the fall of France Mordrel and François Debeauvais had set up a Breton government in exile in Germany in 1940. Nevertheless, during his period back in Brittany after 1941 Creston illustrated articles for their collaborationist publication L'Heure Bretonne, signed with his pseudonym "Halgan".
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Facing a dire situation, he organized his forces to disperse into small units and break out of the encirclement. His detachment of 60 troopers were betrayed to the Japanese by a staff officer on February 18. After the last two soldiers at his side were killed in action, Yang continued fighting alone for another 5 days. He was eventually cornered in a small forest by a large combined Japanese and collaborationist forces in the Mengjiang County (), and was killed during fierce fighting by multiple shots from machineguns.
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Later, Steiner became part of the resistance movement within that body, known as the Bratislava Working Group. Israeli historian Yehuda Bauer described him as "non-ideological", in contrast to the Zionist and Orthodox figures in the Working Group. Steiner played a major role in helping the Working Group bribe the Judenberater for Slovakia, SS official Dieter Wisliceny. Initially, the negotiations with Wisliceny were run through a collaborationist Jew, Karol Hochberg, who likely embezzled some of the money that the Working Group tried to use to bribe Wisliceny.
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Ioannis Rallis The regime was first led by Georgios Tsolakoglou, the general who signed the unconditional surrender of the Hellenic Army to the Germans. However, he was sacked a year later and replaced by Konstantinos Logothetopoulos, who himself was sacked in 1943. The last prime minister of the Hellenic State was Ioannis Rallis, who led the collaborationist regime until its dissolution in 1944. Georgios Bakos, a Greek Army major general, served as the minister of national defense, a position which Rallis had previously held in the regime.
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During the German occupation of Norway, Evensen volunteered in the Norwegian resistance movement, helping, among other things, to create false identity papers. After World War II, he was appointed attorney in fact and prosecutor a number of treasons trials the Norwegian government brought against collaborators during the post-war legal purge. Here he began the extensive work of finding what collaborationist leader Vidkun Quisling and his subordinates had stolen during the war. Nonetheless, Evensen distanced himself from the death penalty eventually handed to Quisling.
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Whilst in the resistance, he met French leaders of rugby league which had been banned by the collaborationist Vichy government. After the war, Barrière, along with Marcel Laborde who served as president of the French Rugby League between 1944 and 1947, worked to re-establish rugby league, which had been severely disrupted. Barrière became vice-president of the French Rugby League on 16 September 1944 at the Hotel Regina in Toulouse. He was elected president on 2 July 1947 at a meeting in Bayonne.
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These were Amiens, Arras, Belfort, Coucy, and Epinal. Those ships still in France and her colonial empire swore allegiance to the new collaborationist Vichy French government of Philippe Pétain. Calais participated in the defence of Dakar in September 1940. Tahure, which was stationed in Vichy-controlled French Indochina during the French-Thai war and participated in the Battle of Koh Chang on 17 January 1941. Tahure was sunk by (the United States having declared war on the Vichy French government with Operation Torch) on 29 April 1944.
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This collaborative text was also the last work of fiction ever authored by Ionel Gherea, who subsequently focused almost exclusively on his contribution to local philosophical debates. Once Romania joined the Entente side and its southern areas fell to the Central Powers, Luca spent time in Bucharest, the German-occupied former capital. This period saw his controversial involvement with the collaborationist administration, drafted from among Conservative Party dissidents. Beginning in late 1916, Luca was chief of staff for Virgil Arion, the puppet Minister of Culture.
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The Academy moved to better premises in the Merchant Building on Drammensveien in central Oslo during 1919 and special drawing office at the rear of the Kunstnernes Hus in 1930. In 1935, the Danish painter and architect Georg Jacobsen came to the Academy. From 1935 to 1940, he worked in an extraordinary professorship in art construction and composition teaching. In 1941, the collaborationist Quisling regime called for new arrangements of the academy and added painter and Nasjonal Samling party member Søren Onsager as a professor.
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Receiving more weapons from the British, he undertook a series of actions and sabotages, disarmed Serbian State Guard (SDS) detachments and skirmished with Bulgarian troops, though he generally avoided the Germans, considering that his troops were not yet strong enough. In Serbia, his organization controlled the mountains where Axis forces were absent. The collaborationist Nedić administration was largely infiltrated by Mihailović's men and many SDS troops being actually sympathetic to his movement. After his defeat in Case White, Mihailović tried to improve his organization.
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Although he was the internationally recognised Prime Minister of Greece (in opposition to the numerous prime ministers who were the figureheads of the collaborationist Hellenic State), in practice he had little influence inside Greece's borders. This government was initially located in London, but subsequently moved to Cairo. He served in the subsequent government in exile under Sofoklis Venizelos. After the end of World War II Tsouderos served in different capacities, until his death at the age of 73 in Nervi, Genoa, Italy on February 10, 1956.
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After his return to Nanjing in May 1945, he was appointed a Member of the National Government. After the surrender of Japan and collapse of the collaborationist Reorganized National Government of China, Cai Pei was arrested as a hanjian on orders of Chiang Kai-shek's National Government in September 1945. The following July he was charged with promoting "Sino- Japanese friendship" and sentenced to death by the Shanghai High Court. After appealing to the Supreme Court, his sentence was commuted to life imprisonment in November 1947.
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Rundstedt in the centre, with Erwin Rommel (left), Alfred Gause (right) and Bodo Zimmermann (in background) In March 1942 Hitler re-appointed Rundstedt OB West, in succession to Witzleben, who was ill. He returned to the comfortable headquarters in the Hotel Pavillon Henri IV in Saint-Germain, which he had occupied in 1940–41. Rundstedt's command of French and his good relationship with the head of the collaborationist Vichy regime, Marshal Philippe Pétain, were considerable assets. But his position was to grow increasingly difficult.
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122 As internal crisis climaxed, in the mid-1950s Fal was forced into resignation and Vasco- Navarros suggested that Larramendi be appointed to Secretariado Político, a freshly created body supposed to assist a new leader, José María Valiente.Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 79 The plan was to push hard with the royal claim of Don Javier,Rodon 2015, pp. 209-210 but it backfired; it turned out that the new party executive was dominated by supporters of replacing intransigence with a collaborationist offer to Franco.
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The Japanese established two collaborationist regimes during their occupation in China. In the north, the "Provisional Government of the Republic of China" () based in Peking (Beijing) established the Federal Reserve Bank of China (). The Japanese occupiers issued coins and banknotes denominated in li () (and were worth of a yuan), fen, jiao and yuan. Issuers included a variety of banks, including the Central Reserve Bank of China (for the puppet government in Nanking) and the Federal Reserve Bank of China (for the puppet government in Peking (Beijing)).
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After the fall of France to the Axis during the Second World War, he briefly supported the collaborationist régime of Marshal Pétain, but joined the Resistance as early as December 1941. He was the only member of the Académie française to publish a Resistance text with the Editions de Minuit. Mauriac had a bitter dispute with Albert Camus immediately following the Liberation of France. At that time, Camus edited the Resistance paper Combat (thereafter an overt daily, until 1947), while Mauriac wrote a column for Le Figaro.
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1994.) The city itself was also severely damaged during the massacre. The Nanjing Massacre Memorial Hall was built in 1985 to commemorate this event. A few days before the fall of the city, the National Government of China was relocated to the southwestern city Chungking (Chongqing) and resumed Chinese resistance. In 1940, a Japanese-collaborationist government known as the "Nanjing Regime" or "Reorganized National Government of China" led by Wang Jingwei was established in Nanjing as a rival to Chiang Kai-shek's government in Chongqing.
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The RCP(OC) was non-collaborationist and opposed all Canadian political parties, including those calling themselves communist. The RCP(OC) considered all current political parties in Canada to be reformist and therefore non-revolutionary by nature. Likewise, they also regarded the bureaucratic leaderships of the unions as collaborating with the bourgeoisie in an effort to undermine the revolutionary struggle of working class. The RCP(OC) worked closely with a communist youth organization, the Red Youth Front, which held its founding meeting in Montreal in November 2005.
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During the German occupation of France in World War II, he worked for the collaborationist newspaper L'Heure Bretonne, then for various journals in Paris, where he met and befriended Jean-Paul Sartre and Simone de Beauvoir. In 1952, Lebesque joined the satirical journal Le Canard Enchaîné, for which he wrote a popular column, modelling his style on Albert Camus, with whom he became a close friend. He eventually became an editor of the journal. After 1966, Lebesque also participated in the Breton autonomist revue Ar Vro.
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Truhin (far left) and Vlasov at Dabendorf. In October 1941, Truhin signed a document declaring his allegiance to Nazi Germany and joined the Russian National Workers Party, an anti-communist collaborationist organization founded by Soviet prisoners of war. On 15 March 1942, Truhin was transferred to the Wustrau special camp along with fellow major general Dimitry Zakutnyi, where they underwent a course for propagandists. On 24 April, he was appointed commandant of the Zittenhorst propaganda school. On 5 May, the school was visited by Georg Leibbrandt.
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He for instance labels "colonizers" or "Occupiers" people of non-European descent who reside in Europe, and dismisses what he calls the "replacist elites" as "collaborationist". Camus founded in 2017 an organization named the National Council of European Resistance, in a self-evident reference to the World War II National Council of the Resistance (1943–1945). This analogy to the French resistance against Nazism has been described as an implicit call to hatred, direct action or even violence against what Camus labels the "Occupiers; i.e. the immigrants".
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Olier Mordrel no longer participated in the journal after 1928, but Roparz Hemon stayed on as an editor until the last issue. Gradually, Gwalarn expanded, producing a popular supplement "kannadig Gwalarn" in 1932 and books for children. The latter were distributed free in schools to children who had participated in essay competitions in the Breton language. Associated with collaborationist politics during World War II, the magazine was linked to the Breton language radio station Radio Rennes Bretagne, which was set up by the Germans.
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Vidkun Quisling, Heinrich Himmler, Josef Terboven, and Nikolaus von Falkenhorst seated in front of officers of the Waffen-SS, German Army and Air Force in 1941 Quisling (; ) is a term originating in Norway, which is used in Scandinavian languages and in English for a person who collaborates with an enemy occupying force - or more generally as a synonym for traitor. The word originates from the surname of the Norwegian war-time leader Vidkun Quisling, who headed a domestic Nazi collaborationist regime during World War II.
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He crossed the Soviet-German frontline, for which he was sentenced to death by a Polish court. German authorities sent him on to Berlin. Whilst there he took part in talks with the Nazi authorities, which saw him as a possible collaborationist, and an ally in winning the Poles over to the German cause. It is certain however, that in 1943 he was sent to the site of the Katyn Massacre as one of the experts brought to the site by the German authorities.
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Some of its officers were ultimately awarded the Righteous Among the Nations awards for saving Jews.The Righteous Among The Nations – Polish rescuer Waclaw Nowinski However, the moral position of Polish policemen was often compromised by a necessity for cooperation, or even collaboration, with the occupier. According to Timothy Snyder, acting in their capacity as a collaborationist force, the Blue Police may have killed more than 50,000 Jews. The police assisted the Nazis at tasks such as rounding up Poles for forced labor in Germany.
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The Germans urged Nedić to raise a force of 50,000 men to fight advancing Soviet forces. Nedić agreed in principle to the creation of such an army, but insisted that it could not be used to fight the Soviets. He also demanded that any new collaborationist government include Mihailović. Ljotić stood vehemently opposed to the creation of a new Serbian government in any form, insisting that the Kingdom of Yugoslavia be re-established under Peter II. This plan received the support of both Dožić and Velimirović.
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He was able to show that L'Auto's print works, through its head, Roger Roux, had clandestinely produced news sheets for the Resistance generally and for Amaury in particular. An inquiry absolved Goddet of collaboration and, through Amaury's interest, allowed Goddet to open another newspaper, L'Équipe, and to run the Tour de France. Both the paper and the race later became part of Amaury's business network. Amaury's first publication, however, building on the wreckage of the collaborationist press, was a weekly, Carrefour ("crossroads"), in August 1944.
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He was born in Trepča (Andrijevica municipality) village in north-eastern Montenegro in 1914. His most important novels are "Svadba", "Zlo proljeće", "Raskid", "Hajka", "Ratna sreća", and his masterpiece, "Lelejska gora". He won the NIN Award (NIN magazine's prize for the novel of the year) for "Ratna sreća" in 1973, and was the first recipient of "Njegoš Award" for "Lelejska gora". In his novels he depicted major events in modern history of Montenegro, World Wars in particular, and battling between communist Partisans and collaborationist Chetniks.
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Vidkun Quisling (left) and Reichskommissar Josef Terboven (center) inspects an honor company of Statspolitiet officers in 1942 Statspolitiet (shortened STAPO) was from 1941 to 1945 a National Socialist armed police force that consisted of Norwegian officials after Nazi German pattern. It operated independently of the ordinary Norwegian police. The force was established on June 1, 1941 during the German occupation of Norway. The initiative for the force came from the later chief Karl Marthinsen and other prominent members of the collaborationist party Nasjonal Samling.
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Mihailović saw as the main threat to Chetniks and, in his view, Serbs, as the Partisans who refused to back down fighting, which would almost certainly result in more German reprisal massacres of Serbs. With arms provided by the Germans, those Chetniks who joined Nedić's collaborationist armed forces, so they could pursue their civil war against the Partisans without fear of attack by the Germans, whom they intended to later turn against. This resulted in an increase of recruits to the regime's armed forces.
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The Byelorussian Home Defence, or Byelorussian Home Guard (, BKA; ) were collaborationist volunteer battalions formed by the Byelorussian Central Council (1943–1944), a pro-Nazi Byelorussian self-government within Reichskommissariat Ostland during World War II. The BKA operated from February 23, 1944 to April 28, 1945. The 20,000 strong Byelorussian Home Defence Force was formed under the leadership of Commissioner-General Curt von Gottberg, with logistical help from the German 36th Waffen Grenadier Division of the SS known as the "Poachers' Brigade" commanded by Oskar Dirlewanger.
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Whether or not the Government Army can be considered a collaborationist force, or merely the submissive military of a defeated state, has been debated. Its commanding officer, Jaroslav Eminger, was tried and acquitted on charges of collaboration following World War II, some members of the force engaged in active resistance operations simultaneous with their service in the army, and – in the waning days of the conflict – elements of the army joined in the Prague Uprising. The Czech actor Karel Effa was a notable soldier in the Government Army.
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Chetnik leader Draža Mihailović was aware of the collaborationist arrangements entered by Jevđević and Trifunović-Birčanin and condoned them. In addition to Jevđević, with whom he worked closely on liaison with the Italian forces, Trifunović-Birčanin's subordinate commanders included Momčilo Đujić (northern Dalmatia), Ilija Mihić and Slavko Bjelajac (Lika), and Petar Baćović (Herzegovina and southeastern Bosnia). In early January 1942, Trifunović-Birčanin played a central role in organizing the units of Chetnik leaders in western Bosnia, Lika, and northern Dalmatia into the Dinara Division and dispatched former Royal Yugoslav Army officer to help.
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It was used extensively by the Imperial Japanese Army and Collaborationist Chinese forces. Captured weapons were also used by Chinese National Revolutionary Army troops against the Japanese during World War II, the Korean People's Army against the United Nations forces during the Korean War, the Viet Minh against the CEFEO forces during the First Indochina War, and the Indonesian Army against the Netherlands Forces during the Indonesian National Revolution. The Type 92 refers to the Japanese Imperial year 2592 – 1932 in the Gregorian calendar – in which the gun entered service.
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The offices used the official title French Delegation () or the French Government Commission for the Defense of National Interests. The commission had its own radio station (Radio-patrie, Ici la France) and official press (, Le Petit Parisien), and hosted the embassies of the Axis powers: Germany, Italy and Japan. The population of the enclave was about 6,000, including known collaborationist journalists, the writers Louis-Ferdinand Céline and Lucien Rebatet, the actor Robert Le Vigan, and their families, as well as 500 soldiers, 700 French SS, prisoners of war and French civilian forced laborers.
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Already in September 1943, large portions of the region were taken over by the Communist-led Liberation Front of the Slovenian People, which established several important bases in the area, including the famous Franja Partisan Hospital. Fights between the Communist-led resistance and the Nazis were frequent. Soon, German authorities adopted a pragmatic approach regarding the local Slovenian population: public use of Slovenian language was allowed again. The anti-Communist collaborationist militia called Slovene Home Guard was also allowed to establish some units in the area, although they had little success in recruiting the locals.
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Sussex Academic. p. 16. However, the war crimes remained unpunished since the criminals had already fled abroad. According to German historian Norbert Frei, the Muslim Cham minority is regarded as the "fourth occupation force" in Greece due to the collaborationist and criminal activities that large parts of the minority committed.Frei 2006: 483 According to the Lieutenant Colonel Palmer of the British Military Mission in Albania 2,000-3,000 collaborated in an organized manner, while a report of Pan-Epirotic EAM-Commission names 3,200 Cham collaborators that belonged to the Dino clan.
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In July 1938, he was assigned command of the IJA 4th Division. Although active in combat in the Second Sino-Japanese War both before and after Sawada's term as commander, while Sawada was in command, the division was a garrison force for Chahar Province in Inner Mongolia. He returned to the General Staff in September 1939, becoming Vice Chief-of-Staff from October 1939 to November 1940. In December 1940, he was assigned back to China to command the IJA 13th Army, working closely with the collaborationist Nanjing Nationalist Government.
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Along with fellow speed skater Finn Hodt, Engnestangen had been one of the few leading Norwegian athletes not to follow a nationwide boycott of sports events (the "sports strike") during the occupation. In particular, in 1942 he skated in a Norway-Germany meet in Klagenfurt in Austria. The boycott had been launched by the Norwegian sports leadership in response to attempts from 1940 onwards by the collaborationist Quisling regime at nazification of all sports events in Norway. After the war Engnestangen was sentenced to two years for collaborating with the Nazi Germany,Hans Engnestangen.
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As the Soviet army occupied Latvia in 1940, Kviesis was prohibited to practice law and put under house arrest. He evaded mass deportations of June 1941, having hid with his family at some forest warden’s home. During the German occupation, he returned to his law practice and became a collaborationist, working for the legal consultant at the Law General Directorate of the pro-German Latvian Self-Government which was completely under the German control. From 1943 to 1944 he served as the director for the legal affairs of the Latvian Self-Government.
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Jean-Marie Aimot was a French novelist, critic, biographer and translator who was active in the middle third of the 20th century. His books include Nos mitrailleuses n'ont pas tiré which won the Prix des Deux Magots"Le Prix des Deux Magots" in 1941 and La Carrière de Raoul Champfrond, a novel which won the Prix Balzac in 1944. He wrote biographies of Mané-Katz and Henry Morton Stanley. A member of the collaborationist French Popular Party, Aimot was associated with the extreme right/fascist wing of French politics.
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182 while others scholars suggest he charged Fal with lack of intransigence and together with other Navarros like the Baleztena brothers he opposed him from even more anti-Francoist positions.Lavardin 1976, pp. 15, 18; others claim that differences were rather of personal nature, Ramón María Rodon Guinjoan, Invierno, primavera y otoño del carlismo (1939-1976) [PhD thesis Universitat Abat Oliba CEU], Barcelona 2015, p. 115 Once Carlism changed its strategy towards cautious rapprochement, Gambra stuck to his guns and lambasted the official collaborationist path of the new leader, José María Valiente.
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When France capitulated to Nazi Germany in June 1940, Fokczyński and his colleagues were transported by their French host, Colonel Gustave Bertrand, to a post codenamed Cadix, outside Uzès, in southern, Vichy France. On 8 November 1942 the Allies landed in North Africa (Operation Torch). On 9 November Bertrand evacuated Cadix, and the Poles set out for the Côte d'Azur. Two days later, the Germans abruptly invaded the French Free Zone, putting an end to the collaborationist but semi-autonomous Vichy regime and, on 12 November, occupying Cadix.
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The most significant collaborationist group in the country was the Volksdeutsche Bewegung (VdB). Formed by Damian Kratzenberg shortly after the occupation, the VdB campaigned for the incorporation of Luxembourg into Germany with the slogan "Heim ins Reich" ("Home to the Reich"). The VdB had 84,000 members at its height, but coercion was widely exercised to encourage enlistment. All manual workers were forced into the German Labour Front (DAF) from 1941 and certain age groups of both genders were conscripted into the Reichsarbeitsdienst (RAD) to work on military projects.
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At that time she also met Jean Cocteau with whom she became well acquainted. At her particular request then, Jean Cocteau drew her portrait, once reproduced in his war journal and made a second time in 1943. Like the accomplished artist she admired, she formed a passion for circus about which she wrote articles. Some surrealists distributed a leaflet at the end of 1942–1943 wintertime in which they mocked her poetical works through her interest for circus arts and aimed to condemn who they considered as collaborationist artists.
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Before withdrawing their troops from the Sandžak to prepare for the pending invasion of the Soviet Union, the Germans wanted to quickly establish collaborationist control over the area. The NDH government saw this development as benefiting their aspiration to annex the Sandžak. On 10 May, a large group of Muslims from Nova Varoš wrote to Hakija Hadžić, Ustaše commissioner for Bosnia, requesting that he establish an administration in that town, stating that while Muslims made up 70 per cent of the municipal population, the town was surrounded by Serb villages, whose populace they feared.
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Mitter factors in the impact of collaborationist Wang Jingwei as yet another major force in China. Stilwell's mastery of written and spoken Chinese made him the United States' default choice for the China command; Mitter projects that his talents could have been far better employed in North Africa, as Marshall had originally planned. Stilwell's home, built in 1933–1934 on Carmel Point, Carmel, California, remains a private home. A number of streets, buildings, and areas across the country have been named for Stilwell over the years, including Joseph Stilwell Middle School in Jacksonville, Florida.
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Memorial plaque at the Galerie nationale du Jeu de Paume Following the liberation of Paris by the Allied Forces, Valland was initially arrested as a suspected Nazi collaborationist, because she had been employed at Jeu de Paume. She was soon released once her conduct had been vouched for. Trusting no one but Jaujard, she initially hesitated to share her records. After Jaujard had put her in touch with Captain James Rorimer of the Monuments, Fine Arts, and Archives program it took months of relationship building before she decided to turn over her most important records.
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German paramilitary police forces, called Hilfspolizei or Schutzmannschaft, were raised during World War II and were the collaborationist auxiliary police battalions of locally recruited police, which were created to fight the resistance during World War II mostly in occupied Eastern European countries. Hilfspolizei refers also to German auxiliary police units. There was also a HIPO Corps in occupied Denmark. The term had also been applied to some units created in 1933 by the early Nazi government (mostly from members of SA and SS) and disbanded the same year due to international protests.
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The survivors come upon a band of men they believe to be partisans but are later revealed as collaborationist Chetniks led by Captain Drazak (Richard Kiel). Taken prisoner, they tell the German commander in control of the area, Major Schroeder (Michael Byrne), that they are criminals deserting Allied authorities. To keep Schroeder from opening Miller's suitcase, which contains explosives, Mallory tells him it contains the new drug "penicillin" which will spoil if exposed to air. The next morning the prisoners are told that Schroeder has opened the case, finding it full of firewood.
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After the war, 53,000 Belgian citizens (0.6 percent of the population) were found guilty of collaboration, providing the only estimate of the number involved during the period. Around 15,000 Belgians served in two separate divisions of the Waffen-SS, divided along linguistic lines. In particular, many Belgians were persuaded to work with the occupiers as a result of long-running hostility to Communism, particularly after the invasion of the Soviet Union in 1941. By 1944, Belgian collaborationist groups began to feel increasingly abandoned by the German government as the situation deteriorated.
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"Theses on the Philosophy of History" or "On the Concept of History" () is an essay written in early 1940 by German philosopher and critic Walter Benjamin. It is one of Benjamin's best-known, and most controversial works. Composed of twenty numbered paragraphs, Benjamin wrote the brief essay shortly before attempting to escape from Vichy France, where French collaborationist government officials were handing over Jewish refugees like Benjamin to the Nazi Gestapo. Theses is the last major work Benjamin completed before fleeing to Spain where, fearing Nazi capture, he committed suicide in September 1940.
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In a speech before the U.S. Senate on 6 November 1971, Senator Lee Metcalf listed the members of the Greek junta who had served in the collaborationist Security Battalions and denounced the administration of Richard Nixon for supporting what he called a "junta of Nazi collaborators".Simpson, Christoper America's Recruitment of Nazis and Its Destructive Impact on Our Domestic and Foreign Policy, London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1988 p.81-82. The German writer, investigative reporter and journalist Günter Wallraff traveled to Greece in May 1974. While in Syntagma Square, he protested against human right violations.
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Jean Baylet had been elected as mayor of Valence-d'Agen in 1930 and remained in office throughout (and long after) the Vichy years, but he had taken care, if quietly, to distance himself from the collaborationist authorities, refusing to hang the portrait of Marshal Pétain on his office wall at the town hall. Any residual suspicions that he was too close to the Germans were helpfully undermined on 9 June 1944, very shortly before liberation, by the Gestapo who suspected him of helping the Résistance and arrested him.
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The Japanese Kempeitai, Tokko, collaborationist Chinese police, and Chinese citizens in the service of the Japanese all worked to censor information, monitor any opposition, and torture enemies and dissenters. A "native" secret agency, the Tewu, was created with the aid of Japanese Army "advisors". The Japanese also established prisoner-of-war detention centers, concentration camps, and kamikaze training centers to indoctrinate pilots. Since Wang's government held authority only over territories under Japanese military occupation, there was a limited amount that officials loyal to Wang could do to ease the suffering of Chinese under Japanese occupation.
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The Belgian newspaper Le Soir had ceased to appear on 18 May 1940, a few days after the German invasion of Belgium. It was relaunched by collaborationist journalists such as Horace Van Offel and Raymond De Becker with the acceptance of the German occupier. The most famous author to publish in Le Soir during this time was doubtless Hergé with The Adventures of Tintin comic The Shooting Star (L'étoile mystérieuse), featuring his famous character Tintin. The paper's propagandist transformation led to its nickname Soir volé ("the stolen Le Soir").
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Norwegian parliament building in 1941 under German occupation, with the swastika flag and the German V sign on the front of the building Collaborationist support came from the pro-Nazi Nasjonal Samling ("National Gathering" or "National Unification") party led by Vidkun Quisling, who was allowed by Adolf Hitler to form a Norwegian government under German supervision. Quisling became Minister President of Norway in 1942 but lacked any real power. Reichskommissar Terboven held control over Norway as a governor, and all the military forces stationed in Norway were under German command.
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José Luis Zamanillo González-Camino (1903–1980) was a Spanish Traditionalist politician. He is best recognized as leader of Carlist paramilitary Requeté structures during the Republic and as champion of Carlist collaborationist policy during mid-Francoism, though in the 1940s he maintained a firm anti- regime stand. He is also known as representative of the post-Francoist hard core in the course of early transition to parliamentary democracy. He served in the parliament in two strings of 1933-1936 and 1961-1976; in 1961-1976 he was also a member of the Francoist Consejo Nacional.
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The Executions of KokkiniaAlso translated as "Raid of Kokkinia" or "Roundup of Kokkinia" () took place on the August 17, 1944, and was the largest Nazi roundupabove the roundup of Dourgouti-Faro-Katsipodi and one of the largest- scale war crimes perpetrated during the German occupation of Greece. The operation was carried out by members of the Luftwaffe and collaborationist Security Battalions, and involved the execution of hundreds of civilians (mostly partisans), thousands of hostages being sent to concentration camps, and the burning down of entire house blocks, as well as significant atrocities.
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A Modern Scarlet Letter (新红A字), a romance set in wartime Shanghai and published in 1945, was his final novel. During the Second Sino-Japanese War he worked for the collaborationist Wang Jingwei Government in the Department of Agriculture and Mining, and later edited a journal for the Sino-Japanese Culture Association. After the defeat of the Empire of Japan he was arrested and tried by the Kuomintang government for treason in 1947. In early 1948 he was sentenced to fifteen months in prison, and was released in early 1949.
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The Suiyuan campaign (; ) was an attempt by the Inner Mongolian Army and Grand Han Righteous Army, two forces founded and supported by Imperial Japan, to take control of the Suiyuan province from the Republic of China. The attempted invasion occurred in 1936, shortly before the Second Sino-Japanese War. The Japanese government denied taking part in the operation, but the Inner Mongolians and the other collaborationist Chinese troops received air support from Japanese planes and were assisted by the Imperial Japanese Army. The entire operation was overseen by Japanese staff officers.
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In addition, a warlord hired by the Kwantung Army named Wang Ying had formed his own collaborationist force called the Grand Han Righteous Army, consisting of about 6,000 men. The latter was also attached to the Mongolian Army for the operation but consisted of hastily recruited bandits who were of low quality. Disunity and the lack of training among this exotic force damaged their morale. The Japanese provided them with weapons and tried to prepare them somewhat for the Suiyuan operation to make up for their lack of adequate training.
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In the Slovenian Littoral, he joined the Slovenian National Defense Corps (Slovenski narodno varstveni zbor – SNVZ), a small collaborationist militia, closely affiliated to the Slovene Home Guard, which fought against the partisan resistance in the Julian March. Until 1945, he worked in the section for propaganda and culture, and helped to establish several cultural institutions (journals, publishing houses, schools) throughout the Goriška region. In May 1945, he withdrew to the Allied-occupied Northern Italy in order to escape Communist persecution. From there he emigrated to Argentina in 1948.
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The beginning of the Spanish Civil War surprised Alcalá-Zamora, who was then on a trip to Scandinavia. He decided to stay away from Spain when he found out that militiamen of the Popular Front government had illegally entered his home, stolen his belongings and plundered his safe- deposit box in the Madrid Crédit Lyonnais bank, taking the manuscript of his memoirs. When World War II began, Alcalá-Zamora was in France. The German occupation and the collaborationist attitude of the Vichy government made him leave France and go to Argentina in January 1942.
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In May 1939 Li was appointed the deputy head of the Tèwu, the secret police of the collaborationist regime. In August 1939, Li Shiqun was elected to the party's central organization during the 6th General Assembly of the Kuomintang. At the same time, he held the office of deputy chairman of two committees: on oversight of special matters and on "clearance". As a result, Li Shiqun, who held a number of important offices and was a loyal friend of Wang Jingwei, surpassed in his authority even the head of the Tèwu and exerted great influence.
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Avedøre Airfield was taken over by the occupying German Forces during World War II. The site was used for testing of bomber engines after repairs at A/S Nordwerk, a collaborationist company based in Copenhagen. The managing director of A/S Nordwerk was shot in 1945 a few kilometres from the airfield. After the war, the site was used as a storage facility by the Avedørelejren military installation and Hvidovre Municipality. There were plans to redevelop the site in the 1980s but it was instead decided to use it for recreational purposes.
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The Treblinka extermination camp was run by the SS, a Nazi paramilitary organization, with the help of Eastern European Trawnikis (Hiwis), who were collaborationist auxiliary police recruited directly from Soviet POW camps. The Trawnikis served at all the major extermination camps, including Treblinka. Treblinka was part of Operation Reinhard, the systematic extermination of the three million Jews living in the General Government of German-occupied Poland. It is believed that between somewhere between 800,000 and 1,200,000 people died in its gas chambers, almost all of whom were Jews.
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Nearly all lost their lives in the Nazi death camps. A number of Nazi collaborationist groups operated in Flanders and Wallonia; other Belgians collaborated through the national administration"La Belgique docile" report summarised in and the Flemish and Walloon Legions of the Waffen-SS. In opposition, the Belgian Resistance comprised numerous groups that fought against the occupation in various ways. Groupe G ran a successful campaign of sabotage against railroads, while other groups worked to protect Jewish people from deportation or help downed Allied airmen escape from the country.
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There were numerous other collaborationist units that operated in other parts of China under the Japanese. The most notable were the armed forces of the separate puppet state of Manchukuo,Jowett (2004), p. 7 along with minor units, such as the early East Hopei Army (1935–37, later merged with the Provisional Government Army),Jowett (2004), pp. 42–44 and the Inner Mongolian Army, mainly operating in the puppet state of Mengjiang (which was made an autonomous region of the Reorganized National Government, but was de facto independent).
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Jacques Charles Noel Dugé de Bernonville (December 20, 1897 - April 26, 1972) was a French collaborationist and senior police officer in the Milice of the Vichy regime in France. He was known to hunt down and execute resistance fighters during World War II, as well as for his participation in anti-semitic programs, including the deportation of French Jews to Drancy and extermination camps. After his escape from France, he was convicted of war crimes and condemned to death. He was aided in entering Quebec, Canada in 1946 by leading Catholics of the province.
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Following this meeting, the RNP created the National Revolutionary Front (Front révolutionnaire national, FRN) which gathered the main collaborationist parties, apart from Doriot's PPF. The FRN thus included the RNP-Labour Social Front, the MSR, the Parti franciste, the Groupe Collaboration, the Jeunes de l'Europe nouvelle and the Comité d’action antibolchévique (Anti-Bolshevik Action Committee). Déat furthermore managed to gain to his side the secretary of the PPF, Jean Fossati, and named to the head of the FRN Henri Barbé, issued from the PPF. However, the FRN finally was a failure.
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His two brothers Franc Melik (born 1885), and Ivan Melik (born 1894) were killed in a grove known as Kosler's Thicket (, named after its former owner Peter Kosler), on November 25, 1943 together with 12 other victims by a unit of the collaborationist Slovenian Home Guard militia under the command of Franc Frakelj. For his work on the geography of Slovenia and Yugoslavia, Melik received the Prešeren Award in 1947, 1949, and 1951. His son, Vasilij Melik, was a historian; his two other sons, Anton (1918) and Andrej (1927–1930), died as children.
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Furthermore, the Germans were supported by collaborationist troops such as the Lithuanian Security Police. The relatively static lines in Belorussia had enabled the Germans to construct extensive field fortifications, with multiple trench lines to a depth of several kilometres and heavily mined defensive belts. Besides the pro-German and pro-Soviet forces, some third-party factions were also involved in the fighting during Operation Bagration, most notably several resistance groups of the Polish Home Army. The latter mostly fought both the German as well as the Soviet-led troops.
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The first leader of the ÚŽ was Heinrich Schwartz, who thwarted anti-Jewish orders to the best of his ability: he sabotaged a census of Jews in eastern Slovakia which was intended to justify their removal to the west of the country; Wisliceny had him arrested in April 1941. The Central Economic Office appointed the more cooperative Arpad Sebestyen as Schwartz's replacement. Wisliceny set up a Department for Special Affairs in the ÚŽ to ensure the prompt implementation of Nazi decrees, appointing the collaborationist Karol Hochberg (a Viennese Jew) as its director.
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According to Jeung San Do, the History of Korea is that of a chessboard used by America, China, Russia, and Japan. While the Empire of Japan completed the annexation of Korea in 1910, they were merely pawns or workmen (ilkkun) of Sangjenim; racial brothers who saved Korea from domination by the Western great powers. The Japanese, according to this narrative, provided the "service" (pongsa) of modernizing Korea as penance for the Japanese invasions of Korea (1592–1598). Accordingly, resistance against Japan was ill-advised, and Chinilpa collaborationist organizations such as Iljinhoe should not be condemned.
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Marcel Déat (7 March 1894 – 5 January 1955) was a French politician. Initially a socialist and a member of the French Section of the Workers' International (SFIO), he led a breakaway group of right-wing 'Neosocialists' out of the SFIO in 1933. During the occupation of France by Nazi Germany, he founded the collaborationist National Popular Rally (RNP). In 1944, he became Minister of Labour and National Solidarity in Pierre Laval's government in Vichy, before escaping to the Sigmaringen enclave along with Vichy officials after the Allied landings in Normandy.
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Tomb of Henri Sellier in the Cimetière Carnot in Suresnes During World War II (1939–45) Sellier refrained from voting on the constitutional change that gave full power to Marshal Philippe Pétain. He was removed from office on 22 June 1941 by the Vichy authorities, arrested by the Gestapo and detained in the camp at Compiègne for almost a month. He refused to work with collaborationist socialists and founded a socialist action committee, which became part of the French Resistance. He died at the age of 59 on 24 November 1943 in Suresnes, Seine.
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While traditional conservatism and the far-right in France had been discredited due to its role in the Vichy government, many rehabilitated former collaborators challenged the prevailing Resistance narrative. Rather than attacking the Resistance as a whole, they created the term "resistentialism" to criticise those who they saw as pseudo-resisters while also attempting to rehabilitate the memory of Pétain and his collaborationist government. With the myth of the resistance requiring heroes, the memories of victims of the Nazi regime not involved in the resistance were often buried within the collective memory.
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After the offensive commenced on 20 September 1941, the Partisans initially received assistance from local Chetnik formations in opposing the Germans, but after weeks of disagreement and low-level conflict between the two insurgent factions about how the resistance should proceed, the Chetniks launched an attack on the Partisans in the towns of Užice and Požega on November 1 which resulted in the Chetniks being repulsed. The Partisans then counter-attacked decisively, but by early December had been driven from liberated area by the German and Serb collaborationist offensive.
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Instead, they were expelled to provincial areas of the country. Stone writes that Slovakia, led by Roman Catholic priest Jozef Tiso (president of the Slovak State, 1939–1945), was "one of the most loyal of the collaborationist regimes". It deported 7,500 Jews in 1938 on its own initiative; introduced anti-Jewish measures in 1940; and by the autumn of 1942 had deported around 60,000 Jews to ghettos and concentration camps in Poland. Another 2,396 were deported and 2,257 killed that autumn during an uprising, and 13,500 were deported between October 1944 and March 1945.
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Forty vehicles carrying members of the 24th Infantry Division Pinerolo then arrived at the village. Aided by a local collaborationist mayor, Italian troops rounded up the local population at the village square, while also setting fire to 150 houses. 25 men accused of directly participating in the assault on the column were taken to Mauritsa where they were executed. Women and small children were then transferred to the Amouri village, while all males above the age of 14 were told that they would be sent to a concentration camp in Larissa.
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Charles Lescat (19 February 1887 – 1948) was an Argentine citizen, who studied in France and wrote in Je suis partout, the ultra-Collaborationist journal headed by Robert Brasillach. Born as Carlos Hipólito Saralegui Lesca in Buenos Aires, he was a volunteer during World War I in France. There, Lescat became a personal friend of Charles Maurras, leader of the Action française (AF) monarchist movement. Part of the AF, he presided over the administration council of Je suis partout, and was editor in chief of this review for a time.
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Its initial 33 members were recruited from a variety of Breton nationalist organisations, some of which had already served in collaborationist militias. Terms of enlistment specified that it would only engage French opponents within the borders of Brittany. On 15 December, Bezen Kadoudal was renamed as Bezen Perrot (Perrot Unit), in honour of Jean-Marie Perrot who had been assassinated by a communist résistant several days earlier. German documents record it under the name Bretonische Waffenverband der SS. At top strength, the unit numbered 80 members—the pseudonyms of 65 of whom are recorded.
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He was in a "round-table" of French and German intellectuals who met at the Georges V Hotel in Paris in the 1940s, including , the writers Ernst Junger, Paul Morand and Jean Cocteau, the publisher Gaston Gallimard and the Nazi legal scholar Carl Schmitt. Montherlant wrote articles for the Paris weekly, La Gerbe, directed by the pro-Nazi novelist and Catholic reactionary Alphonse de Châteaubriant.Verdict on Vichy, p.236, Michael Curtis, Weidenfeld & Nicolson 2002 After the war, he was thus viewed as a collaborationist, and was punished by a one-year restriction on publishing.
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Members of an Order Police unit under Schimana's command attacking a village in central Russia, 1942. On 4 September 1941, he was appointed SS and Police Leader (SSPF) for the Saratov area, and later attached to the staff of the Higher SS and Police Leader (HSSPF) for Central Russia until July 1942, taking part in rear-security operations. From 21 July 1942 to 15 July 1943 he was SSPF of Belarus, with headquarters at Minsk. Reporting to Friedrich Jeckeln, he was responsible for the formation of the Schutzmannschaft (collaborationist police) battalions.
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Along the way, hundreds were lost to Ustaše attacks. When Đujić and his troops reached Slovenia in late December, his forces joined Jevđević's Chetniks, Ljotić's Serbian Volunteer Corps, and Nedić's Serbian Shock Corps, forming a single unit that was under the command of Odilo Globocnik, the Higher SS and Police Leader in the Adriatic Littoral. In January Đujić's men were disarmed by the Germans. Together, the various collaborationist forces tried to contact the western Allies in Italy in an attempt to secure foreign aid for a proposed anti-Communist offensive to restore royalist Yugoslavia.
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From 1966 to his death in 1972, the movie section was written by the antisemitic and collaborationist writer Lucien Rebatet, under the pseudonym of François Vinneuil.Pascal Ifri, Les Deux Étendards de Lucien Rebatet: dossier d'un chef-d'œuvre maudit, p. 27, Éditions l'Âge d'Homme, 2001 In 2019, French president Emmanuel Macron talked about Islam, the veil and immigration with the publication. In August 2020, Valeurs actuelles published an illustration of the black Member of Parliament Danièle Obono as a slave in chains, prompting an outcry from politicians of all parties.
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It also fed into the ideology of Ethnic nationalism, attracting, among others, Maurice Barrès, Charles Maurras and the Action Française. Alexis Carrel, a French Nobel Laureate in Medicine, cited national degeneration as a rationale for a eugenics programme in collaborationist Vichy France. The meaning of degeneration was poorly defined, but can be described as an organism's change from a more complex to a simpler, less differentiated form, and is associated with 19th century conceptions of biological devolution. In scientific usage, the term was reserved for changes occurring at a histological level - i.e.
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Georgios Bakos (, 1892–1945) was a Greek Army officer. Born in Mani in 1892, he became a career officer and fought in the Asia Minor Campaign. As a Major General, he commanded the 3rd Infantry Division in the Greco-Italian War of 1940–41. After the German invasion of Greece and the Greek Army's capitulation, he served as Minister of National Defence in the collaborationist government set up by Lt. General Georgios Tsolakoglou on 30 April 1941, and retained the post under Tsolakoglou's successor Konstantinos Logothetopoulos, until the Logothetopoulos cabinet's resignation on 7 April 1943.
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The story is based on Hundred Regiments Offensive, a series of engagements involving CPC's Eighth Route Army under Peng Dehuai and both IJA and collaborationist Wang Jingwei forces under Hayao Tada. In Yan'an, Mao Zedong and Zhu De talks about setbacks suffered by NRA in Japanese attacks. In the IJA HQ in Peking, before beginning their advances against Soviet Union and Pacific Islands, the Chinese war must be finished first. Then the commanders are debriefed into Peng and Zuo's profiles then Yukio Kasahara enforce the Three Alls upon arriving on the train station.
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Maurice Duruflé was among French composers commissioned in May 1941 by the collaborationist Vichy regime to write extended works for a monetary award, such as 10,000 francs for a symphonic poem, 20,000 for a symphony, and 30,000 for an opera. Duruflé, commissioned to compose a symphonic poem, decided to compose a Requiem and was still working on it in 1944 when the regime collapsed. He completed it in September 1947. He set the Latin text of the Requiem Mass, omitting certain parts in the tradition of Gabriel Fauré's Requiem and structuring it in nine movements.
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Born in Vigneux-sur-Seine, Essonne near Paris, Delbo gravitated toward theater and politics in her youth, joining the French Young Communist Women's League in 1932. She met and married George Dudach two years later. Later in the decade she went to work for actor and theatrical producer Louis Jouvet and was with his company in Buenos Aires when Wehrmacht forces invaded and occupied France in 1940. She could have waited to return when Philippe Pétain, leader of the collaborationist Vichy regime, established special courts in 1941 to deal with members of the resistance.
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The issue of Polish and Lithuanian relations during the Second World War is a controversial one, and some modern Lithuanian and Polish historians still differ in their interpretations of the related events, many of which are related to the treatment of Poles by the Lithuanian Nazi-collaborationist government and security forces, and the operations of Polish resistance organization of Armia Krajowa on territories inhabited by Lithuanians and Poles. In recent years a number of common academic conferences have started to bridge the gap between Lithuanian and Polish interpretations, but significant differences still remain.
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The SDS became increasingly unpopular with the population as time went on. Despite their limited independence, the SDS actively engaged in dehumanising Jews, Roma and communist Serbs, and in killing people from those groups or delivering them to the Germans for execution. They engaged in the execution of hostages both under Gestapo or Wehrmacht control and at their own initiative. The SDS clashed with other collaborationist formations at times, specifically Dimitrije Ljotić's Serbian Volunteer Corps (Srpski dobrovoljački korpus or SDK), and the Pećanac Chetniks loyal to vojvoda Kosta Pećanac.
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Under German occupation during World War II, a militia usually called the French Resistance emerged to conduct a guerrilla war of attrition against German forces and prepare the way for the D-Day Allied Invasion of France.David Schoenbrun, Soldiers of the Night: The Story of the French Resistance, New American Library, 1980. The Resistance militia were opposed by the collaborationist French Militia—the paramilitary police force of the German puppet state of Vichy. Although defunct from 1871 until 2016, the French National Guard has now been reestablished for homeland security purposes.
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By late 1940 the Allgemeine-SS controlled the Germanic SS (Germanische SS), which were collaborationist organizations modeled after the Allgemeine-SS in several Western European countries. Their purpose was to enforce Nazi racial doctrine, especially anti-Semitic ideals. They typically served as local security police augmenting German units of the Gestapo, SD, and other main departments of the Reich Main Security Office. The Allgemeine-SS also consisted of the SS-Frauenkorps (literally, "Women's Corps") which was an auxiliary reporting and clerical unit, which included the SS-Helferinnenkorps (Women Helper Corps), made up of female volunteers.
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The prisoners would unload the van and put the corpses in a pre-dug mass grave. By 10 May 1942, the camp was empty and as many as 8,000 Jewish women and children had been killed by Meyszner's Gestapo. On 8 June, Schäfer declared to a group of Wehrmacht officers, including Bader and Kuntze, that there was "no longer a Jewish question in Serbia". Turner and Meyszner clashed continually throughout 1942, as Meyszner sought to remove all police matters from Turner's remit, including the supervision of the security forces of the Serbian collaborationist regime.
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Painter Malva Schalek (Malvina Schalkova) was deported to Theresienstadt in February 1942. She produced more than 100 drawings and watercolours portraying life in the camp. On 18 May 1944, due to her refusal to paint the portrait of a collaborationist doctor, she was deported to Auschwitz, where she was murdered. Artist and architect Norbert Troller produced drawings and watercolours of life inside Theresienstadt, to be smuggled to the outside world. When the Gestapo found out, he was arrested and deported to Auschwitz, where he was liberated by the Russians in 1945.
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Tuscaloosa arrived off Chefoo, then held by the communists, on 13 October. Remaining until 3 November, she lay at anchor off the port, keeping well informed on the situation ashore through daily conferences with officials of the communist Eighth Route Army. During this period, collaborationist troops who had been loyal to the Japanese during the war, clashed with communist forces near Chefoo. On 3 November, she put to sea, bound for Tsingtao, where the cruiser spent one evening before proceeding down the Chinese coast to call at Shanghai.
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After the occupation of France by German troops, he was released on 10 July 1940. In mid-1941, he became a member of the Central Committee of the Legion of French Volunteers against Bolshevism and lead its recruitment campaign. In contrast to Marcel Déat, Jacques Doriot, or Eugène Deloncle, Boissel took a secondary role in the collaboration. He chaired a collaborationist splinter groupuscule, l'Union des forces françaises (the Union of French Forces), which organized a "pilgrimage" to the grave of anti-Semitic polemicist Édouard Drumont in February 1943.
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He refused to hand the list over to the Germans and rejected their requests to gather Jews in one place, purportedly because of the Albanian besa custom of hospitality. To the Germans, Deva argued that he would not hand over the list as he would not accept "interference in Albanian affairs". Deva informed the leaders of the Jewish community that he had successfully refused the German request afterward. In June 1944, the German government asked for the list of Jews again, and the Albanian collaborationist government refused yet again.
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Under his command, on 8–9 August 1941 more Poles and Jews in Stanisławów were arrested, including teachers, civil servants and professors. They were summoned according to a list, compiled by the Ukrainian People's Militia who were helping the German Security Police (officially, the collaborationist Ukrainian Auxiliary Police was created in mid-August by Heinrich Himmler). On 15 August, the prisoners were transported in covered lorries to a place near the city, named the Black Forest (Czarny Las) and executed. The number of victims is estimated at 200–300.
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He then signed various protest letters directed to Franco, was detained, sentenced and exiled. In the mid-1950s he started to advocate co-operation with syndicalist Falangists and over time got jeered by the Javierista youth as a collaborationist. Once ousted from the Hugocarlista-dominated Carlist organization he joined Francoist structures are was considered a ministerial candidate in the late 1960s. In the early 1970s he was already firmly set within the so-called bunker, the hardline Francoist core Last but not least, a large fraction of carlo-francoists maintained a fairly constant stand.
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Colonel MOG Osmani was appointed the Commander in Chief of Liberation Forces and whole East Pakistan was divided into eleven sectors headed by eleven sector commanders. All sector commanders were Bengali officers who had defected from the Pakistan Army. This started the Bangladesh Liberation War in which the freedom fighters, joined in December 1971 by 400,000 Indian soldiers, faced the Pakistani Armed Forces of 365,000 plus Paramilitary and collaborationist forces. An additional approximately 25,000 ill-equipped civilian volunteers and police forces also sided with the Pakistan Armed Forces.
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In April 1942, Malyshkin defected to the Germans and began attending a course for collaborationist propagandists. In December, he met Wilfried Strik-Strikfeldt who aided in his transfer to a central propaganda bureau in Berlin where he collaborated with Andrey Vlasov. Together they created the Committee for the Liberation of the Peoples of Russia (KONR), an Axis sponsored Russian anti-communist organization intent on overthrowing the regime of Joseph Stalin. On 24 January 1943, Malyshkin passed secret information on the Soviet Union's prewar military plans regarding Germany to a German foreign ministry official.
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There was a rapprochement between the Greek Communist Party and the Ohrana collaborationist units. Further collaboration between the Bulgarian-controlled Ohrana and the EAM controlled SNOF followed when it was agreed that Greek Macedonia would be allowed to secede. Finally it is estimated that entire Ohrana units had joined the SNOF which began to press the ELAS leadership to allow it autonomous action in Greek Macedonia. There had been also a larger flow of refugees into Bulgaria as the Bulgarian Army pulled out of the Drama-Serres region in late 1944.
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In 1933 the SLS- friendly Catholic daily "Slovenec" (The Slovenian) wrote: "Whatever is positive in Fascism is taken from Christianity, and in this course Fascism must absolutely be part of the anti-Bolshevik front". The strongly anti- semitic leader of the SLS, Anton Korošec, was responsible for anti-Semitic laws Yugoslavia enacted in 1940, restricting Jews in entering schools and universities (see Antisemitism in Europe). Right-wing, fascist-inspired Catholic student organizations, such as Straža were active. All these became part of the collaborationist forces soon after the occupation.
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Strikes were organized all over the country, while 300,000 people attended his funeral. The Communist party newspaper Le Drapeau Rouge carried the headline "A monstrous crime! Our dear comrade Julien Lahaut, leader of the Communist party, was assassinated last night by the Leo-Rexists"."Leo-Rexists" is a hybrid of "Leopoldist" (supporter of Leopold III) and "Rexist" (member of a pro-Nazi collaborationist party in Belgium during the Second World War) François Goossens, a Belgian royalist, was later identified as one of the murderers, although it is uncertain whether he fired the actual shots.
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He was offered freedom on the condition that he would serve as editor of a collaborationist Přítomnost; he refused and spent the whole of the war in Buchenwald. After liberation, Peroutka became an editor-in-chief of the newspaper Svobodné noviny and refounded his famous review, Přítomnost, under the name Dnešek ("Today"). The journal became prominent through its critical stance on postwar violence committed on the German minority and hundreds of alleged collaborators. Nonetheless it also fit the general pattern of the time by hosting illusory views of the Communist party underestimating its totalitarian pretensions.
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Roparz Hemon et Pierre-Jakez Hélias : deux rêves de la Bretagne, Ronan Calvez, Presses Universitaires de Rennes 2 (PUR), 2000, (thèse soutenue en décembre Established under German patronage during World War II, the station was placed under the care of professor Leo Weisgerber, a linguist from Marburg and Sonderführer of the occupying German army. Acquired under the guise of the Breton cause, it became a vehicle for collaborationist ideas. Roparz Hemon ran the station as Director of Programming. Hemon focused on cultural and intellectual themes, rather than explicitly political issues.
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Born in Strasbourg in 1919, Chalais' real name was François-Charles Bauer. His journalism career began under the German occupation of France during World War II, as a writer for several collaborationist publications. Nevertheless, he was awarded the Médaille de la Résistance after the liberation and continued a lengthy and distinguished career, most notably with France Soir from 1976 to 1986 and Le Figaro from 1980 to 1987. Chalais was a regular fixture on French television during the Cannes festival, interviewing celebrities and movie stars, often with his first wife and cohost France Roche.
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In February 1934, he became a professor of the department of mathematics at Shanghai Jiao Tong University. Gu Deng was one of the founders of the Chinese Mathematical Society, the first academic organization for Chinese mathematicians, in 1935 in Shanghai. He became the editor-in-chief of Magazine of Mathematics () which is published by the Chinese Mathematical Society and Information of Science () which is published by Shanghai Jiao Tong University. In April 1938, Gu Deng was appointed Vice-Minister for Education under the collaborationist Provisional Government of the Republic of China led by Wang Kemin.
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The Second Philippine Republic was a puppet state established by Japanese invasion forces. The puppet state relied on the reformed Bureau of Constabulary and the Makapili militia to police the occupied country and fight the local resistance movement and regular troops of the Philippine Commonwealth Army. The president of the republic, José P. Laurel, had his own presidential guard unit that were recruited from the ranks of the collaborationist government. When the Americans were closing in on the Philippines in 1944, the Japanese began recruiting Filipinos to augment their losses.
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Poulet was involved in politics during the early 1930s when he was a member of the corporatist study group Réaction.David Littlejohn, The Patriotic Traitors, London: Heinemann, 1972, p. 152 Although not altogether enamoured of Nazism he became the 'political director' of Le Nouveau Journal, a collaborationist paper launched by Paul Colin in October 1940. A strong supporter of Belgian independence, he was heavily influenced by Charles Maurras and the Action Française and by 1941 was in agreement with Raymond de Becker that a corporatist, authoritarian party of state should be created.
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Al-Ḥalabī identifies the scribe of the letter as a Mozarab named Ibn al-Fakhkhār, probably a Mozarab collaborationist from Toledo. Norman Roth, although arguing that the letter to Yūsuf is a fabrication, suggests that al-Ḥalabī's Mozarabic scribe is in fact based on the historical Jewish family Ibn al-Fakhkhār, which is known to have served Alfonso VIII and possibly Alfonso VI as diplomats.Roth 1985. The authenticity of the letters was accepted by Ramón Menéndez Pidal, Luis García de Valdeavellano and the Egyptian scholar Muḥammad ʿAbd Allāh ʿInān.
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In 2001, Nettle was the crown prosecutor in the extradition case of Konrāds Kalējs, an alleged Nazi collaborationist. Nettle was appointed a Judge of the Supreme Court of Victoria, Trial Division, in 2002, and a Judge of Appeal of the Victorian Court of Appeal, Supreme Court of Victoria, in 2004.Attorney-General's announcement Retrieved 4 December 2014. Unusually for an Appeal Justice, in 2013, Nettle presided over the trial at first instance of Adrian Ernest Bayley for the rape and murder of Irishwoman Jill Meagher in Melbourne, Australia.
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Following the establishment of a collaborationist regime under Philippe Pétain in Vichy, Hinh was transferred to West Africa, serving in French Sudan and Senegal. Upon the conclusion of Operation Torch in November 1942, he joined Charles de Gaulle's Free French Forces as a first lieutenant. Hinh worked as an air force instructor in Marrakesh until April 1944, when he was reassigned to the European theater in charge of a bomber squadron. At the end of the war, he was admitted to the Legion of Honour and awarded the American Air Medal for his service.
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The Lithuanian Security Police had jurisdiction over Jews in hiding, non-Jews who helped Jews, and Jews suspected of Communist associations. Usually, escaped or suspected Jews were arrested by the regular police and handed over to the security police for investigation and interrogation. The security police would then hand over the Jews to the German police or Ypatingasis būrys, a Lithuanian collaborationist death squad which murdered estimated 70,000 Jews at nearby Ponary. Acting as a desk murderer, Lileikis signed documents handing at least 75 Jews to Ypatingasis būrys.
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At the time, it was the second largest hospital in Lyon after the Hôtel-Dieu de Lyon and was more of a hospice than a hospital. The square is named after the doctor Antonin Poncet (1849, Lyon - 1913), who did not work at the Hôpital de la Charité, but at the Hôtel-Dieu. Before the deliberation of the municipal council on 29 December 1913, the square was called Place de la Charité. During the period of the collaborationist Vichy regime, Number 7 was a hotbed of resistance activities.
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Philip Rees, 'MERCOURIS, George S.', Biographical Dictionary of the Extreme Right Since 1890, p. 262 Through contacts with Galeazzo Ciano, Mercouris secured funding for the new group from Italy, although this soon dried up as they were not convinced that the party was in any position to gain power. The party itself was largely geared towards Italian fascism, although Mercouris himself and some of his main followers were more drawn to the German model. Mercouris was sometimes used as a go-between by the collaborationist government during the German occupation.
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As a close associate of Chrysanthus, he was dismissed from his secretary to the Holy Synod by the collaborationist government during the Axis Occupation of Greece, and spent the Occupation as chaplain of the Evangelismos Hospital. After the occupation, he submitted a dissertation for a position of lecturer at the Theological Faculty, but later withdrew it after quarrelling with his teachers. On 29 September 1949 he was appointed head priest of the Royal Palace. In 1959 finally he was elected as Professor of Canon Law in the Aristotle University of Thessaloniki.
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Since September 1945, an annual memorial service for the victims has taken place. It is organized by the local authorities and has official representation, including government members during the Greek military junta. The Meligalas events were utilized politically and ideologically. The right-wing establishment after the Greek Civil War represented Meligalas as a symbol of "communist barbarity", while the Battalionists were commemorated exclusively as opponents or victims of the communists, since the post-war Greek state drew its legitimacy not from the collaborationist government, but from the government in exile.
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The following day, German Army doctors rejected almost half of the recruits on medical grounds. Although 10,000 recruits would volunteer for the unit in its first two years of existence, almost half were rejected on these grounds and the unit remained far below the "ceiling" imposed in 1941. Doriot himself enlisted for service in the first contingent, boosting the prestige of the French Popular Party among collaborationist sympathisers in France. The recruits had been promised that they would fight in French uniforms but, amid continuing Vichy hostility, were folded into the German Army (Wehrmacht).
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The collaborationist government participated in Germany's genocidal Final Solution. Quisling was put on trial during the legal purge in Norway after World War II. He was found guilty of charges including embezzlement, murder and high treason against the Norwegian state, and was sentenced to death. He was executed by firing squad at Akershus Fortress, Oslo, on 24 October 1945. The word "quisling" became a byword for "collaborator" or "traitor" in several languages, reflecting the contempt with which Quisling's conduct has been regarded, both at the time and since his death.
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Her beauty, to the point that she is called "the flower of Padang", is seen as a physical manifestation of her moral and kind nature. ; Samsulbahri : Samsulbahri (sometimes spelled Sjamsulbahri; abbreviated Samsu) is the primary male protagonist. He is described as having skin the colour of langsat, with eyes as black as ink; however, from afar he can be confused with a Dutchman. These physical attributes have been described by Keith Foulcher, a lecturer of Indonesian language and literature at the University of Sydney, as indicating Samsu's mimicry and collaborationist nature.
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After the liberation in May 1945, the board of Politiken sought to appoint him as its editor, to distance themselves from an arguably collaborationist stance during the occupation. However, the newspaper's staff, loyal to Niels Hasager (1888–1969) who had led them since 1931, blocked it. In October 1945, with Sten Gudme, Seidenfaden started the foreign policy magazine Fremtiden to which he remained associated until 1968. He then joined forces with Børge Outze (1912–1980), who had taken over the German-friendly printing press of Fædrelandet to publish the daily Dagbladet Information.
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SS-Truppenübungsplatz Heidelager was a World War II SS military complex and Nazi concentration camp in Pustków and Pustków Osiedle, Occupied Poland. The Nazi facility was built to train collaborationist military units, including the Ukrainian 14th Waffen SS Division "Galician", and units from Estonia. This training included killing operations inside the concentration camps – most notably at the nearby Pustków and Szebnie camps – and Jewish ghettos in the vicinity of the 'Heidelager'. The military area was situated in the triangle of the Wisła and San rivers, dominated by large forest areas.
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The Committee's ambivalent stance meant that Belgian policemen and civil servants were not instructed to refuse to participate in rounding-up of Jews as part of the Final Solution from 1942. Tensions grew between the Germans and the committee in December 1940, and in early 1941 the Germans reshuffled the committee; appointing more pro-Nazi members. From March 1941, it became clear that the Committee would no longer be able to resist German demands, even those clearly violating the Hague Convention. From 1942, collaborationist members of the Committee were able to further their policies.
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The number of Belgians involved in the underground press is estimated at anywhere up to 40,000 people. In total, 567 separate titles are known from the period of occupation. The resistance also printed humorous publications and material as propaganda. In November 1943, on the anniversary of the German surrender in the First World War, the group published a spoof edition of the collaborationist newspaper , satirizing the Axis propaganda and biased information permitted by the censors, which was then distributed to newsstands across Brussels and deliberately mixed with official copies of the newspaper.
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As the head of Radio-Vichy, he offered a large broadcast time to collaborationist Marcel Déat. On 20 July 1941, he was interned in Vals-les-Bains after he decided to move away from the Vichy regime, and in December managed to flee to Tunisia. In early November 1942, the Allies invaded the German-occupied Maghreb during Operation Torch, and Tixier-Vignancour was arrested then interned again, that time by the German authorities. He was released following the ejection of the Axis powers from North Africa by the Allies in May 1943.
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First edition (publ. Century Hutchinson) The Minister and the Massacres (1986) is a history written by Nikolai Tolstoy about the 1945 repatriations of Croatian soldiers and civilians and Cossacks, who had crossed into Austria seeking refuge from the Red Army and Partisans who had taken control in Yugoslavia. He criticized the British repatriation of collaborationist troops to Josip Broz Tito's Yugoslav government, attributing the decisions to Harold Macmillan, then UK minister of the Mediterranean, and Lord Aldington. Tolstoy is among historians who say numerous massacres of such soldiers took place after their repatriation.
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Cárcer sided rather with his rival, conde Rodezno, leader of the breakaway faction pursuing a collaborationist path.Ginés i Sànchez 2008, p. 55 In the mid-1940s he neared the Alfonsist claimant Don Juan, by the Rodeznistas considered a would-be candidate to the throne also according to the Carlist reading.Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 182 In the 1950s he definitely broke with the regent Don Javier and declared Don Juan the legitimate heir;España Libre 19.10.58, available here Cárcer entered his Consejo Privado and was nominated royal representative in Region Valenciana.
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39 Others however note that this last sentence, passed in 1919, was not in fact related to his wartime dealings, but merely to his fraudulent activities, and that only by coincidence did Bogdan-Pitești share a prison with the convicted collaborationist journalists (Arghezi, Karnabatt, Ioan Slavici).Boia, p.342 T. Vianu notes that Bogdan-Pitești spent his last years "in ignominy", while Cernat describes his definitive fall to the status of "a pariah". The art promoter died four years after the war ended, at his house in Bucharest, having suffered a myocardial infarction.
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Giovanni Ravalli was born on 21 September 1909 in Sicily, Italy. During the course of World War II, Ravalli served in the 24th Infantry Division Pinerolo, 13th Infantry Regiment, in the rank of Lieutenant. In this capacity he became the head of intelligence of the Italian garrison in the city of Kastoria, Greece. Despite the heavy presence of the Italians in Kastoria, its outskirts remained in the control of EAM-ELAS guerrillas which in turn received wide support from local Greeks, Slavic speakers, Vlachs and elements of the collaborationist Hellenic Gendarmerie.
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On 1 May, the Germans executed 200 (the majority of them were communist prisoners) at Kaisariani. According to Hellmuth Felmy's apology in the Nuremberg trials, the head of the collaborationist Security Battalions in the Peloponnese, Colonel Dionysios Papadongonas, who was befriended with Krech, ordered on his own initiative the execution of further 100 members or suspected members of the Resistance. At the same time, the Germans killed another 25 in Athens. In total, at least 325 people were executed, and more executions followed in the wake of 117th Jäger Division's march from Molaoi to Sparti.
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The new government immediately signed economic and military treaties with Japan. The Demilitarized Zone Peace Preservation Corps that had been created by the Tanggu Truce was disbanded and reorganized as the East Hopei Army with Japanese military support. The Japanese goal was to establish a buffer zone between Manchukuo and China, but the pro-Japanese collaborationist regime was seen as an affront by the Chinese government and a violation of the Tanggu Truce. Japanese propaganda, unarmed zone in East Hebei The East Hebei Autonomous government received a response in the form of Gen.
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War was declared by France at the end of the summer in 1939, and in May 1940 the German army invaded France. The north and the west of the country came under direct military control while in the south of France a collaborationist puppet régime was installed. On 18 October 1940 Giovanna Berneri was arrested, like other Italian political refugees, at the behest of the Italian government and held at the prison of La Santé for three months. By this time her elder daughter had married an Anglo-Italian intellectual and emigrated to London.
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On March 31, 1944, the BKA battalions received their individual designations. In total, there were 45 battalions formed, mostly infantry. However, to prevent possible staged desertions to "forest people" weapons were handed out only during training exercises with nothing to spare. The German SS didn't have enough officers to train all of them, therefore a few thousand members of the Byelorussian Auxiliary Police, not older than 57 years and Unteroffiziers not older than 55 years of age (except those protecting the collaborationist government), were brought into the fold of BKA.
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The three quisling prime ministers were Georgios Tsolakoglou, the general who had signed the armistice with the Wehrmacht, Konstantinos Logothetopoulos, and Ioannis Rallis, who took office when the German defeat was inevitable and aimed primarily at combating the left-wing Resistance movement. To this end, he created the collaborationist Security Battalions. Greece suffered terrible privations during World War II as the Germans appropriated most of the country's agricultural production and prevented its fishing fleets from operating. As a result, and because a British blockade initially hindered foreign relief efforts, the Great Greek Famine resulted.
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Detachment of Ohrana in Lakkomata, Kastoria, Orestida in 1943. Ohrana (, "Protection"; ) were armed collaborationist detachments organized by the former Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (IMRO) structures, composed of BulgariansДобрин Мичев. Българското национално дело в Югозападна Македония (1941 — 1944 г.) in Nazi-occupied Greek Macedonia during World War II and led by officers of the Bulgarian Army."The Second World War and the Triple Occupation" Bulgaria was interested in acquiring Thessalonica and Western Macedonia, under Italian and German occupation and hoped to sway the allegiance of the 80,000 Slavs who lived there at the time.
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The exiled Norwegian government claimed these ships as its property, which was contested by the collaborationist Nasjonal Samling government in occupied Norway. However, a court ruling favoured the exiled government's claim. On 1 April 1942, 10 Norwegian ships at Gothenburg made an attempt to escape into Allied-controlled waters, where they would be met and protected by a group of British warships. However, Sweden would not allow the Norwegian ships to use their neutral waters for this, and so Swedish ships steered the escapees towards international waters; the Germans however had been tipped off about the escape attempt and were lying in wait.
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During the occupation of Norway by Nazi Germany, when Nasjonal Samling was actually propelled to power as a collaborationist party, Tønnessen was arrested by the authorities in August 1943 for resistance work. He was imprisoned in Bredtveit concentration camp until November, then in Møllergata 19, then from April to October 1944 at Akershus Fortress, and ultimately in Grini concentration camp until the war's end. Tønnessen later took the dr.philos. degree in history, and issued the books Ole Nielsen (Aalgaard) og hans slekt (1953), Kaperfart og skipsfart 1807–1814 (1955), Porsgrunns historie (two volumes in 1956 and 1957).
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However, German forces soon took control of northern and central Italy; Mussolini, who was rescued by German paratroopers, established a collaborationist puppet state, the Italian Social Republic (RSI) to administer the German-occupied territory. The Germans, often with Italian fascists, also committed several atrocities against civilians and non-fascist troops. As a result, the Italian Co-Belligerent Army was created to fight against the RSI and its German allies, alongside the large Italian resistance movement, while other Italian troops, loyal to Mussolini, continued to fight alongside the Germans in the National Republican Army. This period is known as the Italian Civil War.
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As a Kuomintang Committee member, he organized the Chinese Arts Association, served as the Chairman of the Commission for the Establishment of National Hygiene and represented China in European countries in the early 1930s. However, due to various political differences with Chiang Kai-shek, he resigned his positions. Chu was in Shanghai during the Battle of Shanghai in 1937, remaining in that city during the Japanese occupation. However, when his brother-in-law Wang Jingwei broke ranks with the Kuomintang and established the collaborationist Wang Jingwei Government, Chu accepted the post of Vice President of the Executive Yuan and Foreign Minister in 1940.
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Ostojić, along with Chetnik leaders Pavle Đurišić and Petar Baćović and Chetnik ideologue Dragiša Vasić decided to move west to the area of the Ljubljana Gap in modern- day Slovenia where other collaborationist forces were concentrating. In early April 1945, faced with attacks by the Partisans and the Armed Forces of the Independent State of Croatia (, HOS) along their route, the combined Chetnik force was defeated by HOS forces in the Battle of Lijevče Field, after which Ostojić was captured by the Ustaše in an apparent trap. He was killed in the Jasenovac concentration camp alongside Đurišić, Baćović and Vasić.
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Francisco Franco Del Burgo's access to the carloctavista camp made him reconsider his stand versus Francoism, as Don Carlos Pio pursued a decisively collaborationist strategy.by some scholars Carlos VIII is indeed considered an invention of Franco, see Clemente 1995, pp. 115-118 In 1942, during the proceeding fragmentation and bewilderment of Navarrese Carlism,Aurora Villanueva Martínez, Organizacion, actividad y bases del carlismo navarro durante el primer franquismo [in:] Geronimo de Uztariz 19 (2003), pp. 108-109 he stood on the carloctavista ticket in local elections to the Pamplona council and was successful, serving as teniende de alcalde until 1944.
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Special Section (French original title: Section spéciale), released in 1975, is about a kangaroo court set up in collaborationist Vichy France to ensure judicial convictions of innocent people so as to mollify the Nazis. A French language film directed by the Greek-French film director Costa-Gavras, it features Cremer as Lucien Sampaix, a Communist-leaning journalist. The 1980 film La légion saute sur Kolwezi (English Operation Leopard), directed by Raoul Coutard, is a documentary-style portrayal of a real-life operation headed by the French Foreign Legion in the Democratic Republic of the Congo in 1978 to rescue foreign hostages.
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Nicolas d’Estienne d’Orves is Résistant Henri Honoré d'Estienne d'Orves's grand-nephew .Henri-Louis Honoré d’Estienne d'Orves (1901-1941) is a martyr of the Resistance, shot at Mount Valerian by the Nazis on June 22, 1941 A former student of hypokhâgne, after internships in cinema and opera, he studied at the Sorbonne. By an exceptional combination of circumstances, he became the beneficiary of the collaborationist writer Lucien Rebatet. At the age of 22, while writing a master's thesis at the Sorbonne, he discovered his Histoire de la musiqueLucien Rebatet, Une histoire de la musique, des origines à nos jours.
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Martorell Pérez 2009, pp. 383-4 With a new mid-1950s pro- collaborationist turn of the party the youth benefitted the most: the regime permitted launch of AET-controlled periodicals La EncinaLa Encina was an ephemerical periodical with 6 issues only, Martorell Pérez 2014, p. 119; others claim there were 5 issues before La Encina was closed by the authorities, Miralles Climent 2007, p. 39. Pascual is characteristically noted as lambasting those who "escriben contra el comunismo y no escriben por la Justicia", Evaristo Olcina, Prologo, [in:] Josep Miralles Climent, Estudiantes y obreros carlistas durante la dictadura franquista.
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In 1911, the Qing Dynasty was toppled after the Xinhai Revolution on 10 October 1911 and the Republic of China (ROC) was established on 1 January 1912. Matsu Islands was subsequently governed under the administration of Fukien Province of the ROC. On 1 August 1927, the Nanchang Uprising broke out between the ruling Nationalist Party of China (KMT) and Communist Party of China (CPC) which marked the beginning of Chinese Civil War. On September 10, 1937, Japan occupied Beigan and Nangan via the Collaborationist Chinese Army, making the islands the first in Fujian to fall to Japan.
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Ruzi Nazar (1 January 1917 – 30 April 2015) was an Uzbek nationalist who spent most of his adult career working for the CIA against the Soviet Union. He was born in Soviet Central Asia at the time of the Russian Revolution. After joining the Nazi collaborationist movement during World War II, Nazar lived most of his life in exile, first in Germany and then in the United States and Turkey. During three decades from the early 1950s he was a CIA officer serving for eleven years in the American Embassy in Ankara and then for a decade in Bonn.
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29th Waffen Grenadier Division of the SS “RONA” (1st Russian) (also known as the Waffen-Sturm-Brigade der SS RONA, and Kaminski Brigade) was a collaborationist formation composed of Soviet nationals from the territory of the Lokot Autonomy in Axis-occupied areas of the RSFSR in the Soviet Union during the German–Soviet War of 1941−45. Rolf-Dieter Mueller, The Unknown Eastern Front, (Palgrave Macmillan, New York 2012), p. 222. It was founded in late 1941 as auxiliary police with 200 personnel. By mid-1943 it had grown to 10,000-12,000 men, equipped with captured Soviet tanks and artillery.
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In December 1941, Maria and Vidkun moved into Villa Grande, which Vidkun renamed Gimle for its significance in Norse mythology as a utopian place. Construction of the building had begun in 1917, but was left uncompleted until the collaborationist authorities designated it a residence for the Quisling couple in the beginning of 1941. Maria Quisling actively took part in the furnishing of the residence, which included Russian furniture and a large painting the couple had bought in Moscow.Juritzen (2008), pp.202 and 205 She also hired servants, 12 at the most, and regularly shopped at Steen & Strøm, Glasmagasinet and other places.
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During the Asia-Pacific War, he contributed to encourage and comfort the Japanese troops, as in 1942 and 1943, when he was sent to console the Japanese troops stationed in Singapore. In 1943, he was appointed as Vice- Chairman of Japanese Government-General of Korea's Privy Council. On 3 April 1945, he was elected as a congressman in the House of Peers. Due to his cooperation with the Japanese Empire and the Japanese Governor-General of Korea, he was listed as a Pro-Japanese collaborators in Korea by the Institute for Research in Collaborationist Activities in 2008.
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Later in her career, Foch appeared in War and Remembrance (1988) as the Comtesse de Chambrun, an American collaborationist in WWII Paris who employs Jane Seymour's character, Natalie Henry, as a librarian and suggests that the best place for her and her uncle would be the inaptly named "Paradise Ghetto". She also appeared as Frannie Halcyon in the TV miniseries Tales of the City (1993). The same year, Foch divorced her third husband, Michael Dewell. Another notable television role was as the Overseer Commander (or "Kleezantzun") in the first of the Alien Nation TV movies, Alien Nation: Dark Horizon (1994).
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The user also posted a meme depicting Tarrant, Patrick Crusius, and John T. Earnest as "chads". All three perpetrated racially and/or religiously motivated gun murders in 2019, including Crusius' attack on a Walmart in El Paso, Texas only a week earlier. Manshaus' posts also reportedly feature him describing himself as the "third disciple"; internet extremism researchers connect this with the rhetoric of Tarrant, suggesting the other 'disciples' would be Earnest and Crusius. Online, Manshaus has also praised Vidkun Quisling, who headed a domestic Nazi collaborationist regime during World War II, and expressed far- right, anti-immigration views.
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Similar protests were organized in Thessaloniki and smaller cities in northern Greece. A second general strike was organized by EAM on July 22, which rallied between 100,000 and 300,000 (or even 400,000 according to some sources) people in central Athens. A massive crowd attempted to march from Omonoia Square towards Syntagma Square along Panepistimiou Street, but came across a barricade put up by mechanized German army forces, Italian cavalry and Greek collaborationist police. The protesters were fired upon during their attempt to breach the barricade and were forced to withdraw, leaving behind 22 dead and several hundred wounded.
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By summer 1942, Auschwitz concentration camp was expanded to accommodate large numbers of deportees for killing or enslavement. Scores of other concentration camps and satellite camps were set up throughout Europe, with several camps devoted exclusively to extermination. Between 1939 and 1945, the Schutzstaffel (SS), assisted by collaborationist governments and recruits from occupied countries, was responsible for the deaths of at least eleven million non-combatants, including about 6 million Jews (representing two-thirds of the Jewish population of Europe), and between 200,000 and 1,500,000 Romani people. Deaths took place in concentration and extermination camps, ghettos, and through mass executions.
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Yann Goulet's Ballyseedy Memorial, County Kerry, Ireland After the liberation of France, Goulet travelled with his wife and children to Ireland, and was sentenced to death as a Collaborationist by a French court in his absence.Yann Goulet obituary He acquired Irish citizenship in 1952 and became an art professor. He was commissioned to create public works commemorating the IRA and other republicans, including the Custom House Memorial (Dublin), the East Mayo Brigade IRA Memorial, the Republican Memorial (Crossmaglen), and the Ballyseedy Memorial (Kerry). He exhibited regularly at the Royal Hibernian Academy, eventually becoming the RHA Professor of Sculpture.
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Most of the country was held by Italian forces, but strategic locations (Central Macedonia, the islands of the northeastern Aegean, most of Crete, and parts of Attica) were held by the Germans, who seized most of the country's economic assets and effectively controlled the collaborationist government. The puppet regime never commanded any real authority, and did not gain the allegiance of the people. It was somewhat successful in preventing secessionist movements like the Vlach "Roman Legion" from establishing themselves. By mid-1943, the Greek Resistance had liberated large parts of the mountainous interior ("Free Greece"), setting up a separate administration there.
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I. C. Filitti had an auspicious debut in diplomacy and politics, but his career was mired in controversy. A "Germanophile" by the start of World War I, he secretly opposed the pact between Romania and the Entente Powers, and opted to stay behind in German-occupied territory. He fell into disgrace for serving the collaborationist Lupu Kostaki as Prefect and head of the National Theater, although he eventually managed to overturn his death sentence for treason. Filitti became a recluse, focusing on his scholarship and press polemics, but was allowed to serve on the Legislative Council after 1926.
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Georgios Poulos (; 1889, Platanos, Aetolia-Acarnania – 11 June 1949) was a Greek Army colonel and Nazi collaborator during the Axis occupation of Greece during World War II. A longtime ultra-nationalist, Colonel Poulos was fanatically anti-monarchist and anti-communist. In 1943, he organised and led the Poulos Verband, the most feared collaborationist death squad in occupied- Greece. During 1944, his forces were reinforced by the Jagdkommando Schubert, a paramilitary unit raised in Crete by the notorious Friedrich Schubert. Poulos participated in Sonderkommando 2000, a German counter intelligence unit which aimed at infiltrating the Greek resistance movement.
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Kopisto took part in several spectacular military actions in Volhynia against the occupying German forces as well as the collaborationist units of the UPA. On the 20 January 1943 he was involved in the rescue of Polish prisoners of war from Wachlarz of the Armia Krajowa who were being held and tortured at the Pińsk prison. The first platoon of Cichociemni rescuers drove undetected through the prison gate in an Opel car, while dressed in the SS uniforms and shouting at the guards in German. Once inside the compound, they shot the commandant who refused to cooperate.
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Buenos Aires: M. Loboda, p. 57. In 1942 Natlačen played a key role in establishing the MVAC, a Slovene collaborationist militia that fought under the command of the Italian forces, having written in May 1942 a memorandum to the Italians suggesting the creation of such units. Natlačen was still the internal leader of the Slovene People's Party, when the party's army, the Slovene Legion, joined the Italian MVAC forces, to jointly fight against the Partisans. He was assassinated by the communist secret police (VOS, Security and Intelligence Service) at the order of the Communist Party of Slovenia.
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Commanders in the British-Indian Army like Wavell later highlighted the hardships this group of soldiers suffered, contrasting them with the troops of the INA. Many British soldiers held the same opinion., Hugh Toye and Peter Fay point out that the First INA consisted of a mix of recruits joining for various reasons, such as nationalistic leanings, Mohan Singh's appeals, personal ambition or to protect men under their own command from harm. Fay notes some officers like Shah Nawaz Khan were opposed to Mohan Singh's ideas and tried to hinder what they considered a collaborationist organisation.
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Although the Left Bloc failed to win a parliamentary majority, the Smallholders' left wing thwarted a coalition initiative from the two main opposition parties, and the previous government coalition remained in office. The remaining non-collaborationist Smallholders made a final attempt to take over the party at its congress in September, but the fellow-travelling leaders thwarted this.Hungary 1944-1953: Chronology The Institute for the History of the 1956 Revolution. The manageable Smallholder Lajos Dinnyés remained Prime Minister and dutiful fellow travelers from other parties were named to the cabinet for the sake of preserving the parliamentary facade.
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Roberts 1987, p. 24. Tito and Ivan Ribar at Sutjeska in 1943 Tito stayed in Belgrade until 16 September 1941 when he, together with all members of the CPY, left Belgrade to travel to rebel controlled territory. To leave Belgrade Tito used documents given to him by Dragoljub Milutinović, who was a voivode with the collaborationist Pećanac Chetniks. Since Pećanac was already fully co- operating with Germans by that time, this fact caused some to speculate that Tito left Belgrade with the blessing of the Germans because his task was to divide rebel forces, similar to Lenin's arrival in Russia.
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Upon the Republic of Macedonia seceding in 1991, the Serbian government declared that Macedonia was an "artificial nation" and Serbia allied with Greece against the Republic of Macedonia, even suggesting a partition of the Republic of Macedonia between Serbia and Greece. Milošević demanded the self-determination of Serbs in the Republic of Macedonia and did not recognize the independence of the Republic of Macedonia until 1996. Serbian nationalists claim that in Communist historiography, Serbs were transformed into oppressors, the Chetniks of World War II branded as collaborationist as the Ustaše, and the massacres of Serbs were downplayed.
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Wang continued to orchestrate politics within his regime in concert with Chiang's international relationship with foreign powers, seizing the French Concession and the International Settlement of Shanghai in 1943, after Western nations agreed by consensus to abolish extraterritoriality.Spence, Jonathan D. (1999) The Search for Modern China, W.W. Norton and Company. p. 449. . The Government of National Salvation of the collaborationist "Republic of China", which Wang headed, was established on the Three Principles of Pan-Asianism, anti-communism, and opposition to Chiang Kai-shek. Wang continued to maintain his contacts with German Nazis and Italian fascists he had established while in exile.
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Despite that some in the left-wing resistance claimed the government to be illegitimate, on account of its roots in the dictatorship of Ioannis Metaxas from 1936–41. The Germans set up a Greek collaborationist government, headed by General Georgios Tsolakoglou, before entering Athens. Some high-profile officers of the pre-war Greek regime served the Germans in various posts. This government however, lacked legitimacy and support, being utterly dependent on the German and Italian occupation authorities, and discredited because of its inability to prevent the cession of much of Greek Macedonia and Western Thrace to Bulgaria.
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In 1939–1940 he edited the collaborationist magazine Bielaruski front and established the Belarusian Independence Party. Hadleŭski's ideology was right-wing conservative and Christian, while most of the rest of the Belarusian national movement at that time was rather leftist, for example as the major West Belarusian political parties - the Belarusian Peasants' and Workers' Union and later the Communist Party of West Belarus. In June 1940 Vincent Hadleŭski moved to Warsaw where he worked at the German- organized Belarusian Committee. In October 1941 he became chief scholarly inspector of Minsk and organized education processes in the city's primary schools.
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As the Norwegian Campaign continued and work on the German airfield at Værnes in Central Norway progressed with the help of some 2,000 Norwegian collaborationist workers, attacks by the Luftwaffe increased in number and intensity. Honningsvåg was subjected to her first attack on 20 May when she was strafed by a single German aircraft while out on patrol in the Ranafjorden, suffering no damage. The next day Sandnessjøen was bombed while Honningsvåg was nearby. This time also being attacked with bombs, as well as strafed, Honningsvåg made evasive manoeuvres and returned fire with her two anti-aircraft machine guns.
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Soleri argued that opposition members should continue to attend parliamentary sessions in the forlorn hope that the large National Fascist majority might somehow break apart. The Liberal Party were able to hold a national party conference at Livorno during 4–6 October 1924. Soleri emerged as one of the leading exponents of an anti-fascist position, which put those liberals favouring a collaborationist stance firmly in the minority. In parliament the manipulated 1924 election had left the party with just 15 of the 535 seats. Mussolini's "National List" was able to dominate parliamentary proceedings with its 374 seats.
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Karl Streibel (11 October 1903 – 5 August 1986) was the second and last commander of the Trawniki concentration camp – one of the subcamps of the KL Lublin system of Nazi concentration camps in occupied Poland during World War II. Streibel was born in the area of Chiemgau in Oberbayern (Upper Bavaria). He joined the NSDAP and the SS at the age of 29, in November 1932. He was promoted to Obersturmführer just before the Nazi German invasion of Poland. He was appointed leader of Trawniki by Globocnik on 27 October 1941 to conduct training of the collaborationist auxiliary police a.k.a.
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239 Others perform review of different views and limit themselves to concluding that Francoism either was at least amicably tolerating the Carloctavistassee Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, pp. 13–16 or it was lending them at least non-financial forms of support."por un lado, de medidas gubernativas - instrucciones y órdenes a los transportistas - y medidas policiales - control de carreteras los días previos; y por otro, de actividades de contrapropaganda e intoxicación política", Aurora Villanueva Martínez, Organizacion, actividad y bases del carlismo navarro durante el primer franquismo [in:] Geronimo de Uztariz 19 (2003), p. 109 The collaborationist Octavista line is presented as genuine.
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The Nazi administration was assisted by fascist Flemish, Walloon, and French collaborationists. In binational Belgian territory, the predominantly French region of Wallonia, the collaborationist Rexists provided aide to the Nazis while in Flemish-populated Flanders, the Flemish National Union supported the Nazis. In Northern France, Flemish separatist tendencies were stirred by the pro-Nazi Vlaamsch Verbond van Frankrijk led by priest Jean-Marie Gantois. The attachment of the departments Nord and Pas-de-Calais to the military administration in Brussels was initially made on military considerations, and was supposedly done in preparation for the planned invasion of Britain.
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On 6 April 1941, following a botched Italian invasion in October 1940, Nazi Germany invaded Greece through Bulgaria and Yugoslavia. The Greek capital Athens fell on 27 April, and by June, after the capture of Crete, all of Greece was under Axis occupation. Most of the country was left to the Italian forces, while Bulgaria annexed northeastern Greece and German troops occupied the strategically most important areas. A collaborationist government was installed, but its legitimacy among the Greek people was minimal, and its control over the country compromised by the patchwork of different occupation regimes Greece was divided into.
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The SAC was officially created as a 1901 law association on 4 January 1960, in the proclaimed aim of providing unconditional support to de Gaulle's policy. It was then officially directed by Pierre Debizet, a former Resistant, but its real leader was Jacques Foccart, in charge of the African policy of France for several decades. The SAC recruited among the Gaullist movement, but also in the organized crime. Etienne Léandri, a friend of Charles Pasqua, was thus a former Collaborationist, reconverted in illegal drug trade and protected by the Central Intelligence Agency for his anti-communist activities.
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Ernest Peterlin Ernest Peterlin (11 January 190320 March 1946) was a Slovene military officer who rose to a senior position in the Royal Yugoslav Army prior to the Second World War.Married to Anja Roman Rezelj. A decided anti- Communist, during the war he became a prominent anti-Partisan military leader and one of the main exponents of the pro-Western faction of the Slovene Home Guard, an anti-Communist collaborationist militia active in parts of German- occupied Slovenia between 1943 and 1945. In 1945, he was tried and sentenced to death by the new Yugoslav Communist authorities and executed in 1946.
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Between September 1941 and July 1944 the SS employed thousands of collaborationist auxiliary police recruited as Hiwis directly from the Soviet POW camps. After training, they were deployed for service with Nazi Germany in the General Government and the occupied East. In one instance, the German SS and police inducted, processed, and trained 5,082 Hiwi guards before the end of 1944 at the SS training camp division of the Trawniki concentration camp set up in the village of Trawniki southeast of Lublin. They were known as the "Trawniki men" () and were former Soviet citizen, mostly Ukrainians.
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The French were less vigorous, for a number of reasons, than the other Western powers, not even using the term "denazification", instead calling it "épuration" (purification). They did not view it as critical to distinguish Nazis from non-Nazis, since in their eyes Germans were all to blame. At the same time, some French occupational commanders had served in the collaborationist Vichy regime during the war where they had formed friendly relationships with Germans. As a result, in the French zone mere membership in the Nazi party was much less important than in the other zones.
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However, the right to dig in the fortress was asked from both the pseudo-scientific organization Ahnenerbe and the Main Work Group Southeast of the Reichsleiter Rosenberg Taskforce. Pressured financially and politically, von Reiswitz felt he must side with one of them, so he arranged the participation of Ahnenerbe with organization's head Walther Wüst in October 1941. Based on this, collaborationist Minister for Education and Religion Velibor Jonić issued the "permit on monopoly" to Ahnenerbe's Secretary General Wolfram Sievers in February 1942. Austrian prehistorian was selected to conduct the survey, but he was killed in May 1942 near Kharkiv, Ukraine, before reaching Belgrade.
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178 Another was anti- collaborationist stand versus Francoism, increasingly unveiled and bluntwhich did not prevent Sivatte from addressing Franco. His 1966 note, demanding that the dictator cedes power to Carlism, is called by one historian "un quimérico golpe de fuerza", Ferrer Gonzàlez 2015, p. 151 as the regime was getting more and more liberal and public life was getting less and less censored.a 1967 RENACE statement read: "La indublamente cercana desaparición del viejo dictador desencadenará en España una grandísima conmoción social y política; a consecuencia de la egolátrica y pésima desorientación impuesta a los asuntos públicos capitales", quoted after Alcalá 2001, p.
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It participated at the Battle of Wuhan, although its primary duty was initially to be a garrison force for the Hangzhou area. Sakurai was promoted to major general in May 1938. From May 1939, he was attached to the staff of the Central China Expeditionary Army, and became Chief of Staff of the Thirteenth Army in September 1938. This army was based in Shanghai and surrounding provinces primarily a garrison force to maintain public order and to engage in counter-insurgency operations in conjunction with the collaborationist forces of the Reformed Government of the Republic of China.
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It took part in the arrests of Jews, labour service evaders, and members of the resistance. Their knowledge of the Breton language was prized, enabling the German authorities to intercept arms drops and infiltrate Breton resistance networks which used it to encode their communications. In March, their civilian clothing was replaced by the uniform of the Waffen-SS that lacked any Breton insignia. They were armed with submachine guns and operated in conjunction with the French collaborationist Selbstschutz Polizei. On 7 February 1944, it took part in the arrests of 37 suspected maquisards of whom 12 were later sent to concentration camps.
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The return of the Americans in spring 1945 was welcomed by nearly all the Filipinos, in sharp contrast to the situation in nearby Dutch East Indies. The collaborationist "Philippine Republic" set up by the Japanese under Jose P. Laurel, was highly unpopular, and the extreme destructiveness of the Japanese Army in Manila in its last days solidified Japan's image as a permanent target of hate. The pre-war Commonwealth system was reestablished under Sergio Osmeña, who became president in exile after President Quezon died in 1944. Osmeña was little-known and his Nacionalista Party was no longer such a dominant force.
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The legalization allowed his men to have a salary and an alibi provided by the collaborationist administration, while it provided the Nedić regime with more men to fight the communists, although they were under the control of the Germans. Mihailović also considered that he could, using this method, infiltrate the Nedić administration, which was soon fraught with Chetnik sympathizers. While this arrangement differed from the all-out collaboration of Kosta Pećanac, it caused much confusion over who and what the Chetniks were. Some of Mihailović's men crossed into Bosnia to fight the Ustaše while most abandoned the struggle.
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By 1939 he was a major, based at Septfonds in the south-west of France, and as a result did not see action during the German invasion of 1940. Following the French defeat in 1940, he served in the much-reduced "Armistice Army" in Vichy France. Following the German invasion of the Soviet Union in June 1941, Puaud accepted the collaborationist argument that "Bolshevism" was a greater threat to French interests than the Germans. In October 1941, he joined the Legion of French Volunteers Against Bolshevism (Legion des Volontaires Français Contre le Bolchevisme, LVF) as a battalion commander.
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Soviets evacuated Tallinn in late August with massive losses, and capture of the Estonian islands was completed by German forces in October. Memorial dedicated to the Jewish victims of the Holocaust in Estonia Initially many Estonians were hopeful that Germany would help to restore Estonia's independence, but this soon proved to be in vain. Only a puppet collaborationist administration was established, and occupied Estonia was merged into Reichskommissariat Ostland, with its economy being fully subjugated to German military needs. About a thousand Estonian Jews who had not managed to leave were almost all quickly killed in 1941.
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Some assistance was provided to the German authorities in the persecution of Belgian Jews by members of collaborationist political groups, either out of overt anti-Semitic sentiment or the desire to demonstrate their loyalty to the German authorities. The deportations were encouraged by the VNV and the in Flanders and both, like Rex, published anti-Semitic articles in their party newspapers. An association known as / ("The People's Defence") was specially formed to bring together Belgian anti-Semites and to assist in the deportations. During the early stages of the occupation, they campaigned for harsher anti-Jewish laws.
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In what was an odd twist-and-turn of the failed collaborationist policy, the dictator decided to play Valiente against Carlos Hugo and to strengthen his position by making him a parliamentary deputy. Don Javier demanded that the nominee decline the assignment, but Valiente was already determined to confront the Left-bound hugocarlistas. In a personal letter to the claimant, dated November 1970, he underlined his loyalty to the Traditionalist principles, implicitly suggesting that it was Don Javier who might have abandoned them. The open conflict lasted until 1971, but Valiente failed to gather enough support.
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War resumed, involving France and Germany, in September 1939: Schaul was interned at Saint-Jean-de-la-Ruelle near Orléans. He spent the next few years in a succession of internment camps, ending up by 1943 in the camp at Djelfa, a few hundred kilometers to the south of Algiers. The internment camp at Djelfa contained enemies identified by the collaborationist French government, who were mainly Communists, Jews, and former Spanish Civil War International Brigade members. In 1943 Schaul then became a member of a British Labour Corps in Algeria, following the Anglo- American military invasion of the entire region.
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The Chetniks and the Partisans carried captured Germans through Užice, autumn 1941. Initially, Mihailović's organisation was focussed on recruiting and establishing groups in different areas, raising funds, establishing a courier network, and collecting arms and ammunition. From the very beginning their strategy was to organise and build up their strength, but postpone armed operations against the occupation forces until they were withdrawing in the face of a hoped-for landing by the Western Allies in Yugoslavia. The pre-war Chetnik leader Pećanac soon came to an arrangement with Nedić's collaborationist regime in the Territory of the Military Commander in Serbia.
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In the spring and summer of 1942, Jevđević and Trifunović-Birčanin regularly toured villages in the Goražde, Kalinovik and Foča districts, encouraging the local civilians and Chetnik detachments to behave loyally towards the Italians. The Italians were unable to gain German support for their plan to use Chetnik groups as auxiliaries during the joint Italian-German anti-Partisan Operation Trio in April–May. In May, Jevđević met with German intelligence officers in Dubrovnik and was asked whether he would cooperate in the pacification of Bosnia. Mihailović was aware of and condoned the collaborationist arrangements entered into by Jevđević and Trifunović-Birčanin.
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Along with other collaborationist military and paramilitary units, the SDS was used against the Partisans operating within the occupied territory. In late 1941, prior to the formation of the SDS, the Serbian gendarmerie had participated in the German-led Operation Uzice, which drove the Partisans and Chetniks from the Užice area. The SDS routinely executed captured Partisans, and frequently took and murdered hostages in towns and villages. The SDS also included former members of the gendarmerie that had assisted German troops to round up hostages to be shot at both Kraljevo and Kragujevac in October 1941.
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In gratitude to the villagers of Ervik's rescue efforts the shipping company, Det Stavangerske Dampskibsselskab, donated in 1970 the ship's bell from Sanct Svithun to a memorial chapel built in Ervik that year, where it has since remained. The idea to build a memorial chapel had originally been proposed by Vidkun Quisling's collaborationist Nasjonal Samling administration. Although many Norwegians opposed the chapel plans Captain Alshager of Sanct Svithun supported the building of a memorial, stating that honouring the dead of the shipwreck had to be seen separately of the war in general. Alshager had captained Sanct Svithun from 1928 until her 1943 sinking.
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Although this gave him the opportunity to help many of his compatriots it also brought accusations of collaborating with the enemy. He conceived his book and associated film, De 1429 à 1942 ou De Jeanne d'Arc à Philippe Pétain ("1429 to 1942, or Joan of Arc to Philippe Pétain") as a tribute to France's past glories, but many saw it as honouring the collaborationist president of Vichy France, Marshal Pétain. In 1944 Guitry's fourth wife left him. In 1942 Guitry was named on a list of French collaborators with Germany to be killed during the war, or tried after it.
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For some extra depth, the interested reader might read Wannsee Conference as well. Nazi propaganda was produced in order to manipulate the public, the most notable examples of which were based on the writings of people such as Eugen Fischer, Fritz Lenz and Erwin Baur in Foundations of Human Heredity Teaching and Racial Hygiene. The work (Allowing the Destruction of Life Unworthy of Living) by Karl Binding and Alfred Hoche and the pseudo-scholarship that was promoted by Gerhard Kittel also played a role. In occupied France, the collaborationist regime established its own Institute for studying the Jewish Questions.
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The denazification was carried out in Germany and continued until the onset of the Cold War. Between 1939 and 1945, the Nazi Party led regime, assisted by collaborationist governments and recruits from occupied countries, was responsible for the deaths of at least eleven million people, including 5.5 to 6 million Jews (representing two- thirds of the Jewish population of Europe), and between 200,000 and 1,500,000 Romani people. The estimated total number includes the killing of nearly two million non-Jewish Poles, over three million Soviet prisoners of war, communists, and other political opponents, homosexuals, the physically and mentally disabled.
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Various Chinese pro-Japanese forces, such as the Collaborationist Chinese Army or the Inner Mongolian Army, used it. During this time due to high demand, Chinese small-arms factories—state-owned as well as those controlled by various warlords—were producing the ZB-26. During the Korean War, Chinese Communist forces employed the ZB-26 against UN forces, and PVA ZB gunners developed a well-deserved reputation for long-range marksmanship. During the First Indochina War with French and later South Vietnamese forces, the ZB-26 was found in the hands of both North Vietnamese Army and Viet Minh guerrillas.
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After the Fall of France during World War II and the start of Nazi Germany's occupation of France and of Vichy France, Bucard's Parti was again active (from 1941), now as a collaborationist force. Bucard called upon his Francists to give whatever support they could to the Germans, including military intelligence and information on the Resistance.Réquisitoire de M. le Procureur de la République Vassart in Quatre procès de trahison devant la cour de justice de Paris(Paris: Les éditions de Paris, 1947), p. 53. His role in the period was, however, limited, as he was usually absent since he suffered from old wounds.
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Gregorij Rožman (9 March 1883 – 16 November 1959) was a Slovenian Roman Catholic prelate. Between 1930 and 1959, he served as bishop of the Diocese of Ljubljana. He may be best-remembered for his controversial role during World War II. Rožman was an ardent anti-communist and opposed the Liberation Front of the Slovene People and the Partisan forces because they were led by the Communist party. He established relations with both the fascist and Nazi occupying powers, issued proclamations of support for the occupying authorities, and supported armed collaborationist forces organized by the fascist and Nazi occupiers.
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During a conversation with Leibbrandt, Truhin demanded that the Russian Liberation Army (ROA) be formed and insisted on the transformation of the war into a fight against the regime of Joseph Stalin. In early July he traveled to Abwehr's Warsaw office where he created three espionage training manuals for Russian collaborationist officers, returning to Zittenhorst on the 22nd. In October, Truhin joined the National Alliance of Russian Solidarists (NTS) becoming a member of its executive committee. In February 1943, Truhin conducted a meeting with Andrey Vlasov, accepting his offer of becoming the headmaster of ROA's Dabendorf school.
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The Kempeitai (Japanese Military Police Corps), Tokubetsu Kōtō Keisatsu (Special Higher Police), collaborationist Chinese police, and Chinese citizens in the service of the Japanese all worked to censor information, monitor any opposition, and torture enemies and dissenters. A "native" secret agency, the Tewu, was created with the aid of Japanese Army "advisors". The Japanese also established prisoner-of-war detention centres, concentration camps, and kamikaze training centres to indoctrinate pilots. Since Wang's government held authority only over territories under Japanese military occupation, there was a limited amount that officials loyal to Wang could do to ease the suffering of Chinese under Japanese occupation.
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They passed resolutions to declare a federation of Soviet Belarus and Soviet Russia, ceded significant territories of Belarus to Russia. On 27 June 1944, during the Nazi occupation of Belarus, the theatre hosted the Second All- Belarusian Congress convened by Belarusian political forces united around the collaborationist Belarusian Central Rada. The congress brought together 1,039 delegates representing various regions of Belarus, including Bielastok and Smalensk, and organisations of the Belarusian diaspora. The congress adopted resolutions condemning Soviet and Polish policies toward Belarus, reaffirming Belarus' status as an independent state, and declaring the Belarusian Central Rada as the temporary supreme Belarusian state body.
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In 2017, New York Mayor Bill de Blasio announced on Twitter that he intends to have Marshall Pétain's plaque removed from the Canyon of Heroes. This happened after a national debate over the propriety of Confederate monuments spilled over into a reassessment of monuments in general. Pétain was honored in 1931 for his service in World War I. After France's defeat by Germany, he advocated surrender rather than resistance; Pétain headed the Nazi collaborationist government of Vichy France from 1940-1944\. France itself has largely removed all commemoration for Pétain; the last street named after him was renamed in 2010.
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He was assigned as a secretary to the Public Relations Department of the central government, but maintained strong ties with the party's leftist clique, headed by Wang Jingwei and Liao Zhongkai. He strongly opposed Chiang Kai-shek’s Northern Expedition and Chiang Kai-shek’s conduct of the Second Sino-Japanese War. After Wang Jingwei broke ranks with the Kuomintang during World War II and established the collaborationist Reorganized National Government of the Republic of China, Zhou soon followed. Within the new government, Zhou became Vice President, Minister of Finance and had control over part of the Nanjing regime army.
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After the Italian invasion of Albania, the Royal Albanian Army, police and gendarmerie were amalgamated into the Italian armed forces in the newly created Italian protectorate of Albania. A fascist Albanian Militia was also formed, and in the Yugoslav part of Kosovo, they established Vulnetari (or Kosovars), a volunteer militia of Albanians from Kosovo. Ethnic Albanian elements of the Italian armed forces participated in the Italian invasion of Greece, and German-led Axis invasion of Yugoslavia. After Italy's capitulation, the Germans stepped in and established more collaborationist units such as police volunteer regiments and a national militia.
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Aleksandras Lileikis (10 June 1907 – 26 September 2000) was the chief of the Lithuanian Security Police in Vilnius during the Nazi occupation of Lithuania and a perpetrator of the Holocaust in Lithuania. He signed documents handing at least 75 Jews in his control over to Ypatingasis būrys, a Lithuanian collaborationist death squad, and is suspected of responsibility in the murder of thousands of Lithuanian Jews. After the Soviet occupation of Lithuania, he fled to Germany as a displaced person. Refused permission to immigrate to the United States because of his Nazi past, he worked for the Central Intelligence Agency in the early 1950s.
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The idea for the British Free Corps came from John Amery, a British fascist, son of the serving British Secretary of State for India, Leo Amery. John Amery travelled to Berlin in October 1942, and proposed to the Germans the formation of a British volunteer force to help fight the bolsheviks. The British volunteer force was to be modelled after the Légion des volontaires français contre le bolchévisme (Legion of French Volunteers against Bolshevism), a French collaborationist force fighting with the German Wehrmacht. In addition to touting the idea of a British volunteer force, Amery actively tried to recruit Britons.
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Voglis, 2006: p. 23 In mid- September 1941, when the famine was imminent, Berlin responded to enquiries of German officials in Greece:Wever, Goethem, Wouters, p. 208 Under these conditions, and contrary to the rational exploitation of the national resources applied to the occupied countries in Western and Northern Europe, the Germans in Greece resorted to a policy of plunder. Although the collaborationist government under Georgios Tsolakoglou requested from the Axis to import grain before the winter this didn't have any serious impact: Germany and Italy sent a very low amount of grain while Bulgaria sent nothing at all.
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" Giesbert then goes on to say "Maurice Pinot, the head of department for the welfare of POWs, was a member of the resistance... and the services of his department became subversive, helping prisoners escape from camps in Germany.""Le commissaire général aux Prisonniers de guerre, Maurice Pinot, est acquis à la résistance [...] Et les services constituent une sorte d'organisation subversive qui aide les prisonniers à s'évader d'Allemagne." However, in January 1943, the department became overtly pro-Nazi. The historian C. Lewin says that "the attitude of those working in the POW department from the beginning was anti-German and therefore anti- collaborationist.
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The Quisling regime or Quisling government are common names used to refer to the fascist collaborationist government led by Vidkun Quisling in German- occupied Norway during the Second World War. The official name of the regime from 1 February 1942 until its dissolution in May 1945 was Den nasjonale regjering (). Actual executive power was retained by the Reichskommissariat Norwegen, headed by Josef Terboven. Given the use of the term quisling, the name Quisling regime can also be used as a derogatory term referring to political regimes perceived as treasonous puppet governments imposed by occupying foreign enemies.
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In November 1931, General Ma Zhanshan chose to disobey the Kuomintang government's ban on further resistance to the Japanese invasion and attempted to prevent Japanese forces from crossing into Heilongjiang province by defending a strategic railway bridge across the Nen River near Jiangqiao. This bridge had been dynamited earlier by Ma's forces during the fighting against pro-Japanese collaborationist forces of General Zhang Haipeng. A repair crew, guarded by 800 Japanese soldiers, went to work on 4 November 1931, but fighting soon erupted with the 2,500 Chinese troops nearby. Each side charged the other with opening fire without provocation.
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Having had his plot exposed Ďurčanský took advantage of the ratlines in operation to escape to Argentina. He had for some time been under the protection of British agent Kim Philby and when he was appointed Senior Liaison Officer to the United States and Canada in 1949 he attempted to arrange for Ďurčanský to be moved to North America. However at this point the Central Intelligence Agency had thrown its weight behind a moderate group called the Czech Democrats and rejected the chance to work with a Slovak separatist with a collaborationist background.Aarons & Loftus, Ratlines, p.
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Ethnic Kalmyks were likewise blamed for not evacuating their cattle in time and defecting into the collaborationist Kalmykian Cavalry Corps. The latter was formed in Germany during the spring of 1943 from Kalmyk men taken by the Germans as forced laborers and defectors among prisoners of war. Marshal of the Soviet Union Georgy Zhukov later cited reports about the alleged disintegration of the 110th Cavalry Division coming from the 37th and 51st Armies during a session of the State Defense Committee. Those reports are believed to have served as the catalyst behind the 27 December 1943 decision to deport Kalmyks to Siberia.
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Robert Hagelin Robert Hagelin (2 August 1884 – 5 January 1960) was a Norwegian politician for the Conservative Party. Born in Bergen, he moved to Ålesund in 1915 to become the owner and manager of the factory Aalesunds Margarinfabrikk.Robert Hagelin -- Norwegian Social Science Data Services (NSD) He was a member of Ålesund city council from 1925 to 1928, and served as a deputy representative to the Norwegian Parliament during the term 1931-1933, representing the Market towns of Møre og Romsdal county. He was brother of Albert Viljam Hagelin, Minister of the Interior in the collaborationist Quisling regime.
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One faction within the group, led by the architect Olier Mordrel and the sculptor Yann Goulet had moved from the politically neutral statement neither red nor white, just Breton to outright nationalism, fascism and collaboration, hoping that a German victory would bring independence to Brittany. Both became members of the Breton National Party, which declared its support for Germany on the outbreak of war. During the occupation of France, Mordrel and others were involved in setting up collaborationist ventures. 1942 saw the birth of the Institut celtique, absorbing members of Seiz Breur and a diverse range of Bretons.
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In the last months of World War II, he attempted to reconcile nationalist factions fighting in occupied Yugoslavia, such as the Montenegrin separatist leader Sekula Drljević, Slovene collaborationist leader Leon Rupnik and Chetnik leader Draža Mihailović, in order to form an anti- communist coalition to combat the powerful Yugoslav Partisans and the Red Army. Alajbegović remained Foreign Minister until 6 May 1945, when he fled Zagreb together with other high-ranking NDH officials. He fled Yugoslavia and sought sanctuary in Krumpendorf, Austria. He then moved to Salzburg, where he was arrested by Allied forces on 6 September 1945.
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Dem. Theodorescu (most common rendition of Demetru Theodorescu or Teodorescu, first name also Mitică; October 26, 1888 – April 11, 1946) was a Romanian journalist, humorist, and critic, remembered for his social-themed novels but also for his controversial political stances. A committed opponent of the National Liberal Party establishment, Theodorescu frequented the avant-garde and socialist circles. During World War I, he transformed himself into a supporter of the Central Powers, and lived the occupation of Romania as a collaborationist. Like his friend Tudor Arghezi, he was imprisoned on a verdict of treason, but pardoned in December 1920.
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Hans Fredrik Dahl (born 16 October 1939) is a Norwegian historian, journalist and media scholar, best known in the English-speaking world for his biography of Vidkun Quisling, a Nazi collaborationist and Minister President for Norway during the Second World War. His research is focused on media history, the totalitarian ideologies of the 20th century, and the Second World War. He served as culture editor of Dagbladet 1978–1985 and has been a board member of the paper since 1996. He was a professor at the University of Oslo 1988–2009, and is now a professor emeritus.
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In 1937, the collaborationist puppet government under Japanese occupation renamed the district "Nanshi" (literally the "southern city"). In 1945, upon recovering Shanghai at the end of World War II, the Republic of China government split Nanshi district into Yimiao District and Penglai District. In 1959, the People's Republic of China government re-combined the two districts into Nanshi District. (Between 1961 and 1993, the docklands on the Pudong (eastern) side of the river was part of Nanshi District.) In 2000, Nanshi District was merged into Huangpu District, thus ending the separate existence of the Old City as an administrative division.
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At the end of World War II, the Communist authorities pursued a strict set of policies which could be deemed as a form of denazification, only more similar to the Soviet style than to the American style. People who collaborated with the Ustaše were often court-martialled at the end of the war, and there were extrajudicial killings of collaborationist troops that refused to surrender. Trials against suspected collaborators continued long after the end of the war. In the 1980s, Andrija Artuković was extradited to Yugoslavia from the United States, and prosecuted in SR Croatia where he died in a prison hospital.
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He urged them to pray regularly and warned that poor battlefield results and failure to gain the support of the Serbian public came as a result of the "wavering religiosity and faith" of commanders and their frequent cursing of God's name. Ljotić criticized the widespread practice of alcoholism, gambling and sexual decadence found among volunteers. He condemned acts of unnecessary violence when they were reported to him. On 15 July 1942, Mihailović sent a telegram to the Yugoslav government-in-exile asking them to publicly denounce Ljotić, Nedić and the openly collaborationist Chetnik leader Kosta Pećanac as traitors.
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In February 1944, the 2nd Battalion of the 5th SDK Regiment was sent to Montenegro to assist Đurišić's Chetniks, in accordance with Ljotić's plans. Of the 893 men who were sent, 543 were killed in action fighting the Partisans. On 6 September, Mihailović took control of several Serbian collaborationist formations, including the SDK. Ljotić sent Ratko Parežanin, a Zbor member and editor of Naša Borba, and a detachment of 30 men to Montenegro to persuade Đurišić to withdraw his Chetniks towards German-held Slovenia, where Ljotić had a plan to mass Serbian forces and launch an attack against the NDH.
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During the summer of 1944, the head of the local resistance organization, Napoleon Zervas, asked the Cham Albanians to join EDES in its fight against the left- wing ELAS, but their response was negative. After that and in accordance to orders given specifically to EDES by the Allied forces to push them out of the area, fierce fighting occurred between the two sides. According to British reports, the Cham collaborationist bands managed to flee to Albania with all of their equipment, together with half million stolen cattle as well as 3,000 horses, leaving only the elderly members of the community behind.Hermann Frank Meyer.
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On 16 July 1942 in Paris, Paul, a young student on the Left Bank, hears that the French authorities are rounding up the Jewish inhabitants of the city for deportation. To make a gesture against the evil of the German occupation and the collaborationist French régime, he goes to a Jewish quarter on the Right Bank determined to save someone. French police are there in force, herding Jewish people out of apartments and hustling them into commandeered buses. They already have the names and addresses, and can easily recognise Jewish people by the compulsory yellow star sewn to their clothes.
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His debut came on 3 November 1940 versus Germany in Zagreb. He would only play in three matches before the Nazi Germany invasion and quick dismemberment of Yugoslavia put an end to Yugoslav football activities. Đanić's last match in Yugoslavia jersey was also Kingdom of Yugoslavia's last ever outing - a match versus Hungary on 23 March 1941 in Belgrade. Soon after the Royal Yugoslav Army defeat, and the establishment of Croatian Nazi-puppet state (NDH) under collaborationist Ustashe regime, Đanić played first game for NDH football team in Vienna on 15 June 1941 versus Nazi Germany.
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After having had to give up his maritime career for health reasons, and supported by Boris de Schloezer, René Forgeot graduated from the École Supérieure d'Électricité. The following are texts, haunted by the theme of blood, gas and deportations, which appear during the war, notably in the reviews of Pierre Seghers, Poésie, by , Fontaine and René Tavernier, Confluences. In full German occupation of France, the author said that Le pressoir mystique could not be put into all hands: in fact, the collaborationist Pierre Drieu La Rochelle expressed some reservations. The whole situation set Noël Devaulx among the rank of the greatest.
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In Internal Affairs, Romsée began encouraging an overtly collaborationist policy in his department, encouraging Burgomaster positions to be given to pro-Nazi members of the right-wing and VNV parties in Wallonia and Flanders respectively. Many existing Burgomasters were dismissed on a variety of pretexts in order to clear the path for the new candidates. He also appointed the pro-German Emiel Van Coppenolle (also a friend of Romsée) to the head of the Belgian police service. These measures gave the pro-German members of the Committee direct control over the country's local government, its police force and security service.
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Towards the end of the war, the militias of collaborationist political parties also began to participate actively in reprisals for attacks or assassinations by the resistance. These included both reprisal assassinations of leading figures suspected of resistance involvement or sympathy (including Alexandre Galopin, head of the Société Générale, who was assassinated in February 1944) or retaliatory massacres against civilians. Foremost among these was the Courcelles Massacre, a reprisal by Rexist paramilitaries for the assassination of a Burgomaster, in which 20 civilians were killed. A similar massacre also took place at Meensel-Kiezegem, where 67 were killed.
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General Milan Nedić, a pre-war politician who was known to have pro-Axis leanings, was then selected by the Germans to lead the collaborationist Government of National Salvation in the German occupied territory of Serbia. Over the course of the Uprising in Serbia in the summer of 1941, the communist-led Partisans killed approximately 300 Russian émigrés and injured many more, sometimes in acts of vengeance. In response, local Russians began to organize themselves into self-defense units. At the time, there were an estimated 10,000 Russian men within the borders of Yugoslavia, the majority of whom lived in occupied Serbia.
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Throughout its existence it maintained good relations with the Nedić administration. While guarding facilities, members of the Corps were largely assigned to manning brick bunkers, protecting the railway in the Ibar River valley, the Bor, Trepča, Majdanpek, and Krupanj mines, as well as the borders of the occupied territory along the Danube and Drina rivers. They were often deployed alongside various Serbian collaborationist forces such as the Serbian State Guard (SDS) and the Serbian Volunteer Corps (SDK), with whom they were most closely allied. The Corps also closely cooperated with the Croatian fascist Ustaše when operating in the neighbouring NDH.
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Authors in Serbia at the end of the eighties increasingly claimed that Sajmište was located on the territory of the Independent State of Croatia. Most often, the intention was not to "transfer" victims of this camp to Croatia, but to point out that the collaborationist government in Serbia had no influence on the events in this camp since Sajmište was under German administration and on the territory of another state. According to some authors in Serbia, Nedic's government in Belgrade cannot bear responsibility for the Holocaust. This argument was also used by the collaborators in post-war trials.
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The Archbishop of Athens Damaskinos ordered his priests to ask their congregations to help the Jews and sent a strong-worded letter of protest to the collaborationist authorities and the Germans. Many Orthodox Christians risked their lives hiding Jews in their apartments and homes, despite the threat of imprisonment. Even the Greek police ignored instructions to turn over Jews to the Germans. When Jewish community leaders appealed to Prime Minister Ioannis Rallis, he tried to alleviate their fears by saying that the Jews of Thessaloniki had been guilty of subversive activities and that this was the reason they were deported.
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One way that Holtermann wanted to directly support the main war effort in Norway was to bombard Værnes Air Base, the northernmost airfield in German hands and vital for the support of German forces north of Trondheim. This was particularly so for the Narvik front, which could not be reached by aircraft flying from further south than Værnes. Recognising this, the Germans had hired some 2,000 Norwegian collaborationist labourers to work full-time at expanding and improving the air strip. Bombarding Værnes would both have disrupted this work and impaired the bombing raids being flown against Norwegian forces fighting further to the north.
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National Radical Organization () was a Polish collaborationist pro-Nazi organization, founded following the 1939 German invasion of Poland by Andrzej Świetlicki and Stanisław Trzeciak. In March 1940, NOR co-organized with Germany a series of assaults on houses and shops of Warsaw Jews, known as the Easter pogrom. During the incidents, NOR representatives appealed to the Polish society for participation in pogroms, joining the organization and collaboration with the Nazis against the Soviet Union. The organization even justified the defeat in the September campaign as a fault of the Sanation and accepted the loss of Western lands.
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Kita Seiichi became an infantry officer in 1907 and was military attaché to England in 1927. He served in several staff positions in China, until March 9 1940 when he became commander of the IJA 14th Division, based in Northern China. In the late 1930s he was placed in command of the Japanese special intelligence services operating in north China, which had the role of managing contact with local Chinese collaborators. As part of this, he tried to recruit such figures as former warlords Cao Kun and Wu Peifu to head the collaborationist regime the Japanese established in the region.
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Some members were attracted to these new ideas, most notably Jacques Doriot. A member of the presidium of the Executive Committee of the Comintern from 1922 onwards, and from 1923 onwards the secretary of the French Federation of Young Communists, later elected to the French Chamber of Deputies from Saint-Denis, he came to advocate an alliance between the Communists and SFIO. Doriot was then expelled in 1934, and with his followers. Afterwards he moved sharply to the right and formed the French Popular Party, which would be one of the most collaborationist parties during the Vichy regime.
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Recruits to the collaborationist forces increased in numbers following joining of Chetnik groups loyal to Pećanac. By their own postwar account, these Chetniks joined with the intention to destroy Tito's Partisans, rather than supporting Nedić and the German occupation forces, whom they later intended to turn against. In late 1941, the main Chetnik movement of Mihailović ("Yugoslav Army in the Fatherland") was increasingly coming to an understanding with Nedić's government. After being dispersed following conflicts with Partisan and German forces during the First Enemy Offensive, Chetnik troops in the area came to an understanding with Nedić.
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The government responded with more restrictive laws governing public order and security. Algerian Muslims rallied to the French side at the start of World War II as they had done in World War I. But the colons were generally sympathetic to the collaborationist Vichy regime established following France's defeat by Nazi Germany. After the fall of the Vichy regime in Algeria (November 11, 1942) as a result of Operation Torch, the Free French commander in chief in North Africa slowly rescinded repressive Vichy laws, despite opposition by colon extremists. Poster to garner Algerian support for the struggle in France during World War 2.
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Citizens of Liechtenstein were also forbidden from entering Czechoslovakia during the Cold War. Liechtenstein gave asylum to approximately five-hundred soldiers of the First Russian National Army (a collaborationist Russian force within the German Wehrmacht) at the close of World War II; this is commemorated by a monument at the border town of Hinterschellenberg which is marked on the country's tourist map. The act of granting asylum was no small matter as the country was poor and had difficulty feeding and caring for such a large group of refugees. Eventually, Argentina agreed to permanently resettle the asylum seekers.
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Thousands, though the exact number is unknown, fled from Buddhist-majority regions to eastern Bengal and northern Arakan with many being killed or dying of starvation. The Muslims in response conducted retaliatory raids from British-controlled areas, massacring scores of Buddhists and causing many Buddhists to flee to southern Arakan. Aye Chan, a historian at Kanda University in Japan, has written that as a consequence of acquiring arms from the Allies during World War II, Rohingyas tried to destroy the collaborationist Arakanese villages instead of resisting the Japanese. Chan agrees that hundreds of Muslims fled to northern Arakan though states that the accounts of atrocities on them were exaggerated.
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Del Burgo served in Comisión de Leyes Fundamentales,ABC 03.06.58, available here though there is no information available on his stand versus the constitutional laws discussed. Though re-appointed in 1961,see Indice Historice de Diputados service, available here. he did not have his ticket prolonged in 1964; according to some sources, he resigned due to differences with Francoism.Diario de Navarra 25.10.05, Garralda Arizcun 2008 Don Carlos Hugo As a former radical aetista and an active collaborationist, he would have seemed a potential ally for the new generation of Carlist progressists, also revolutionary, socially-minded, AET members and apparently keen to exploit possibilist opportunities within Francoism.
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This was first done in secrecy. German SS- Obergruppenführer Gottlob Berger was later appointed as DeVlag's president, and the bond between the two organizations was thus made official. DeVlag's orientation towards the SS brought it into a conflict with the Flemish National Union (Vlaams Nationaal Verbond, VNV), the main collaborationist organization in German-occupied Flanders, which had originally supported the "cultural" activities of DeVlag. The VNV was a Flemish nationalist movement, which envisioned an independent Flanders, or perhaps Dietsland, in a German- dominated Europe, while Van de Wiele considered Dutch merely a German dialect and the Flemish people a part of the German race.
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During the course of the occupation, Evert and the German Sicherheitsdienst jointly provided protection to illegal casinos and gambling establishments operating throughout the country. Both received kickbacks for their services while the lion's share of the profits were used to pay the salaries of collaborationist spies. Following the end of the occupation Evert assisted the authorities in the capture and imprisonment of 48 underground casino owners. Over the next few years he was active in several fronts, supporting the Resistance and maintaining contacts with the Greek government in exile at Cairo, all the while cooperating with the German occupation authorities in the hunting of communists.
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A secret clause of the Tanggu Truce excluded any of the Anti-Japanese Volunteer Armies from the Peace Preservation Corps.Fenby, Chiang kai Shek pp,282 This effectively meant that the Japanese Army was able to dominate the Peace Preservation Corp with demobilized troops from the collaborationist proxy Chinese armies which had participated in the Battle of Rehe and the subsequent attack on the Great Wall and the intrusion into Hebei. Some 1,000 men were recruited into the Corps from the former troops of warlord Shih Yusan and a further 2,000 men from the forces of Li Chi-chun.Jowett,Rays of the Rising Sun, pg.
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Welcomed into the ranks of left-wing Poporanism by 1906, he proposed a radical land reform and prophesied the peasants' revolt of 1907. The early stages of World War I, with Romania maintaining neutrality, saw Rosetti campaigning for the Central Powers. He advised against any alliance with the Russian Empire, being fearful of Pan- Slavism and supportive of the Romanian claims in Bessarabia. He was disappointed when the country sided with Russia, and remained behind in Bucharest when it was occupied by the Central Powers; with Carp and other Conservatives, he organized a collaborationist bureaucracy, and served in it as Ephor of the Civilian Hospitals.
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Arnold Gohr (12 October 1896 – 23 January 1983) was a German clerical worker who became a trades unionist and activist. After 1945 he entered mainstream politics in East Berlin. As the Soviet occupation zone evolved into a Soviet sponsored one-party dictatorship, he never joined the ruling party, remaining instead a leading "collaborationist" member of the eastern version of the Christian Democratic Union (CDU party). He became a party chairman and served between 1948 and 1958 as "deputy lord mayor" ("stellvertretender Oberbürgermeister") of Berlin, a period during which the increasingly divided city's constitutional status and future were contentious and ambiguous on a number of different levels.
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When the government on 10 July learned that the armistice was not yet put into effect in Somaliland, President Philippe Pétain sent General Gaëtan Germain as his personal representative to correct the situation. Germain arrived at Asmara on 14 July. On 19 July the local conseil d'administration (administrative council) voted unanimously (with the exception of Legentilhomme) to remain loyal to Pétain's collaborationist government at Vichy. Germain then negotiated the resignation of Legentilhomme and convinced the armistice commission then being set up that it was inadvisable and impractical to demilitarise French Somaliland, in which approximately 8,000 soldiers (with tanks and airplanes) thus remained on guard.
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375–395 In contrast, Bertram Gordon used the terms "collaborator" and "collaborationist" for non-ideological and ideological collaborations, respectively.Bertram N. Gordon, Collaborationism in France during the Second World War (Cornell University Press, 1980) James Mace Ward has asserted that, while collaboration is often equated with treason, there was "legitimate collaboration" between civilian internees (mostly Americans) in the Philippines and their Japanese captors for mutual benefit and to enhance the possibilities of the internees to survive.Ward, James Mace (May 2008), "Legitimate Collaboration: The Administration of Santo Tomas Internment Camp and its Histories, 1942-2003," Pacific Historical Review, Vol 77, No. 2, p. 159, 195-200.
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The main collaborationist regime in Yugoslavia was the Independent State of Croatia, a puppet state semi-independent of Nazi Germany. Leon Rupnik (1880–1946) was a Slovene general who collaborated as he took control of the semi-independent region of the Italian-occupied southern Slovenia known as the Province of Ljubljana, which came under German control in 1943.Stevan K. Pavlowitch, Hitler's new disorder: the Second World War in Yugoslavia (2008) p. 142 The main collaborationists in East Yugoslavia were the German-puppet Serbian Government of National Salvation established on the German-occupied territory of Serbia, and the Yugoslav royalist Chetniks, who collaborated tactically with the Axis after 1941.
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50,000 to 80,000 were killed during this period. Serbia became the second country in Europe, following Estonia, to be proclaimed Judenfrei (free of Jews). Approximately 14,500 Serbian Jews – 90 percent of Serbia's Jewish population of 16,000 – were murdered in World War II. Collaborationist armed formations forces were involved, either directly or indirectly, in the mass killings of Jews, Roma and those Serbs who sided with any anti-German resistance or were suspects of being a member of such. These forces were also responsible for the killings of many Croats and Muslims; however, some Croats who took refuge in Nedić's Serbia were not discriminated against.
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At about this time a collaborationist government was being established in the town to administer the southern half of France, but it is not apparent whether either Turroni's presence in the town or his arrest were in any way connected with these developments. He was imprisoned at Saint-Pierre till 29 July 1940, when he was transferred to the internment camp at Villemagne (Gard). It was probably at the end of August that he was moved again, this time to the collection camp for foreigners (Centre de rassemblement des étrangers) at Remoulins. On 22 October 1940 he was moved to the Le Vernet concentration camp.
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The capital of Nanjing fell in December 1937. It was followed by an onslaught of mass murders and rapes known as the Nanjing Massacre. The national capital was briefly at Wuhan, then removed in an epic retreat to Chongqing, the seat of government until 1945. In 1940 the collaborationist Wang Jingwei regime was set up with its capital in Nanjing, proclaiming itself the legitimate "Republic of China" in opposition to Chiang Kai-shek's government, though its claims were significantly hampered due to its nature as a Japanese puppet state controlling limited amounts of territory, along with its subsequent defeat at the end of the war.
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Braving the ban by Adolphe Duparc on celebrating nationalist anniversaries during the occupation, he organised the members of Bleun-Brug in Tréguier on the 29 and 30 August to celebrate the 500th anniversary of the death of Duke Jean V of Brittany. In October 1942, he was named a member of the Comité Consultatif de Bretagne (CCB), a non-elected council put in place by Regional Prefect Jean Quénette to put forward proposals relating to Breton language and culture. In July 1941, Perrot took part in the German-sponsored effort to unify the writing of Breton. Perrot sympathised strongly with the collaborationist Breton National Party.
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On 10 August, the Ionian Islands, except Kythira, were annexed by Italy as part of the Grande Communità del Nuovo Impero Romano (Great Community of the New Roman Empire). On 16 August, Parini replaced Corfu mayor Spyridon Kollas with lawyer Gerasimos Tryfonas, to sever all administrative ties between the islands and the Greek mainland and the collaborationist government in Athens. Parini ruled as de facto dictator imposing new laws or ignoring existing ones as he pleased. Parini encouraged the migration of Italians to the islands, expanded and legalized the underground Fascist organizations, and promoted his policies through a radio station and the official newspaper Jonica, later replaced by Gazzetta Jonica.
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They narrowly missed being killed by a direct hit on the castle by German bombers and fled to Zita's brother Prince Xavier's French Castle in Bostz. With the assumption of power by the collaborationist government of Philippe Petain, the Habsburgs fled to the Spanish border, reaching it on 18 May. They moved on to Portugal where the U.S. Government granted the family exit visas on 9 July. After a perilous journey they arrived in New York City on 27 July, having family in Long Island and Newark, New Jersey; at one point, Zita and several of her children lived, as long-term house-guests, in Tuxedo Park, at Suffern, New York.
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Between late February and early April 1945, the Allied forces, primarily consisting of the United States Army's 33rd Infantry Division, with assistance from regiments of the Philippine guerrilla force United States Army Forces in the Philippines – Northern Luzon, advanced towards Baguio. By late March, the city was within range of American artillery. President José P. Laurel of the collaborationist Second Philippine Republic, having moved to Baguio from Manila in December 1944, departed Baguio on 22 March, reaching Taiwan on 30 March; the remainder of the Second Republic government in the Philippines, along with Japanese civilians, were ordered to evacuate Baguio on 30 March. Yamashita and his staff relocated to Bambang.
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Patch worn by RONA soldiers. The SS Sturmbrigade RONA (Русская освободительная национальная армия, РОНА; in Latin, RONA), nicknamed the "Kaminski Brigade" after its commander, SS- Brigadefuhrer Bronislav Kaminski, was a collaborationist force originally formed from a Nazi-led militia unit in the Lokot Autonomy, a small puppet regime set up by the Germans to see if a Russian puppet government would be reliable. Kaminski and the leader of the government, Konstantin Voskoboinik, killed by partisans in 1942, formed a unit that had a strength of 10,000—15,000. As the Red Army advanced, the Kaminski troops were forced to retreat into Belarus, and then into Poland in 1944.
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It was the only group of armed Serbs that the Germans ever trusted during the war, its units often being praised for valour in action by German commanders. The SDK often helped the Gestapo track down and round up Jewish civilians who had managed to evade capture by the Germans and was involved in sending Jewish prisoners to the Banjica concentration camp. On 15 July 1942, Chetnik leader Draža Mihailović sent a telegram to the Yugoslav government-in-exile asking them to publicly denounce Ljotić, Nedić and the openly collaborationist Chetnik leader Kosta Pećanac as traitors. The Yugoslav government-in-exile responded by doing so publicly over BBC Radio.
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Georges Bénézé (1888–1978) was a French philosopher with a scientific background, which enabled him to temper the French critics of Einstein's Relativity theory during the 1920s. Bénézé was a disciple and editor of French philosopher Alain. Having completed his higher education as a student of the École normale supérieure (Paris), he taught Hegel's philosophy in a number of provincial lycées, most notably in Poitiers where Jean Hyppolite was a student, then became Professor of Lycée Henri-IV starting in 1936. A regular contributor to L'Œuvre, a collaborationist paper of Vichy France, Bénézé was sentenced to Indignité nationale by virtue of the 1944 Ordonnances, and then fired from public employment.
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University Press of New England, 1981, , p. 58 Moreover, during the armed conflicts between ELAS and EDES in Athens, a propaganda war was launched with ELAS accusing EDES of collaboration, mainly due to gaining plausibility from the explicit exemption of EDES from German propaganda attacks. EDES was accusing ELAS of having a soviet perspective and for committing crimes against non-communists. On the other hand, Stylianos Gonatas, initially a political leader of EDES in Athens, won the peculiar enmity of the organization because he supported the collaborationist Security Battalions and encouraged young officers to join their ranks, which led to hostility of the EAM groups towards him.
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An attempt to re-float Ning Hai by the Japanese in April, 1938 was unsuccessful with two salvage divers killed. An attempt on 4 May 1938 was successful, and the hulk was towed to Shanghai for basic repairs. Originally the Japanese planned for the vessel to be the flagship of the collaborationist navy established by the Nanjing Nationalist Government, but instead opted to have her towed to Sasebo Naval District, where on 11 July the vessel was re- classified as the training vessel and coastal defense ship . However the ship was moored permanently at Sasebo as barracks hulk from July 1938 to December 1943.
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The Archbishop of Athens Damaskinos ordered his priests to ask their congregations to help the Jews and sent a strong-worded letter of protest to the collaborationist authorities and the Germans. The Greek police occasionally ignored instructions to turn over Jews to the Germans. At Thessaloniki, individual policemen rescued their friends, while in Athens the chief of police, Angelos Evert and his men actively supported and rescued Jews. At Zakynthos, the commandant ordered Metropolitan Bishop Chrysostomos and Mayor Lucas Carrer to submit a list with the names of all the Jews that lived on the island, together with details of their assets within 24 hours.
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It was now that Didier selected a new target: René Bousquet, the collaborationist police chief in the Pétain government. Bousquet was (and despite never having been tried and convicted, still is) widely thought to have been the principal organiser of the "Vel' d'Hiv Roundup", the "26 August 1942 Roundup" six weeks later, the "Marseilles Roundup" of January 1943 and of other actions supporting the elimination of Jews in occupied Europe. On the morning of 8 June 1993 Cristian Didier lit a candle to Saint Joan of Arc. He then made his way to the apartment bloc in which Bousquet had his Paris home on the Avenue Raphaël in the 16th arrondissement.
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Vidkun Quisling and Oliver Møystad (behind Quisling, in a dark uniform) inspecting Rikshirden Oliver Møystad (15 June 1892 - 28 June 1956) was a Norwegian engineer, farmer and forest owner. During the Norwegian Campaign in April 1940 he commanded Norwegian troops at the Battle of Midtskogen. During the German occupation of Norway, he served as leader of the collaborationist security police from 1941 to 1943, and Hirden from 1942 to 1944. After the war, Møystad was sentenced for treason to 10 years of forced labor and NOK 150,000 in fines during the legal purge in Norway after World War II. He was released in 1950.
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With the other members of Dorothy's party laughing it up and having their own affairs, Brrr soon meets two old bachelors; Mister Mikko, an Ape, and Professor Lenx, a Boar of some kind. The three Animals discuss current events and past events. They soon rile Brrr up to retrieve money from the banks of Oz for them. The Lion soon becomes a broker for Animals, retrieving their money that is held in the banks since before they were forced to leave Oz. The forces of Oz soon discover that Brrr is bringing money into the Free State of Munchkinland and try him for being a Collaborationist.
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Radio Paris was a French radio broadcasting company best known for its Axis propaganda broadcasts in Vichy France during World War II. Radio Paris evolved from the first private radio station in France, called Radiola, founded by pioneering French engineer Émile Girardeau in 1922. It became Radio Paris on March 29, 1924, and remained so through June 17, 1940, transitioning to state ownership in December 1933 as the premier station in the country. It kept its name from July 1940 until August 1944, but the station was then run by Nazis and French collaborators. From 1940, collaborationist voices on Radio Paris included Jacques Doriot and Philippe Henriot.
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Lef Nosi was chosen as the Orthodox representative. Representing the Sunni Muslims, the Germans were able to attract Fuat Dibra, a landowner from new Albania who, like Nosi, had a long and distinguished record. Unlike the others, Dibra had served in the collaborationist cabinet of Mustafa Kruja, but in November 1942 he had been elected to the central committee of the Balli Kombëtar and was therefore something of a catch for the Germans, he was replaced by Cafo Beg Ulqini. Albanian Catholics were represented by the prior of the Franciscans in Shkodër, Father Anton Harapi, who maintained connections with both the Kosovars and the Albanian partisans.
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In 1922, the Jingsui Railway (Beijing−Hohhot, now part of the Beijing–Baotou Railway) took delivery of 46 2-8-2 locomotives from ALCo, which they numbered 301−346. After the Japanese established the puppet Provisional Government of the Republic of China, this and other privately owned railways in the territory of the collaborationist government were merged in 1938 to form the North China Transportation Company to manage all railway and bus transportation in the territory. As a subsidiary of the South Manchuria Railway, North China Transport used the same classification system for locomotives as the SMR did, under which these engines were designated Mikana (シカナ) class.
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In February 1953, he was elected mayor of Ravenel, Oise, and in January 1956 he ran for a deputy seat in the Assemblée Nationale as a radical candidate. He was elected with the support of French Section of the Workers' International (SFIO) and Democratic and Socialist Union of the Resistance (UDSR). However, on 18 April 1956 his election caused a heated debate at the Assemblée Nationale due to his collaborationist past. The Assemblée Nationale cancelled his election, but on 25 October 1956 he was reelected. As a deputy, Hersant championed a reform of the constitution of 1946, altering the articles 45, 46, 47, 48 and 52.
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German announcement of killing 2,300 civilians in Kragujevac massacre as retaliation for 10 killed and 26 wounded Wehrmacht soldiers. The Kragujevac massacre was the murder of Serbs, Jewish and Roma men and boys in Kragujevac, Serbia, by German Wehrmacht soldiers on 20 and 21 October 1941. All males from the town between the ages of sixteen and sixty were assembled by German troops and members of the collaborationist Serbian Volunteer Command (SDK) and Serbian State Guard (SDS), including high school students, and the victims were selected from amongst them. On 29 October 1941, Felix Benzler, the plenipotentiary of the German foreign ministry in Serbia, reported that 2,300 people were executed.
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In February 1941, non-Jewish Dutch citizens staged a strike in protest that was quickly crushed. From July 1942, over 107,000 Dutch Jews were deported; only 5,000 survived the war. Most were sent to Auschwitz; the first transport of 1,135 Jews left Holland for Auschwitz on 15 July 1942. Between 2 March and 20 July 1943, 34,313 Jews were sent in 19 transports to the Sobibór extermination camp, where all but 18 are thought to have been gassed on arrival. France had approximately 300,000 Jews, divided between the German-occupied north and the unoccupied collaborationist southern areas in Vichy France (named after the town Vichy).
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There were dilemmas, however; as president of the film censorship board, Morand had to ban for moral reasons a film for which he had written the script. He divided his time between Paris and Vichy, moving freely between the occupied and collaborationist sections of France. In 1941, he rallied against the hedonism of the French, championing the virtues of patriotism, vitality, and the [Nietzschean] "feeling of life" demonstrated by the Nazis. Morand and his pro-German wife welcomed into their Paris mansion the artists sanctioned and lauded by the Nazi regime, such as Arno Breker, Hitler's favorite sculptor, and Ernst Jünger, whose novels glorified warfare.
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The diaries kept by Conservative politico Alexandru Marghiloman, who was himself close to the collaborationist lobby, claim that Luca was well liked by the German overseers: invited to the Athénée Palace festivities in honor of military governor August von Mackensen (October 1917), Luca is said to have caught negative attention from the German-appointed Police chief Alexandru Tzigara-Samurcaș, who wondered why the presence of such "nippers" was required.Boia, p. 203 Marghiloman also recorded an incident of December 1917, during which Luca, as Arion's chief of staff, humiliated Tzigara-Samurcaș when he requested a Police presence at one of his Culture Ministry functions directly from his German commanders.Boia, pp.
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Jacques Barnaud in 1941 Jacques Barnaud (born 24 February 1893 in Antibes – died 15 April 1962 in Paris) was a French banker, businessman and member of the collaborationist Vichy regime during the Second World War. A graduate of the École Polytechnique, Barnaud worked for the Banque Worms as an executive from 1928 to 1939.Richard Vinen (2002) The Politics of French Business 1936–1945, Cambridge University Press. p. 230. He was enthusiastic about the Vichy regime and following the appointment of François Darlan as Prime Minister of France in February 1941, Barnaud was brought into the government as Delegate General for Franco-German Economic Relations.
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In 1937, when the Second Sino-Japanese War erupted, Sun resurfaced once again, commanding troops against the Japanese, taking command of the Hebei-Chahar Guerillas in 1938. He was eventually appointed as general of the NRA's 5th Army, but alongside his superior Pang Bingxun defected to the Japanese in 1943. Joining Wang Jingwei's Reorganized National Government of the Republic of China, he was given command of Collaborationist Chinese Army's 6th Group Army District which guarded the southern Beijing–Hankou railway, and was made a member of its National Military Council. In August 1943 his troops were defeated by PLA forces in the Linnan Campaign.
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Most of the Jews in Topoľčany, Slovakia were killed in the Holocaust, which was perpetrated jointly by the collaborationist Slovak State and Nazi Germany. A few hundred survived and returned to the town after the war. Their efforts to regain property that had been "aryanized" increased the hostility and antisemitism of the non-Jewish Slovaks, who began to mount a campaign of intimidation to encourage the Jews to renounce their claims and leave the country. More than 40 Jews were injured in a September 1945 riot, referred to as the Topoľčany pogrom, which became the best known instance of postwar anti-Jewish violence in Slovakia.
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After his father's death, Piet succeeded him in the Flemish socialist politics of Brussels. Notwithstanding what German occupiers had done to his father, he vehemently protested the execution of Flemish collaborationist August Borms. From 1947 to 1949, he was Minister for Internal Affairs. He again became a minister for Internal affairs in 1954 and for four years had to defend the secularist school policies of the Liberal-Socialist coalition under Prime Minister Achille Van Acker in the face of Roman Catholic opposition, at one time controversially forbidding Belgian Radio to report on a large-scale demonstration against the new school laws proposed by Education minister Leo Collard.
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A map of Greater Albania during World War II, with territories annexed to Albania-proper shown in light yellow. The Holocaust in Albania consisted of crimes committed against Jews in Greater Albania by German, Italian, and Albanian collaborationist forces while Albania was under Italian and German occupation during World War II. Throughout the war, nearly 2,000 Jews sought refuge in Albania-proper. Most of these Jewish refugees were treated well by the local population, despite the fact that Albania-proper was occupied first by Fascist Italy, and then by Nazi Germany. Albanians often sheltered Jewish refugees in mountain villages and transported them to Adriatic ports from where they fled to Italy.
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Moreover, Japan conscripted many soldiers from its colonies of Korea and Taiwan. Collaborationist security units were also formed in Hong Kong (reformed ex-colonial police), Singapore, the Philippines (also a member of the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere), the Dutch East Indies (the PETA), British Malaya, British Borneo, former French Indochina (after the overthrow of the French regime in 1945 (the Vichy French had previously allowed the Japanese to use bases in French Indochina beginning in 1941, following an invasion) as well as Timorese militia. These units assisted the Japanese war effort in their respective territories. Germany and Italy both had limited involvement in the Pacific War.
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There also exists information that, while working at the Institute of Experimental Medicine, Bohatyrchuk provided a cover to a Jewish female employee (a sister of the Kiev master Boris Ratner), thereby saving her from execution or deportation to a concentration camp. At a later stage of the war, Bohatyrchuk signed the Prague Manifesto, and became viewed by the Soviet authorities as a Nazi collaborator. When the Soviet forces counterattacked and moved into Kiev, Bohatyrchuk, together with his family, migrated to Cracow, then to Prague, in 1944. There he joined the Committee for the Liberation of the Peoples of Russia, an anti-communist, collaborationist militia headed by the Russian general Andrey Vlasov.
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Italian troops entering Patras in May 1941 On 6 April 1941, following a botched Italian invasion in October 1940, Nazi Germany invaded Greece through Bulgaria and Yugoslavia. The Greek capital Athens fell on 27 April, and by June, after the capture of Crete, all of Greece was under Axis occupation. Most of the country was left to the Italian forces, while Bulgaria annexed northeastern Greece and German troops occupied the strategically most important areas. A collaborationist government was installed, but its authority with the Greek people was minimal, and its control over the country compromised by the occupation authorities, who created a patchwork of separate jurisdictions.
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As early as the autumn 1941, the first stirrings of a resistance movement were registered, with attacks on isolated Gendarmerie stations in Macedonia in northern Greece. The establishment of large-scale resistance organizations, most notably the communist-dominated National Liberation Front (EAM) and its military wing, the Greek People's Liberation Army (ELAS), which proceeded apace in 1942, began to challenge not only the collaborationist government's organs, but also the Italian occupation troops. On 29 January 1943, ELAS partisans entered the Macedonian town of Siatista, attacked the local Gendarmerie station and disbanded it. Lieutenant Thomas Venetsanopoulos and ten more gendarmes even joined the ELAS forces.
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Within the group, Pevtschin helped transmitting messages to London, providing false identity papers and establishing contacts with other Resistance networks. Pevtchin was also instrumental in organizing the logistics for the publication of La Libre Belgique, one of the most notable underground newspapers published in German- occupied Belgium. In the aftermath of the assassination of the collaborator Paul Collin, leading journalist and editor-in-chief of the Rexist collaborationist newspapers "Le Nouveau Journal" and "Cassandre", Pevtschin was arrested by the Gestapo on 21 May 1943. She was sentenced to six years of hard labor for her activities in La Libre Belgique and for her role in the Collin assassination.
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Having abandoned his ambitions of a Vlach state, he founded a pro-German collaborationist organization Organization of Pioneers of New Europe (OPNE). In late 1943 or early 1944, he followed Diamandi's footsteps, fleeing to Romania. Following King Michael's Coup, the Romanian Communist Party seized power in the country, sentencing Matussis to 20 years in prison on a Danube island. In 1964, following his requests and also the request of the Greek government, he was released to the hands of Greek authorities, who put him to prison and took him to court, accused of treason (like several members of the "Roman Legion" in the courts just after the war in 1945–1947).
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At the same time, the VNV came under increasing pressure from smaller and more radical collaborationist groups within Flanders which emerged during the first months of German occupation. These included the Algemeene-SS Vlaanderen and DeVlag which adopted an explicitly pro-German and Nazi ideology which threatened to outflank VNV's support from the German authorities. In September 1940, the Algemeene-SS Vlaanderen announced its intention to recruit Flemish volunteers for the Waffen-SS, initially sent to the SS-Division Wiking. This began a "race" in Flanders to recruit volunteers for the German army although the VNV was initially reluctant to join because it feared it would lose control over its recruits.
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It was published again from 1941, and its ultra-collaborationist stances attracted the harsh criticism of Maurras, who repudiated the paper. Je suis partout triumphed as the voice of far right forces, and published calls for the murder of Jews and Third Republic political figures: "The death of men to which we owe so many mournings... all French people are demanding it" (6 September 1941). It exercised an influence over an intellectual and young audience, going from 46,000 issues in 1939 to 250,000 in 1942. Robert Brasillach was its editor-in-chief from June 1937 to September 1943 (he was to be executed for treason in 1945).
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Born on Salamis Island on 10 September 1909, Spyridon Avgeris entered the Hellenic Navy Academy on 9 October 1925 and graduated on 10 October 1929 as a Line Ensign. He was promoted to su- lieutenant on 13 October 1933, and lieutenant on 27 October 1937. He served aboard various warships, and specialized in naval artillery, attending the Gunnery School in 1937. During the Greco-Italian War and the subsequent German invasion of Greece (1940–41) he served as commander of a naval anti-aircraft battery at Mount Aigaleo. Following the Axis occupation of Greece, he served in 1941–42 in the collaborationist government's Ministry of National Defence.
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During the summer of 1944, the head of the local resistance organization, Napoleon Zervas, asked the Cham Albanians to join EDES in its fight against the left-wing ELAS, but their response was negative. After that and in accordance to orders given specifically to EDES by the Allied forces to push them out of the area, fierce fighting occurred between the two sides. According to British reports, the Cham collaborationist bands managed to flee to Albania with all of their equipment, together with half million stolen cattle as well as 3,000 horses, leaving only the elderly members of the community behind.Hermann Frank Meyer. Blutiges Edelweiß: Die 1.
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However, as Laval moved France closer to the Nazi regime, the PPF ceased to be as useful to the Nazis as advocates of greater collaboration. As a result, the PPF was politically marginalized and their role as critics of the regime was diminished, although it did not cease entirely. By the end of the war, the PPF had virtually ceased to function as a political party, the attention of its leader and many of its members turning more directly to participation in the Nazi war effort. The PPF and the collaborationist Rassemblement national populaire (RNP) also established the Comité ouvrier de secours immédiat in March 1942.
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However, during a period of Chiang-Wang cooperation, he was named Minister of Industry by the Kuomintang government from 1932–36. Some of the fundamental national economic policies he helped set in this period remained in practice under various Chinese political regimes until the 1970s.Zanasi As director of the Kuomintang Sichuan branch, he helped organize the evacuation of the Kuomintang government to Chongqing after the start of the Second Sino-Japanese War. However, he remained politically aloof to Chiang Kai-shek and, after Wang Jingwei broke ranks with the Kuomintang and established the collaborationist Wang Jingwei Government, Chen soon followed despite his initial opposition.
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Serbian collaborationist organizations the Serbian State Guard and the Serbian Volunteer Corps, the party militia of the extreme right-wing Yugoslav National Movement "Zbor", lead by Dimitrije Ljotić, had over 30,000 members and helped guard and run concentration camps, and fought the Yugoslav Partisans alongside the Germans. There was over 1000 Serbs in the mainly Volksdeutsche Waffen-SS Prinz Eugen division by 1944.Otto Kumm: VORWÄRTS, PRINZ EUGEN! – Geschichte der 7. SS-Freiwilligen-Division "Prinz Eugen", Munin-Verlag, Coburg 1978, page 79 Civilians collaborated to deport Jews to work camps in The General Government, resulting in Serbia being the second fully "judenfrei" country in Europe.
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Sinhala Buddhist Revivalists such as Anagarika Dharmapala started linking 'Protestant' Buddhism to Sinhalese-ness, creating a Sinhala-Buddhist consciousness, linked to the temperance movement. This cut across the old barriers of caste and was the beginning of a pan- Sinhala Buddhist identity. It appealed in particular to small businessmen and yeomen, who now began to take centre stage against the Mudaliyars, an anglicised class of new elites created by the British rulers. The collaborationist compradore elements of the elite, led by S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike, F.R. Senanayake and D.S. Senanayake succeeded the populists led by Dharmapala from the leadership of the temperance movement.
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Baert's recent work lies at the intersection between the sociology of intellectuals and intellectual history. The Existentialist Moment explains the sudden rise of Sartre as a public intellectual in the mid-1940s.Baert, Patrick (2015) In this book Baert describes the reshaping of the intellectual and cultural field in France during WWII and he shows how Sartre was able to present a neat vocabulary to make sense of and come to terms with the trauma of the war. Baert pays particular attention to the trials of French collaborationist intellectuals in which the notion of responsibility loomed large – a notion which also became central in the broader cultural realm at the time.
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Radio Nationale, commonly called Radio-Vichy, was a radio station operated by the Vichy government of France between 6 July 1940 and 26 August 1944. The armistice of 22 June 1940 signed by officials of Nazi Germany and the French Third Republic outlawed all French radio broadcasts in Nazi-occupied France and made those active in the Zone libre subject to special authorization. Philippe Pétain, leader of the collaborationist Vichy state, obtained from the Germans the creation of two radio stations in the Zone libre: Radio nationale in 1940 and La Voix de la France in 1941. Radio Nationale broadcast from the Vichy Casino, hence its nickname Radio-Vichy.
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Pro-Nazi journalists from the antisemitic weekly Je suis partout—Alain Laubreaux and Lucien Rebatet, working under the direction of Jean-Louis Tixier-Vignancour—were among the founders, and gave through their programs an extremist image of the Vichy regime among the French, contradicting the initial Pétainist strategy. As the head of Radio-Vichy, Tixier-Vignancour offered a large broadcast time to collaborationist Marcel Déat. Concerned not to shock the listeners with excessive propaganda, Pierre Laval eventually dismissed the team in September 1940. Laval entrusted the direction of information to René Bonnefoy, who became in charge of developing the themes of the Révolution Nationale over the radio.
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This cut off all imports to Greece, including foods. Farmers in Greece had to pay a 10% in kind tax on their produce and to sell to the collaborationist government at fixed prices all production above the subsistence level. The food price controls and rationing that had been in place before the Greek defeat were now tightened. With the low government prices and newly imposed taxes, farmers went to great lengths to hide their produce from the officials and traders pulled their merchandise from the shelves, a factor that added to the severing of the foreign trade routes on which Greece traditionally dependeded for food imports.
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Flag of Nasjonal Samling The establishment of Quisling's national government was proclaimed at Akershus Fortress. On the left side of the hall are German officers, on the right Quisling (third from right) and several of his ministers With the establishment of Quisling's national government, Quisling, as minister-president, temporarily assumed the authority of both the King and the Parliament. In 1942, after two years of direct civilian administration by the Germans (which continued de facto until 1945), he was finally put in charge of a collaborationist government, which was officially proclaimed on 1 February 1942. The official name of the government was "Den nasjonale regjering" ().
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Some 627 villages were razed in eastern Poland by the SS with the help of collaborationist battalions including Belarusian, Ukrainian and others, during 60 pacification and 80 punitive operations there. History of Belarus, mid 18th century until the 20th century (Historia Białorusi od połowy XVIII do XX w.) The battalions of Belarusian Home Defence (BKA) alone massacred some 30,000 Jews during pacification of villages. Collective punishment was used during such operations to discourage offering shelter to Soviet POWs and providing aid to any guerrilla forces. Pacifications included the extermination of entire villages including women and children, expulsions, the burning of homes, confiscation of private property, and arrests.
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The Red International of Labor Unions (RILU) (Russian: Красный интернационал профсоюзов—Krasnyi internatsional profsoyuzov), commonly known as the Profintern, was an international body established by the Communist International with the aim of coordinating Communist activities within trade unions. Formally established in 1921, the Profintern was intended to act as a counterweight to the influence of the so-called "Amsterdam International", the Social Democratic International Federation of Trade Unions, an organization branded as class collaborationist and an impediment to revolution by the Comintern. After entering a period of decline in the middle 1930s, the organization was finally terminated in 1937 with the advent of the Popular Front.
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The Government of Vichy France was the collaborationist ruling regime or government in Nazi-occupied France during the Second World War. Of contested legitimacy, it was headquartered in the town of Vichy in occupied France, but it initially took shape in Paris under Maréchal Philippe Petain as the successor to the French Third Republic in June 1940. Pétain spent four years in Vichy and after the Allied invasion of France, fled into exile to Germany in September 1944 with the rest of the French cabinet. It operated as a government-in-exile until April 1945, when the Sigmaringen enclave was taken by Free French forces.
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The Battle of Meligalas () took place at Meligalas in Messenia in southwestern Greece, on 13–15 September 1944, between the Greek Resistance forces of the Greek People's Liberation Army (ELAS) and the collaborationist Security Battalions. During the Axis occupation of Greece, ELAS partisan forces began operating in the Peloponnese from 1942, and in 1943 began to establish their control over the area. To confront them, the German occupation authorities formed the Security Battalions, which took part not only in anti-guerrilla operations but also in mass reprisals against the local civilian population. With the liberation of Greece drawing near in 1944, the Security Battalions were increasingly targeted by ELAS.
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In September 1941, the Germans gave Ljotić permission to form the Serbian Volunteer Detachments, which were later renamed the Serbian Volunteer Corps (SDK). Ljotić was publicly denounced as a traitor by the Yugoslav government-in-exile and Chetnik leader Draža Mihailović in July 1942. He and other Serbian collaborationist officials left Belgrade in October 1944 and made their way to Slovenia, from where they intended to launch an assault against the Independent State of Croatia (NDH). Between March and April, Ljotić and Mihailović agreed to a last-ditch alliance against the Communist-led Yugoslav Partisans and their forces came together under the command of Chetnik General Miodrag Damjanović on 27 March.
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Many Belarusians chose to cooperate with the invaders in order to achieve that goal, assuming that Nazi Germany might allow them to have their own independent state after the war ended. The Belarusian organizations never received any administrative control over the territory of Belarus, the real power was in the hands of the German civil and military administrations. The collaborationist Belarusian Central Rada, presenting itself as a Belarusian governmental body, was formed in Minsk a few months before Belarus was taken over by the Soviet Army. Before the war, a Belarusian National Socialist Party was formed by a small group of Belarusian nationalists in Poland-controlled West Belarus in 1933.
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On 22 October, the Grand Anti-Masonic Exhibition opened in Belgrade, organized by Zbor with German financial support. The exhibition sought to expose an alleged Judeo-Masonic/Communist conspiracy for world domination through several displays featuring anti-Semitic propaganda. Serbian collaborationist newspapers such as Obnova (Renewal) and Naša Borba (Our Struggle) wrote positively of the exhibit, declaring Jews to be "the ancient enemies of the Serbian people" and that "Serbs should not wait for the Germans to begin the extermination of the Jews." The latter newspaper, Naša Borba, had been established by Ljotić earlier in the year and its title echoed that of Hitler's Mein Kampf (My Struggle).
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While the retreat of collaborationist troops through the NDH was easy, there were exceptions. In November, the Ustaše removed between thirty and forty SDK officers from transports moving through Zagreb, after which they were summarily executed. In December, Ljotić arranged for the release of Nikolaj Velimirović and Serbian Orthodox Patriarch Gavrilo Dožić from the Dachau concentration camp. Velimirović had been imprisoned by the Germans in July 1941 on the suspicion that he was a Chetnik sympathizer and Ljotić had written several letters to German officials that summer, urging them to release the Bishop on account that he had allegedly praised Hitler before the war.
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Miljanić was born in 1930 in Bitola, a town his geometer father Akim Miljanić had found employment in and moved the family to two years earlier in 1928. Previously, in 1922, Akim had come to Belgrade from Montenegro's Banjani area in order to study at the newly opened Geodesy School. The family also consisted of mother Zorka and sisters Mira and Nada. In 1941, with Nazi Germany invading, conquering, and dismembering Kingdom of Yugoslavia into territories administered by newly-established local collaborationist regimes or neighbouring Axis powers states, the Miljanićs were forced into fleeing Bitola by the occupying Bulgarian force that had been given Vardar Banovina.
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98 In addition to engaging German military and police targets, according to Bogdan Musial Soviet partisans also targeted the poorly armed and trained Belarusian and Polish self-defense units (some of these units were formed with Nazi encouragement and were viewed as collaborationist).Review of Sowjetische Partisanen in Weißrußland by Bogdan Musial, by Marek Jan Chodakiewicz, in Sarmatian Review, April 2006 Additionally, Soviet partisans were instructed to opportunistically use the Nazis against Polish non-communist resistance by feeding the German forces information on Poles.Bogdan Musiał, Memorandum Pantelejmona Ponomarienki z 20 stycznia 1943 r. "O zachowaniu się Polaków i niektórych naszych zadaniach", Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość, Pismo Instytutu Pamięci Narodowej, Warszawa, 1.09.
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The LSP targeted Jews and suspected Jews, supporters of Jews, people evading imprisonment in the ghettos, escapees from ghettos, or those who violated the Nazi racial laws. The activities of the LSP offices in major cities (Vilnius, Kaunas) and in the provinces differed in principle. The LSP officers in major cities would most often study more complicated cases of political and strategic character, thus not directly participating in mass killings of the Jews. After interrogations, the Jews were handed over either to the Gestapo or to another Lithuanian collaborationist force named Ypatingasis būrys, which then transported them to the mass murder site of Paneriai or to other places of mass execution.
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In 1946 he visited London and witnessed the House of Commons proceedings. When asked for comparison between the Commons and the Cortes, he responded that “aquí hablan, y nosotros declamamos; aquí discuten, y nosotros disputamos”, La Vanguardia Española 14.04.46, available here However, Palomino at least maintained correspondence with party heavyweights. When in 1956-1958 the official Carlism turned a corner and changed its non-collaboration stand versus Francoism to cautious rapprochement, Palomino was on good terms with leaders of both currents, the departing leader Manual Falin a 1957 letter to Palomino Fal Conde criticised the collaborationist wave in the party, Mercedes Vázquez de Prada, El final de una ilusión.
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Presidential standard of the collaborationist Vichy Regime De Gaulle and Spears held the view that the British at GHQ in Cairo were unwilling to accept that they had been duped over the level of collaboration between Germany and the Vichy-controlled states in the Levant. The British military authorities feared that a blockade of the Levant would cause hardship and thus antagonise the civilian population. However, Spears pointed out that the Vichy French were already unpopular with the local population – ordinary people resented being lorded over by defeated foreigners. He urged aggressive propaganda aimed at the Vichy French in support of the Free French and British policy.
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Universal Newsreel about distribution of food to the Greek people in 1944 German economic exploitation led to rampant inflation: 200,000,000-drachma banknote, issued in September 1944 Greece suffered greatly during the occupation. The country's economy had already been devastated from the 6-month long war, and to it was added the relentless economic exploitation by the Nazis."Secret Not for Publication: Famine and Death Ride into Greece at the Heels of the Nazi Conquest", Life, 3 August 1942, pp. 28-29. Raw materials and food were requisitioned, and the collaborationist government was forced to pay the cost of the occupation, giving rise to inflation.
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He was involved in the persecution of Yugoslavia's communists even before the outbreak of World War II. Executions occurred frequently at Vujković's whim and he rarely asked for approval from German or Serbian authorities to carry out murders. He purportedly ordered the killing of prisoners even in cases where the Ministry of Interior decided against execution. Vujković is reported to have begged the Germans to "personally shoot twenty young girls who were ordered for shooting" on one occasion. Despite this, neither he nor any other Serbs holding positions of power in the camp were reprimanded or removed from their posts by the Serbian collaborationist government.
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The army in the north of the Yangtze River grew from 7000 to 10000 people. At the beginning of 1941, after the New Fourth Army incident,General Zhang Yunyi (张云逸大将), written by Hong Liang (洪亮), Page 191 Zhang Yunyi acted as the Deputy Commander of the New Fourth Army and the division commander of the second division. In 1945, from August 9 to 22, under the direction of Zhang Yunyi, the military and civilians of central China emancipated 17 counties and more than 200 towns. More than 12,000 soldiers of the Collaborationist Chinese Army were killed, thus winning the initial victory of the war.
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The Easter Pogrom was a series of assaults on the Jewish populations of Warsaw and Kraków, Poland, between 22 and 30 March 1940, while Poland was occupied by the Germans in World War II. The incident was provoked by an allegation of a murder of a child who had stolen from Jews. The story caused violence against Jews despite appeals from Polish underground organizations for calm. The worst excesses took place in Warsaw's Powiśle and Praga districts. About 500 persons participated in the riots, including activists and sympathizers of the Polish collaborationist, pro-Nazi National Radical Organization (NOR). NOR's activists used the slogan, “Long live Poland without Jews.
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In Paris she worked on distribution for the "illegally" produced German language Communist newspaper "Volk und Vaterland" and for the Comintern. Following the outbreak of the Second World War in the later summer of 1939, France was invaded by the German army in May/June 1940: the northern part of the country was directly occupied while the south was administered by a collaborationist government. In this context large numbers of exiled German communists in Paris were identified as enemy aliens and arrested in the summer of 1940. Paula Nuding was one of these, and was taken to the internment camp at Rieucros in the south.
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Following the end of the war Bourantas was tried by the Special Collaborationist Court of Athens, with proceedings beginning on 20 November 1945. The chief of City Police Angelos Evert, among other high- ranking police officials, testified in Bourantas' defense. The trial ended with an acquittal of the accused, with the judge D. Golfinopoulos claiming that evidence provided by the persecution was inconclusive. Golfinopoulos judged that the violent suppression of anti-Axis demonstrations was conducted by the Bourantades in order to prevent Axis units from taking matters in their own hands, thus avoiding greater bloodshed, while on the occasion Bourantas followed orders while acting under duress.
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The involvement of the collaborationist units raised in the Soviet Union in the Holocaust was never mentioned. Initially, when Operation Barbarossa was launched in 1941, the peoples of the Soviet Union were portrayed in Nazi propaganda as untermenschen (subhumans) who were threatening "European civilization", and for whom there was to be no sympathy or compassion for. From 1943 onward there was a change in Nazi propaganda as the peoples of the Soviet Union with the exception of the Jews were portrayed as oppressed by the "Jewish Bolsheviks" whom Germany was fighting to liberate. Both strands of Nazi propaganda found their way into the "clean Wehrmacht" myth.
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After his liberation, Tixier- Vignancour unsuccessfully tried to join the French Expeditionary Corps in Italy. Caught up with his collaborationist past, he was quickly arrested by the French Committee of National Liberation and declared ineligible to hold public office for ten years on 4 December 1945. In 1948, Tixier-Vignancour became the lawyer of French novelist Louis-Ferdinand Céline, accused of "collaboration with the enemy" for his antisemitic and pro-occupation writings. He obtained Céline's amnesty on 26 April 1951, after he presented his client under his real name, Louis-Ferdinand Destouches, with no judge able to draw a relationship between Destouches and his pen name, Céline.
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While most of Greece was occupied by Axis Powers in World War II, resistance movements were created by Greeks while the collaborationist Ohrana battalions were constituted from among the Slavophone population. After Greece was occupied by Italy, Germany and Bulgaria, different guerrilla bands and movements were formed across all of northern Greece,. Some of them fought against the occupation, like Napoleon Zervas and his National Republican Greek League (EDES), while others were collaborationists, like the Ohrana, many of whom later joined the Slavic- Macedonian National Liberation Front (SNOF).There was also the Greek People's Liberation Army (ELAS), a partisan army headed by the Communist Party of Greece (KKE).
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Following the outbreak of the Greco-Italian War on 28 October, he led the Corps in battle until 11 December, when he was transferred to command V Army Corps until 6 March 1941, when he returned to I Corps. With the German invasion of Greece a month later and the capitulation of the Greek Army, he became a member of the first collaborationist government under Lt. General Georgios Tsolakoglou, serving as Minister of the Interior until 20 September 1941. Following the liberation of the country in 1944, he was tried by a court-martial, and dismissed from the Army in 1946. He died on 14 November 1960.
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By the mid-1920s he rose to be head of production at Terra Film before breaking away to set up his own production company in 1928 Glass' lover the actress Ruth Werner appeared in a number of his films but was unable to marry him until he had secured a divorce from his first wife. Following the Nazi takeover of power in Germany in 1933, Glass' production companies were shut down and he was forced to go into exile in France. Glass again worked as a producer, but ran into further trouble following the German invasion of France during the Second World War. In 1942 the collaborationist Vichy Government stripped him of his citizenship.
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During the political trials of 1936 he was a defense lawyer for various leftist student organizations. This role probably contributed to him being placed on a "black list" of Polish intellectuals constructed by Lithuanian collaborators for German Nazi authorities after Wilno was occupied by Germans in 1941. As a result, he was subject to repression during the German occupation, first by being forced out of his house, then along with other Polish professors he was fired from Wilno university. Finally, he was arrested by the Lithuanian Security Police, a Lithuanian Nazi collaborationist police force (also known as Saugumas), and executed by them along with other Polish scientists and professors during the Ponary massacre.
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In April 1942 Goyeneche travelled to Europe as a diplomat, ostensibly to attend a function of the "Hispanic Council", supposedly a cultural group established by Francisco Franco but in fact a front group set up by Enrique Ruiz Guiñazú and Mario Amadeo to send men into Axis territory. Goyeneche went to Madrid where he met with the Argentine ambassador Adrián Escobar and consul Aquilino López and the following the month the three crossed into France where they held a meeting with Pierre Laval, president of the collaborationist Vichy regime.Goñi, The Real Odessa, p. 5 In Paris Goyeneche made contact with Schutzstaffel officer Herbert Knochen who agreed to arrange for Goyeneche to make a trip to Berlin.
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The Bosnian Muslim elite and notables in various cities and towns issued resolutions or memoranda that publicly denounced Croat-German collaborationist measures along with laws and violence against Serbs. These were issued in: Prijedor (23 September 1941), Sarajevo (12 October), Mostar (21 October), Banja Luka (12 November), Bijeljina (2 December) and Tuzla (11 December). The resolutions condemned the Ustaše in Bosnia and Herzegovina, both for their mistreatment of Muslims and for their attempts to turn Muslims and Serbs against one another. One memorandum declared that since the beginning of the Ustaše regime, the Muslims had dreaded the lawless activities that the Ustaše, Croatian government authorities and various illegal groups had been perpetrating against the Serbs.
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The SS Volunteer Sturmbrigade France (SS-Freiwilligen Sturmbrigade "Frankreich") was formed in July 1943 as the first French formation permitted within the Waffen- SS. It was lead by SS-Obersturmbannführer Paul Marie Gamory-Dubourdeau who had formerly served in the Foreign Legion. It attracted around 3,000 applicants in German-occupied France many of whom were existing members of the collaborationist paramilitary Milice or university students. The official requirements were that the recruit had to be "free of Jewish blood" and between 20 and 25 years old. The approximately 1,600 men of the Sturmbrigade were attached to the 18th SS Volunteer Panzergrenadier Division Horst Wessel and sent to Galicia on the Eastern Front.
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In 1968, he was the lead author of an official civil defence booklet that was distributed throughout the country which provided instructions on how to respond to invasion, through the character of "Wilhelm Eiferli". Its warning of the danger from collaborationist elements in the Swiss Left made it the subject of national debate. 'Défense civile' has since been translated for distribution in Japan and Egypt; an attempt by Franco's Spain to buy the right to publish the book was rebuffed by the Swiss military. Bachmann was not involved in the subsequent political controversy- he was on an undercover mission in the Republic of Biafra, a small nation struggling for independence from Nigeria.
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The Germans were greeted with a ceremonial gate, erected by Poles who had been formerly imprisoned by the Soviets, bearing a photograph of Hitler and praising the German army. The Germans appointed Józef Mordasiewicz and Leon Kosmaczewski as heads of the local collaborationist administration. Over the next few weeks the Jews of Radziłów, as well as refugees from other villages who had taken up residence in town, were tormented by the German troops and some Poles. Jews were beaten and robbed, Jewish holy texts were desecrated, Jewish women were raped, and hundreds of Jews were murdered. On 7 July 1941, the local Poles forced most of the Jews into a barn and set it on fire.
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Emanuel Moravec (; 17 April 1893 – 5 May 1945) was a Czech army officer and writer who served as the collaborationist Minister of Education of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia between 1942 and 1945. He was also chair of the Board of Trustees for the Education of Youth, a fascist youth organisation in the protectorate. In World War I, Moravec served in the Austro-Hungarian Army, but following capture by the Russians he changed sides to join Russian-backed Serbian forces and then the Czechoslovak Legion, which went on to fight on the side of the White Army in the Russian Civil War. During the interwar period he commanded an infantry battalion in the Czechoslovak Army.
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The Organization X (), commonly referred to simply as X ("Chi" in Greek). Xwas founded in 1941 by Colonel Georgios Grivas, a Greek Cypriot by birth with the intention of gathering intelligence for the Allied cause, minor anti-German actions and transport of volunteers to the Middle East. However, with the EAM's meteoric rise to prominence within the Greek resistance movement, X shifted its attention towards combating EAM and other affiliated communist groups. Following the Italian surrender to the Allies in September 1943, X began purchasing weapons from the Axis authorities, later welcoming hundreds of members of collaborationist organizations such as the EEE and Security Battalions who sought to avoid persecution as liberation seemed imminent.
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Serb collaborationist armed forces, including the Chetniks, were involved, either directly or indirectly, in the mass killings of mainly Jews and Roma as well as Croats, Muslims and those Serbs who sided with any anti-German resistance. Since the end of the war, Serbian collaboration in the Holocaust has been the subject of historical revisionism by Serbian leaders. In Hungary, Holocaust distortion and denial takes place in the form of downplaying the country’s role in the killing and deportation of Jews. The Arrow Cross Party committed numerous crimes and killed or deported Jews. A total of 437,000 Jews were deported by Miklós Horthy‘s Government in The Kingdom of Hungary, an Axis collaborator.
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They appear to have reconciled at some point during the colonization of New Caprica and relations between them are now much warmer. Tigh also has a strong dislike of Gaius Baltar; this turns into murderous rage during Baltar's tenure as head of the collaborationist government. Tigh had a particular respect for his subordinate Felix Gaeta, going so far as to defend him after he makes a foolish mistake separating Galactica from the civilian fleet, though this respect all but evaporated after Tigh suspected Gaeta of collaboration with the Cylons on New Caprica. It is unclear how Tigh feels about Gaeta after he found out it was Gaeta supplying the human resistance with vital information.
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On discovering the ruse, Rudolph Balkani commits suicide. This along with a number of other suicides (encouraged by the World Psychiatric Association) lead the Ganymedians to wrongly assume that Balkani has helped the resistance infiltrate their collaborationist regime. Judging their proxy rule of Earth to be impractical, they decide to withdraw from the planet and destroy all life through a device that will block the sun's rays. Meanwhile, the Neeg-parts have seized a cache of weapons developed by Rudolph Balkani during the war — machines that turn illusions thought up by their users into reality, and a 'hell-weapon' that was never used against the aliens, as it would destroy humanity as well.
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Soft Cell to reunite for last ever show, The Guardian (21 February 2018) Ball also worked as a producer, with Vicious Pink Phenomena (who started as a backing duo for early Soft Cell), the Virgin Prunes and the Rose McDowall side-project Ornamental in the 1980s, and later with Kylie Minogue, Gavin Friday and Anni Hogan."Anni Hogan: the super solo collaborationist," by Robert Gourley, PleaseKillMe.com (11 November 2019) He also remixed for artists and bands such as David Bowie,Hoffman, Wayne (2002) "After Nearly 20 years, Soft Cell Returns With a New Set on SpinArt", Billboard, 12 October 2002, p. 13 Vanessa-Mae and Erasure (many remixes were also made with Norris as The Grid).
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Ljotić was offered the position of economic commissioner but never took office, partly because he disliked the idea of playing a secondary role in the administration and partly because of his unpopularity. He resorted to indirectly exerting his influence over the Serbian puppet government through two of his closest associates, Zbor members Stevan Ivanić and Miloslav Vasiljević, whom the Germans had selected as commissioners. The Germans trusted Ljotić more than any other ethnic Serb in occupied Yugoslavia. In need of a reliable collaborationist force to combat the Communist uprising that had erupted in the aftermath of the German occupation of Serbia, they gave him permission to form the Serbian Volunteer Detachments in September 1941.
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After the retreat of Kuomintang forces from Nanjing in 1938 from their defeat in the Battle of Nanjing, Japanese Imperial General Headquarters authorized the creation of a collaborationist regime to give the semblance of at least nominal local control over Japanese-occupied central and south China. Northern China was already under a separate administration, the Provisional Government of the Republic of China, from December 1937. The Japanese Central China Area Army drafted plans that month to set up its own puppet government in the Lower Yangtze region. Several documents were made that laid out the details of providing it with financial support as well as the economic and political goals for forming the regime.
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Luo's political activities during the wartime period and association with the collaborationist Manchukuo government have tended to overshadow his undeniable accomplishments as a scholar. He toiled throughout his life to preserve Chinese antiques, especially oracle bones, bamboo and wooden slips, and Dunhuang manuscripts, all of which are invaluable materials for understanding ancient China. He was one of the first scholars to decipher the oracle bone script, and produced many important scholarly works researching the bronzeware script. He helped publish Liu E's Tieyun Canggui (鐵雲藏龜), the first collection of oracle bones, and Sun Yirang's Qiwen Juli (契文舉例), the first work of decipherment of the oracle bone script.
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Examples of mimeograph machines used by the Belgian resistance to produce illegal newspapers and publications An important underground press emerged from the Belgian Resistance in German-occupied Belgium soon after the defeat in May 1940. Eight underground newspapers had appeared by October 1940 alone. Much of the resistance's press focused around producing newspapers in both French and Dutch languages as alternatives to censored or pro-collaborationist newspapers. At its peak, the clandestine newspaper La Libre Belgique, a title which had first appeared under German occupation in World War I, was relaying news within five to six days; faster than the BBC's French-language radio broadcasts, whose coverage lagged several months behind events.
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The dissolution of Yugoslavia, the creation of the NDH, Italian governorate of Montenegro and Nedic's Serbia and the annexations of Yugoslav territory by the various Axis countries were incompatible with international law in force at that time. The occupying forces instituted such severe burdens on the local populace that the Partisans came not only to enjoy widespread support but for many were the only option for survival. Early in the occupation, German forces would hang or shoot indiscriminately, including women, children and the elderly, up to 100 local inhabitants for every one German soldier killed. Furthermore, the country experienced a breakdown of law and order, with collaborationist militias roaming the countryside terrorizing the population.
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Finally, on 25 April 1941, as the bulk of the Fleet and the government had left for the Middle East, Oikonomou was authorized to represent the Minister for Naval Affairs and command what remained of the navy until the final capitulation two days later. Oikonomou remained in Greece during the Occupation, and served in the Directorate- General of the Navy in the Ministry of National Defence of the collaborationist government in 1941–43. After liberation, on 31 August 1946 he was decorated with the War Cross First Class and the Distinguished Actions Medal for his role in the 1940–41 conflict. He retired on 25 April 1947 and died at Syros on 11 September 1957.
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The Germans forced Déat at first to merge his new party (RNP) with Eugène Deloncle's MSR (Social Revolutionary Movement), a far-right party, the successor of the Cagoule terrorist group. The merger was a failure and Déat later expelled MSR elements from his party, before trying to form a unified front of Collaborationist parties. Déat also founded, along with fellow Collaborationists Jacques Doriot and Marcel Bucard, the Légion des Volontaires Français (LVF), a French unit of the Wehrmacht (later affiliated with the Waffen-SS). While reviewing troops from the LVF with Vichy figure Pierre Laval in Versailles on 27 August 1941, Déat was wounded in an assassination attempt—carried out by French Resistance member Paul Collette.
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On one side were the Chetnik detachments who considered themselves loyal to the royal government in exile and fought for the restoration of pre-war order. On the other side were members of the Peoples Liberation Army of Yugoslavia who favored the introduction of socialism and the post-war reorganization of Yugoslavia on federal basis. The Chetnik leader Dragoljub Mihailović abandoned the uprising in late October and entered into negotiations with the collaborationist government and the Germans in order to destroy the rival Partisans. The Germans soon gathered a large force and quelled the uprising using mass terror, but the remaining Partisan forces crossed into Bosnia, where they formed the 1st Proletarian Brigade.
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At the same time, she also performed in Oscar Wilde's Salome. Her most successful performances during the last part of her career was in ancient Greek tragedies. During the Axis occupation of Greece she has been accused of being the mistressΙστορία της Ελλάδας του 20ού αιώνα, Η Θεατρική σκηνή, 1941-1953 Δηώ Καγγελάρη Τόμος Γ', Μέρος Β' Κατοχή - Αντίσταση, 2007, εκδόσεις Βιβλιόραμα σελ 342 of the collaborationist prime minister Ioannis Rallis including right-wing newspapers of the Greek Resistance.Κόκκινος Δεκέμβρης Τάσος Κωστόπουλος Το ζήτημα της επαναστατικής βίας, εκδόσεις Βιβλιόραμα 2016 σελ 125 Finally, Eleni Papadaki was executed in Athens on 22 December 1944, during the "Dekemvriana" events, by communists of the OPLA.
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On 10 November 1652, Governor Pedro Rosselló, who was appointed by Louis XIV, banished the collaborationist Francesc de Segarra to Barcelona with twenty nuns, including Antigo, for "anti-French sentiments." They were installed at the convent of Santa Isabel during their exile which lasted more than eight years. Following the signing of the Treaty of the Pyrenees in 1659, Louis XIV pardoned them and stated they could come back the following year despite the negative influence of the governor, Segarra. On the occasion of a visit that Anne of Austria made on 10 April 1660 to the Santa Clara convent in Perpignan, Antigo asked for amnesty for exiled religious and she won Anne of Austria's favor.
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As the majority decided to re-join Comunión Tradicionalista, they informed Sivatte about the way chosen afterwards, Alcalá 2001, pp. 128-9 he was suspicious about pro-Francoist tones of his addresses.Sivatte tended to consider Carlos Hugo a Frenchman and suspected that unfamiliar with the Spanish political realm, he would do whatever his pro-collaborationist entourage would tell him to do, Alcalá 2001, pp. 126–128 When in late 1957 a large group of Traditionalists leaning towards dynastic accord with the Alfonsinos declared Don Juan the legitimate heir, Sivatte felt genuine Carlism should be immediately given new momentum. During the Aplec de Montserrat of April 20, 1958, Sivatte declared formation of Regencia Nacional y Carlista de Estella (RENACE).
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On 24 October 1940, Adolf Hitler installed Philippe Pétain as the head of state of Vichy France in the Montoire Agreement, abandoning the idea of an independent Breton state to ensure French cooperation. Lu Brezon was partially disarmed, while the separatist leaders of the Breton National Party were replaced with autonomists. The German invasion of the Soviet Union in June 1941 prompted many French communists to join the French Resistance, augmenting its presence in Brittany significantly. The majority of Breton nationalists adopted a neutral stance, refusing to join French collaborationist units such as the Legion of French Volunteers Against Bolshevism, while sharing their hatred of what they perceived as a worldwide Judeo-Bolshevist conspiracy.
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After the German invasion in April 1941, Greece was occupied by the Axis, and divided into German, Italian and Bulgarian zones. Svolos, at the head of a Committee of Macedonians and Thracians, sent repeated protests to the German authorities protesting the Bulgarians' open annexation of Greek territory and their maltreatment of the local Greek population. In the meantime, the Resistance movement had been growing, and by early 1944, a large part of the Greek mainland was free, under the control of the Resistance. In March, the leftist EAM/ELAS movement set up a government of its own, the Political Committee of National Liberation (PEEA), rivaling both the collaborationist one in Athens and the King's government in exile in Cairo.
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Looking back on the period, writer Gheorghe Grigurcu describes it as a collaborationist tribune, a Romanian answer to the Nouvelle Revue Française, with Ivașcu as a communist Drieu La Rochelle.Elvira Iliescu, "Instanța Grigurcu: la Judecata de apoi a scriitorilor (2)", in Ex-Ponto, Nr. 33/2011, p.106 In the early 1960s, official publications listed Ivașcu as one of sixteen literary critics whose work supported "socialist construction". Ion Simuț, "Canonul literar proletcultist (III)" , in România Literară, Nr. 29/2008 In 1961, Leonte Răutu, head of the Agitprop Directorate, selected him to oversee and preface the complete edition of Blaga's poetry. Blaga had enjoyed a precarious standing with the regime, and had basically forbidden from publishing for some 15 years.
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The Burma campaign was a series of battles fought in the British colony of Burma. It was part of the South-East Asian theatre of World War II and primarily involved forces of the Allies; the British Empire and the Republic of China, with support from the United States. They faced against the invading forces of Imperial Japan, who were supported by the Thai Phayap Army, as well as two collaborationist independence movements and armies, the first being the Burma Independence Army, which spearheaded the initial attacks against the country. Puppet states were established in the conquered areas and territories were annexed, while the international Allied force in British India launched several failed offensives.
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Engagement picture of Chen Shing and Tan Xiang (1932) After the Second Sino-Japanese War, Chen became the Chief of the General Staff and commander-in-chief of the navy. He followed Chiang's orders and began to raid the "liberated" areas of the Red Army, which launched the Chinese Civil War. In August 1947, Chiang appointed Chen as director of the Northeastern Headquarters to command the Nationalist forces against the Communists in that area. He made the crucial mistake of dissolving the local security regiments because they had served in the Japanese- collaborationist Manchukuo Imperial Army, which made the total Nationalist strength in Manchuria fall from 1.3 million to less than 480,000.
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During his collaborationist work in occupied Norway Skancke mostly acted in passive ways, but did not hesitate to enact countermeasures if he met opposition to his work. Although not taking a leading part in the attempted nazification of the Norwegian Church and school system, he did take full responsibility for the sacking of bishops, priests and teachers opposed to National socialist teachings.Time Magazine: The Bishop and the Quisling, Monday, 25 December 1944 He also ordered Norwegian teachers and school children to attend a Hitler Youth exhibition in Oslo in February 1941, which led to the first school strike of the occupation,Norgeslexi.com: Nasjonal Samling's youth and children efforts and ordered the confiscation of books by authors opposed to Quisling.
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Fischer notes that the Germans acquiesced to the Albanian collaborationist government's refusal to hand over the lists because they wished to maintain the appearance that Germany was allowing Albania "relative independence". He also attributes the lack of an organized German effort to hunt down local Jews to this policy. Kosovo Albanians tended to be more hostile towards foreigners, an attitude that the Professor Paul Mojzes attributes to the Albanian–Serbian conflict and persecution suffered at the hands of the Ottoman Empire. As a result, most Kosovo Albanians welcomed the defeat and partitioning of Yugoslavia, and were particularly grateful to any power that offered them their "dream of Greater Albania" and opportunities to "settle scores" with the local Serb population.
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Sepp Janko, chairman of the Schwäbisch-Deutscher Kulturbund (Danube Swabian German Cultural Association), a fascist collaborationist who fled to Argentina, where he died, was born here in 1905. In 1918, the village firstly became part of the Banat Republic, then (as part of the Banat, Bačka and Baranja region) part of the Kingdom of Serbia and finally part of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (later renamed to Yugoslavia). In 1918-1919, the village was part of the Banat, Bačka and Baranja region and also (from 1918 to 1922) part of the Veliki Bečkerek district. From 1922 to 1929, the village was part of the Belgrade Oblast and from 1929 to 1941 part of the Danube Banovina.
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Itamar Levin, Walls Around: The Plunder of Warsaw Jewry During World War II and Its Aftermath, Greenwood Publishing Group, 2004, , Google Print, pp. 94–98. After the German invasion of Poland, he surfaced in Warsaw as a refugee from Łódź, and as a person with connections to the German Sicherheitsdienst (SD). He first became a Nazi collaborator as a leader of the Hashomer Hatzair, delivering weekly intelligence reports to the Germans.W. D. Rubinstein, The Left, the Right, and the Jews, Universe Books, 1982, , Google Print, p. 136. In December 1940 he founded the Group 13 network, a Jewish Nazi collaborationist organization in the Warsaw Ghetto, described by Israel Gutman and Emanuel Ringelblum as the "Jewish Gestapo".
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Bulgaria was interested in acquiring the zones under Italian and German occupation and hopped to sway the allegiance of the 80,000 Slavs who lived there at the time. The appearance of Greek partisans in those areas persuaded the Italians to allow the formation of these collaborationist detachments. Following the defeat of the Axis powers and the evacuation of the Nazi occupation forces many members of the Ohrana joined the SNOF where they could still pursue their goal of secession. The advance of the Red Army into Bulgaria in September 1944, the withdrawal of the German armed forces from Greece in October, meant that the Bulgarian Army had to withdraw from Greek Macedonia and Thrace.
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The main resistance group, the Liberation Front, which included groups such as the Social Christians, as well as priests, made multiple appeals to Rožman. The first of these was a letter the leadership of the Liberation Front sent to Rožman on 30 November 1941 They noted the increasing involvement of priests with right-wing groups which would form the core of Slovene collaborationist forces. At the same time the Liberation Front indicated its support for freedom of religion, and stated they would like to see more priests in their movement, or at the very least would like to see priests remain neutral. They also indicated that they would be willing to meet with Rožman and discuss all issues.
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The bishop's secretary, Dr , testified that up to 50 petitioners came on a single day and that he helped them regardless of their political views. Among many documents a letter written by Gastone Gambarra, Commander of the Italian XI Army Corps, on 26 April 1943 documents that 122 internees were released because of his intervention. But the Italians noticed the bishop made no distinctions in his choices, so Grazioli ordered his subordinates to treat the bishop's interventions with no greater alacrity than those of anyone else, as the bishop had been purportedly intervening for the "unworthy".For a full list of people for whom Rožman intervened, read: Some of Rožman's interventions were made to gain officers for collaborationist forces.
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The Gendarmerie of Haiti ( ), also known as the Haitian Constabulary, was a collaborationist gendarmerie raised by the United States during its occupation of Haiti in the early 20th century. Established in late 1915, the gendarmerie was operational from 1916 until 1928, during which time it was Haiti's only military force, earning a reputation for active interference in civilian government that may have set the stage for the future politicization of Haiti's armed forces. From 1918 to 1920 the Gendarmerie of Haiti fought the Second Caco War, one of the so-called "Banana Wars". It was reorganized as the Garde d'Haïti in 1928, forming the nucleus of what would evolve into the modern Haitian army.
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As a result of general chaos and wartime various profiteering efforts of the conquering Japanese armies, already considerable illegal opium smuggling operations expanded greatly in the Reorganized Nation Government's territory. Indeed, Japanese forces themselves became arguably the largest and most widespread traffickers within the territory under the auspices of semi-official narcotics monopolies. While initially too politically weak to make inroads into the Japanese operations, as the war began to turn against them, the Japanese government sought to incorporate some collaborationist governments more actively into the war effort. To this end in October 1943 the Japanese government signed a treaty with the Reorganized Nationalist Government of China offering them a greater degree of control over their own territory.
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After the Second Sino-Japanese War broke out in 1937, the Imperial Japanese Army quickly overran North China, and the Japanese Imperial General Headquarters authorized the creation of a collaborationist regime as part of its overall strategy to establish an autonomous buffer zone between China and Japanese-controlled Manchukuo. This government was based in Beijing, and proclaimed Wang Kemin accepted the post of President of the Provisional Government of the Republic of China, with its capital in Beijing on December 14, 1937. The government nominally controlled the provinces of Hebei, Shandong, Shanxi, Henan and Jiangsu. But its activities were carefully prescribed and overseen by advisors provided by the Japanese Northern China Area Army.
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The Japanese provided arms captured from the Northeastern Army but Tanaka ignored the advice of the Mongolian leaders and also recruited poorly armed levies and ex-bandits from various regions. Having no unity, poor training and poorly armed, this irregular force of around 10,000 men had poor morale and cohesion and proved to be a liability rather than an asset. Additionally a collaborationist Chinese army of questionable loyalty, the Grand Han Righteous Army under Wang Ying was attached to the new Inner Mongolian Army Jowett pg.57 The Japanese also created a "Mengjiang Air Force" with 28 combat aircraft, with Japanese air and ground crews based in Changpei, to assist the army in close air support.
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The end of the film showed scenes of bodies being bulldozed into mass graves, which some censors considered too horrifying to be allowed in the film. Another point of contention was that Resnais had included photographs of French officers guarding a detention center where Jews were gathered before deportation, operated by the collaborationist Vichy government located in central France. This scene prompted a call demanding that the shot be cut because it "might be offensive in the eyes of the present-day military".Emma Wilson, Alain Resnais, French film directors (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2006), p25 Resnais resisted this censorship, insisting that images of collaboration were important for the public to see.
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Car > l'Histoire est un merveilleux instrument de combat et il serait vain de nier > qu'une des raisons importantes de nos difficultés politiques réside dans > l'exploitation historique et la déformation systématique des expériences > nationalistes du passé. (...) C'est pour répondre à ce besoin (...) qu'une > équipe d'intellectuels, de professeurs, de nationalistes a créé la Revue > d'Histoire du fascisme. Duprat wrote a book on far right movements in France from 1940 to 1944, during the Collaborationist regime of Vichy. He also created a number of magazines and political reviews, including the Cahiers d'histoire du fascisme (History Notebooks on Fascism) and the Cahiers Européens-Notre Europe (European Notebooks - Our Europe), which also circulated denialist books or far right literature exalting the Third Reich.
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The massacre was intentional, as substantiated by historian Jean-Luc Einaudi, who won a trial against Papon in 1999 (Papon had been convicted in 1998 of crimes against humanity for his role under the Vichy collaborationist regime during World War II). Official documentation and eyewitness accounts within the Paris police department suggest that Papon directed the massacre himself. Police records show that he called for officers in one station to be "subversive" in quelling the demonstrations, and assured them protection from prosecution if they participated. Forty years after the massacre, on 17 October 2001, Bertrand Delanoë, the Socialist Mayor of Paris, put up a plaque in remembrance of the massacre on the Pont Saint-Michel.
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Instead, Bielik cited contemporary reports stating that "the Jews behaved very arrogantly and imperiously, trying to systematically occupy important positions in the economic, public, and political spheres". In his article, Bielik made no mention of the Holocaust, which claimed the lives of the majority of Slovak Jews, and was perpetrated by the collaborationist Slovak State in concert with Nazi Germany. Bielik presents Slovaks who stole from Jews during the war as victims of the Jews' efforts to regain their property, and the Jews as ungrateful to the majority of Slovaks to whom they supposedly owed their lives. His perspective was criticized by the contemporary Slovak media, which identified him as a supporter of the Slovak State.
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Stang first joined the Nasjonal Samling (NS) in 1933 and served as district leader in Glåmdal, although he was largely a minor figure before World War II.Philip Rees, Biographical Dictionary of the Extreme Right Since 1890, 1990, p. 372 After the invasion of Norway in April 1940 he was put in joint charge of the NS political staff with Ragnar Skancke. The Germans thought it wise to include him due to his family's close ties to the royal court and recommended that he be a part of the new government despite his lack of experience and commitment. In September he was appointed to Vidkun Quisling's collaborationist government as Minister of Labour and Sports, a heavily ideological department.
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In 1943, the offices of the fifth chapter of the Union Générale des Israélites de France (UGIF, General union of Israelites of France) were located at 12 Rue Sainte-Catherine in Lyon. Officially, the UGIF was an organisation created by the collaborationist government of Vichy France under the auspices of Nazi Germany. In Lyon, it resulted from the merging of two pre-war entities: the Comité intergouvernemental pour les réfugiés (intergovernmental comity for the refugees), created in 1938 to help Austrian and German Jewish refugees settle in France; and a branch of the French Jewish Society. During the war, it was nominally placed under the control of the Commissariat-General for Jewish Affairs.
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An executed civilian (1943) In 1943, the German commanders in Greece concluded that their own forces were insufficient to suppress ELAS. As a result, and in order to "spare German blood", the decision was taken to recruit the anti-communist elements of Greek society to fight EAM. Apart from the "Evzone Battalions" (Ευζωνικά Τάγματα) established by the collaborationist government of Ioannis Rallis, in late 1943 independent "Security Battalions" (Τάγματα Ασφαλείας, ΤΑ) began being raised, particularly in the Peloponnese, where the political affiliations of a large part of the population and the violent dissolution of ES provided a broad recruitment pool of anti-communists. By early 1944, five battalions were formed and placed under the overall command of Papadongonas.
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The cemetery of the victims of the massacre In an ELAS communique of 26 September 1944, Major General Emmanouil Mantakas reported that "800 Rallides [the derogatory nickname for the Battalionists, after the collaborationist PM Ioannis Rallis] were killed",Communique Nr. 68 of ELAS GHQ. Reproduced in a number repeated by Stefanos Sarafis in his own book on ELAS. A Red Cross report, which generally tried to be as objective as possible, stated that the number of dead "exceeded 1,000", while a year later, the team of the noted Greek coroner reported that it recovered 708 corpses from Meligalas. The post-war right-wing establishment insisted on a considerably higher tally, with estimates ranging from 1,110 to over 2,500 victims.
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Despite the 1926 Papal condemnation, Action française remained popular during the interwar period, being one of the most important far right leagues, along with the Croix-de-Feu and others. As increasing numbers of people in France (as in Europe as a whole) turned to authoritarian political movements, many turned to Action française. It thus continued to recruit members from the new generations, such as Robert Brasillach (who would become an infamous collaborationist), the novelist and former deputy and ambassador Pierre Benoist, Thierry Maulnier, Lucien Rebatet, etc. It was marginally represented for a time in the Chamber of Deputies, notably by Léon Daudet, elected in the right-wing Chambre bleue horizon (1919–1924).
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Boia, p.200-201, 316 In early 1919, as the Germans lost the war, Mille returned and both Adevărul and Dimineața were again in print. In later years, Adevăruls Constantin Costa-Foru covered in detail and with noted clemency the trials of various "collaborationist" journalists, including some of its former and future contributors (Stere, Tudor Arghezi, Saniel Grossman).Boia, p.339, 342-344 The newspaper was by then also reporting about Seton-Watson's disappointment with post-war Greater Romania and the centralist agenda of its founders. Radu Racoviţan, "R.W. Seton-Watson şi problema minorităţilor în România interbelică", in Vasile Ciobanu, Sorin Radu (eds.), Partide politice şi minorităţi naţionale din România în secolul XX, Vol.
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Biography of François de La ROCQUE An American journalist wrote in 1941 that the Petit Journal with La Rocque as editor "assumed a more courageously anti-German attitude after the armistice than did most other papers published under the control of the Vichy government." La Rocque approved the repeal of the Crémieux decrees which had given French citizenship to Jews in Algeria but did not follow the Vichy regime in its racist radicalization. He also condemned the ultra- collaborationist Legion of French Volunteers Against Bolshevism. La Rocque changed orientation in September 1942, declaring that "Collaboration was incompatible with Occupation" and entered into contact with the Réseau Alibi tied to the British Intelligence service.
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Whereas the Partisans sought to turn Yugoslavia into a communist state under Tito's leadership, the Chetniks sought a return to the pre-war status quo, whereby the Yugoslav monarchy—and by extension, Serb political hegemony—would be restored. The Banjica concentration camp was established on 22 June 1941, by order of the head of the German military occupation administration in Serbia, Harald Turner, to the leader of the Serbian collaborationist administration, Milan Aćimović. The purpose of the camp was to hold communists arrested by the Gestapo and SP UGB. The staff of the camp, led by Vujković, took over the camp on 5 July, and it admitted its first inmates on 9 July.
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Meyers, allied with the industrial unionists, including the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO), opposed Dore from the left, Langlie from the right. Initially the main thrust of his campaign was an attack on the Dore/Beck alliance, which he accused of amounting to "racketeering". This "'racket' talk" did not go over well with the Argus or the city's business community, who were in general happy with the collaborationist truce that had suspended Seattle's long labor war, and who also saw this rhetoric as bad for the city's image in the eyes of the rest of the country. Courting their support, Langlie toned down this rhetoric and re-focused on NOOC's tax-cutting agenda and the city's agenda.
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One of its first acts was the promulgation of a series of anti-Jewish ordinances. A subordinate civil administration composed of local collaborationist elements was also established, to which Latvian general councillors were appointed. Their nominal head was Oskars Dankers, a former Latvian army general. In mid-June 1941, on the eve of Hitler's attack on the Soviet Union, 14,000 citizens of Latvia, including several thousand Jews, were deported by the Soviet authorities to Siberia and other parts of Soviet Asia as politically undesirable elements. During the Nazi attack of Latvia a considerable number of Jews also succeeded in fleeing to the interior of the Soviet Union; it is estimated that some 75,000 Latvian Jews fell into Nazi hands.
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Tixier- Vignancour married Janine Auriol in January 1938, the daughter of a lawyer and member of parliament for Haute-Garonne. Enlisted in the army in 1939, he took part in fights near Beuvraignes during the Battle of France in 1940, before voting for the law that gave full powers (pleins pouvoirs) to Philippe Pétain on July, 10 of the same year. On 6 October 1940, in charge of "applying the instructions of the armistice commission", he confirmed the interdiction of movies like The Great Illusion or Entente cordiale, accused of "incitement to hatred against Germany". Tixier-Vignancour served as the under-Secretary of State for Information under Nazi-collaborationist Vichy France and as director of Pétain’s "Propaganda Committee".
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In 1941, the administration's Military Commander, Franz Böhme, responded to guerrilla attacks on German forces by carrying out the German policy towards partisans that 100 people would be killed for each German killed and 50 people killed for each wounded German. The first set of reprisals were the massacres in Kragujevac and in Kraljevo by the Wehrmacht. These proved to be counterproductive to the German forces in the aftermath, as it ruined any possibility of gaining any substantial numbers of Serbs to support the collaborationist regime of Nedić. Additionally, it was discovered that in Kraljevo, a Serbian workforce group which was building airplanes for the Axis forces had been among the victims.
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The capital for the project had been put up by those involved: as executive director, Leblanc provided 50%, while its managing director Georges Lallemand provided 40% and Hergé, its artistic director, provided 10%. Hergé assembled a group of associates to aid him, including Van Melkebeke, Jacobs, Paul Cuvelier, and Jacques Laudy. Van Melkebeke was initially appointed editor-in-chief, although he was arrested for having worked for the collaborationist Le Nouveau journal shortly after, with his involvement in the project thus being kept secret so as to avoid further controversy. Van Melkebeke continued to provide work for the magazine under pseudonyms, although this ceased during his imprisonment from December 1947 to October 1949.
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The Ohrana (, Protection or Guards) were armed collaborationist detachments organized by the Bulgarian army, composed of Slavophone pro- Bulgarian people in occupied Greek Macedonia during World War II and led by Bulgarian officers. Bulgaria was interested in acquiring Thessalonica and Western Macedonia under Axis occupation and hoped to sway the allegiance of the 80,000 Slavs who lived there at the time. The appearance of Greek partisans in those areas persuaded the Italians to allow the formation of these collaborationst detachments. Following the defeat of the Axis powers and the evacuation of the Nazi occupation forces many members of the Ohrana joined the SNOF where they could still pursue their goal of secession.
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Timothy D. Snyder spoke of about 100,000 Jews killed by Poles during the Nazi occupation, the majority probably by members of the collaborationist Blue Police.. This number would have likely been many times higher had Poland entered into an alliance with Germany in 1939, as advocated by some Polish historians and others. e.Some may have falsely claimed the Jewish identity hoping for permission to emigrate. The communist authorities, pursuing the concept of Poland of single ethnicity (in accordance with the recent border changes and expulsions),. were allowing the Jews to leave the country.. For a discussion of early communist Poland's ethnic politics, see Timothy D. Snyder, The Reconstruction of Nations, chapters on modern "Ukrainian Borderland". f.
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After the German occupation of France in June 1940, Vallat supported the rise to power of Marshal Philippe Pétain at head of a collaborationist regime based in Vichy. On 10 July 1940, he voted in favour of granting the Cabinet presided by Marshal Pétain the authority to draw up a new constitution, thereby effectively ending the French Third Republic and establishing Vichy France. In March 1941, he was appointed as head of the Commissariat-General for Jewish Questions, a body set up to implement the anti-Semitic laws enacted by Pétain's government. In this position he oversaw the "Aryanisation" of the French economy, education system, civil service and professions, and the enforcement of laws requiring all Jews to be registered with the police.
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L'Œuvre Française was founded by Pierre Sidos in April 1968, who declared himself "presidor for life" (French: présideur, a portmanteau of président and dictateur), and the group held their first congress two years later on 10 October 1970 in Versailles. On this platform, Sidos attempted to run in the 1969 French presidential election but his candidacy was rejected by the Constitutional Council on a technical basis. It has been argued that there was a fear that any judgement in Sidos' favor would have been considered a vindication of his collaborationist background in wider society. Le Soleil, on its side, dismissed the Jewish origin of some members in the council, namely Gaston Palewski and René Cassin, as the reason for their refusal.
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Demonstration in Paris in 1934. A sign reads "Down with fascism" Maquis members in 1944 In the 1920s and 1930s in the French Third Republic, anti-fascists confronted aggressive far-right groups such as the Action Française movement in France, which dominated the Latin Quarter students' neighborhood. After fascism triumphed via invasion, the French Resistance () or, more accurately, resistance movements fought against the Nazi German occupation and against the collaborationist Vichy régime. Resistance cells were small groups of armed men and women (called the maquis in rural areas), who, in addition to their guerrilla warfare activities, were also publishers of underground newspapers and magazines such as Arbeiter und Soldat (Worker and Soldier) during World War Two, providers of first-hand intelligence information, and maintainers of escape networks.
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On account of his "bourgeois-conservative" propensities Brandt now found himself forced out of positions of influence within the CDU, notably by Arnold Gohr of the East German party's collaborationist wing. It was Gohr who replaced him as chairman of the District Federation ("Landesverband") in what was becoming known as the Soviet sector of Berlin. In October 1949 Helmut Brandt was appointed as a secretary of state in the new country's Justice Ministry. In May 1950 he protested to his minister Max Fechner (SED) and to his own party leader in East Germany, Otto Nuschke (CDU) over the Waldheimer Trials, a succession of rapid legal hearings of 3,324 of people who had survived and been released from the hitherto unacknowledged Soviet controlled concentration camps.
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The Ochota Massacre (in Polish: Rzeź Ochoty – "Ochota slaughter") was a wave of German-orchestrated mass murder, looting, arson, torture and rape, which swept through the Warsaw district of Ochota from 4–25 August 1944, during the Warsaw Uprising. The principal perpetrators of these war crimes were the Nazi collaborationist S.S. Sturmbrigade R.O.N.A., the so-called "Russian National Liberation Army" (, RONA), commanded by Bronislav Kaminski. The worst atrocities were committed in the local hospitals, in the Curie Institute, the Kolonia Staszica housing estate, and the Zieleniak concentration camp. In all, about 10,000 residents of Ochota were killed and had their property stolen, after which the district was systematically burnt down by German forces, as were the bodies of many of the victims.
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Elsa Barraine was an active member of the Front National des Musiciens, an organization of musicians involved in the French Resistance during the German Occupation between 1940 and 1944.Simeone, p. 23 and 45 The main goals of the organization were listed in their journal, Musiciens d’Aujourd’hui, and were to organize concerts of new and banned French music, to support Jewish musicians by providing shelter or money, to arrange anti- German and anti-Collaborationist protests, and to engage in any and all forms of musical rebellion.Simeone, p. 46 The résistant French conductor Roger Désormière, Les Six member Louis Durey, and Barraine together released a “manifesto for ‘the defence of French music’ and against any collaboration with the Nazis.”Simeone, p.
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Following the British attacks of July and September 1940 (Mers el Kébir, Dakar), the French government became increasingly fearful of the British and took the initiative to collaborate with the occupiers. Pétain accepted the government's creation of a collaborationist armed militia (the Milice) under the command of Joseph Darnand, who, along with German forces, led a campaign of repression against the French resistance ("Maquis"). Pétain and his final meeting with the departing American ambassador William D. Leahy, 1942 Pétain admitted Darnand into his government as Secretary of the Maintenance of Public Order (Secrétaire d'État au Maintien de l'Ordre). In August 1944, Pétain made an attempt to distance himself from the crimes of the militia by writing Darnand a letter of reprimand for the organisation's "excesses".
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His attempt to deport Jews with Bulgarian citizenship from Bulgaria, a collaborationist ally, failed due to widespread opposition, including by the heads of the Bulgarian Orthodox Church, Metropolitan Bishops Stephan from Sofia and Kiril from Plovdiv; by prominent politicians such as deputy speaker of the parliament, Dimiter Peshev; and, ultimately, Boris III of Bulgaria. Dannecker continued to deport Italian Jews between September 1943 and January 1944, when Italy surrendered to the Allies and Germans occupied Italy. Before the German occupation, Benito Mussolini refused to turn over Jews to the Nazis except those in areas annexed or occupied by the Italians in the Balkans. Not seen as efficient enough, he was replaced in this role by Friedrich Boßhammer, who was, like Dannecker, closely associated with Adolf Eichmann.
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Maurice Bardèche (1 October 1907 – 30 July 1998) was a French art critic and journalist, better known as one of the leading exponents of neo-fascism in post–World War II Europe. Bardèche was also the brother-in-law of the collaborationist novelist, poet and journalist Robert Brasillach, executed after the liberation of France in 1945. His main works include History of the Film (1935), a review on the nascent art of cinema co-written with Brasillach; literary studies on French writer Honoré de Balzac; and various political works advocating fascism and "revisionism" (i.e. Holocaust denial), in the footsteps of his brother-in-law's "poetic fascism" and inspired by fascists figures like Pierre Drieu La Rochelle and Antonio Primo de Rivera.
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236x236px After presenting his thesis on the work of novelist Honoré de Balzac in May 1940, Bardèche graduated with a doctorate in literature and was subsequently granted a temporary professorship at the Sorbonne University. He eventually became a professor of French literature at the University of Lille between 1942 and 1944, holding three Chairs at the same time. While he endorsed the deeds and actions of the French collaboration with the Nazis, Bardèche did not invest himself "physically" or ideologically during the war. He instead focused on his career as a literary critic, and only wrote three articles on arts (Stendhal, Balzac and films) for the antisemitic and collaborationist newspaper Je suis partout, in which Brasillach was the editor-in-chief until 1943.
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Second volume describes history of the Reich Main Security Office(RSHA) in German-occupied territories including system of camps and the training of collaborationist Russian Liberation Army. The book details the recruitment from among the Soviet citizens, and the formation of parallel Kaminski Brigade (RONA), as well as the 14th SS-Volunteer Division "Galician", Belarusian auxiliary battalions, the Turkestan Legion, and pro-Nazi sabotage units as well as police. In his book published in 2006, titled , Chuev described the treacherous work of Ukrainian nationalists against the Russian Empire. The first evidence of the genocide of the Russian people in Galicia and the planned destruction of all Russian in Western Ukraine in the first decades of the 20th century are presented.
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During the summer of 1944, the right-wing head of the National Republican Greek League (EDES), Napoleon Zervas, asked the Cham Albanians to join EDES, but their response was negative. After that and in accordance to orders given specifically to EDES by the Allied forces to push them out of the area, fierce fighting occurred between the two sides. In particurlar Cham Albanian units were fighting together with the German army in all conflicts that occurred in Thesprotia: from the end of June 1944 until the German withdrawal. According to British reports, the Cham collaborationist bands managed to flee to Albania with all of their equipment, together with a half million stolen cattle as well as 3,000 horses, leaving only the elderly members of the community behind.
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Antisemitic postage stamps printed in January 1942 to commemorate the exhibition. The Grand Anti-Masonic Exhibition (, ) was the name of an antisemitic exhibition that was opened on 22 October 1941 during World War II in Belgrade, the capital of the Nazi Germany-established Militärverwaltung in occupied Serbia. Financed by the Germans and opened with the support of collaborationist leader Milan Nedić, it featured an estimated 200,000 brochures, 108,000 copies of nine different types of envelopes, 100,000 flyers, 60,000 copies of twenty different posters, and 176 different propaganda films that had previously been seen during The Eternal Jew exhibitions in Munich and Vienna in 1937. Despite nominally being anti- Masonic, its purpose was to promote antisemitic ideas and intensify hatred of Jews.
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Dora Benjamin remained in France for the rest of the war. War ended in May 1945, leaving what remained of Germany divided into allied zones of occupation. Berlin was now surrounded by a large Soviet occupation zone, and it was to this area, under Soviet administration, that she returned in 1946. 1946 was the year in which she married Hans Schaul (1905-1988), a Communist lawyer-journalist who had spent most of the war years in a succession of internment camps under (collaborationist) French control; but after his French-Algerian captors handed him over to the British in 1943 he had been able to travel to Moscow in November 1944, working as an instructor of German prisoners of war in various anti-fascist schools.
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France's Cour des Comptes, a state spending 'watchdog' charged with conducting financial and legislative audits of public and private institutions, accused the museums of failing in their legal duty to seek out the owners or heirs of the works, including paintings by Pablo Picasso, Pierre-Auguste Renoir, Claude Monet, Paul Cézanne and sculptures by Auguste Rodin. In an attempt to rebut the charges, French authorities put 900 of the MNRs on exhibit in five national museums, including The Louvre and the Pompidou Centre. Gleizes' Paysage à Meudon was among them. The state-museum network explained that few or none of the works in its possession were looted from Jews, but were sold to the Nazis by collaborationist dealers in the wartime Parisian art market.
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The China Railways AM2 class steam locomotive was a class of 4-4-0 steam locomotives operated by the China Railway, built by the Baldwin Locomotive Works in the United States in 1879. These locomotives were originally built for the Imperial Railroad of North China, which later became known as the Peking−Mukden Railway, and subsequently the Beining Railway; at the time of their introduction, they counted amongst the most modern locomotives of the time. After the Japanese occupation of northern China, the collaborationist Provisional Government of the Republic of China nationalised all railways in its jurisdiction, creating the North China Transportation Company in 1938 to operate the railways in the region. The NCTC designated these locomotives 'Ameni (アメニ) class.
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The China Railways AM3 class steam locomotive was a class of 4-4-0 steam locomotives operated by the China Railway, built by the American Locomotive Company in the United States between 1923 and 1929. Twenty-six of these locomotives were originally built for the Huning Railway. After the establishment of the puppet government of the Reformed Government of the Republic of China during the Japanese occupation, they were operated by the Central China Railway, which had been created in 1939 to manage all railway operations in the territory of the collaborationist government by nationalising all privately owned railways in the territory. After the end of the Pacific War, these locomotives were passed on to the Republic of China Railway.
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The tournament would be officially cancelled while Japan held their own tournament called the 2600th Anniversary of the Japanese Empire, which included the Japanese puppet states Manchukuo and the collaborationist National Reorganised Government of China based in occupied Nanjing. But none of the top Chinese players competed in the Japanese Empire anniversary games. None of the games during the Second Sino-Japanese War are officially recognized and once the war ended on 9 September 1945 China looked to the Olympics once again for international recognition. On 2 August 1948 China competed in the Football at the 1948 Summer Olympics where they were once again knocked out in the last sixteen, this time by Turkey national football team in a 4–0 defeat.
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Spontaneous and unregulated upsurges, as the RIN strikers were viewed, could only disrupt and, at worst, destroy consensus at the political level. This may be Gandhi's (and the Congress's) conclusions from the Quit India Movement in 1942 when central control quickly dissolved under the impact of British repression, and localised actions, including widespread acts of sabotage, continued well into 1943. It may have been the conclusion that the rapid emergence of militant mass demonstrations in support of the sailors would erode central political authority if and when transfer of power occurred. The Muslim League had observed passive support for the "Quit India" campaign among its supporters and, devoid of communal clashes despite the fact that it was opposed by the then collaborationist Muslim League.
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He codified two additional positions, known as the sixth and seventh positions, with the feet turned in, not out like the first five positions. The sixth and seventh positions were not Lifar's inventions, but revivals of positions that already existed in the eighteenth century, when there were ten positions of the feet in classical ballet; and their use is limited to Lifar's choreographies. During his three decades as director of the Paris Opéra Ballet, Lifar led the company through the turbulent times of World War II and the German occupation of France. Lifar was a collaborationist under the occupation {Franko, "Serge Lifar and the Question of Collaboration with the German Authorities under the Occupation of Paris (1940-1949)," in Dance Research 35/2 (Winter 2017): 218-257}.
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Georgios Tsolakoglou with Wehrmacht officers arrives at Macedonia Hall of Anatolia College in Thessaloniki, to sign the surrender (April 1941) After the fall of Greece, General Georgios Tsolakoglou was appointed as Prime minister of the new Greek government on April 30, 1941. As King George II had left the country with the legitimate Greek government-in-exile, the new regime avoided all reference to the Greek monarchy and used Hellenic State as the country's official, generic, name. The collaborationist regime lacked a precise political definition, although Tsolakoglou, a republican officer, considered the Axis occupation as an opportunity to abolish the monarchy, and announced its end upon taking office.Bernhard R. Kroener, Germany and the Second World War Volume V/II, Oxford University Press, 2003, p.
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From 70,000 copies in 1930, the circulation of Paris-Soir reached 1.7 million in 1936. Jean Prouvost soon had an empire that also included Marie Claire, the women's magazine bought in March 1937, and the sports paper Match, bought the following year to Louis Louis-Dreyfus Group. During the Second World War, on 6 June 1940, with France on the verge of surrender, Prouvost became information minister in the Reynaud government and on 19 June 1940 High Commissioner for Information in the Petain government, a post he resigned on 10 July 1940, when Pétain took dictatorial powers. During the Occupation, two versions of Paris-Soir were published: one in Paris, a collaborationist daily disowned by Jean Prouvost and his colleagues, and another published in Lyon.
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In spite of the continued attacks by the PCE, the CNT eventually agreed to sign a pact of cooperation with the now Communist dominated UGT (the PCE had infiltrated the UGT and ousted Largo Caballero from his position in its executive). The pact was supposed to guarantee the legality of the remaining collectives and of worker's control, while at the same time recognizing the authority of the state on matters such as nationalization of industry and the armed forces. In reality, the collectives were never granted legal status, while the agreement served the further divide the anarchist movement between the anti-statist and collaborationist camps. Spain in July 1938 On 7 March 1938, the Nationalist forces launched a massive offensive in Aragon.
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Soon after the occupation of Taganrog in 1941, the existing Soviet Militsiya was transformed into a military collaborationist auxiliary police under the name of "Russian auxiliary police" (), also referred to as Russian Schutzmannschaft or "Hilfspolizei". Its main difference from the Soviet service was that besides the criminal department, it had a "political" department, which was aimed at suppression and extermination of Nazi Germany's enemies: Soviet partisans, underground groups, Soviet activists, Jews, communists, Komsomol members, NKVD agents, etc. The political department of the police was controlled directly by Sicherheitsdienst SD-10 and later by SD-6, and closely cooperated with Geheimfeldpolizei. By March 1943 the Schutzmannschaft's personnel in Taganrog nearly doubled in comparison with that of the Soviet militsiya, and reached around 600 policemen.
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The Ústredňa Židov (ÚŽ; English: Jewish Center) was the Judenrat in Bratislava that was imposed on the Jewish community of the Axis-aligned state of Slovakia to implement Nazi orders during the Holocaust. It was formed on the advice of SS (Schutzstaffel) official Dieter Wisliceny; the first leader, Heinrich Schwartz, was removed after refusing to cooperate with Nazi demands and replaced by the ineffectual Arpad Sebestyen. The collaborationist Department of Special Affairs run by Karol Hochberg aided the authorities in confiscating Jewish property and collecting information that was used to arrest and deport Jews. Nevertheless, most of the ÚŽ members focused on providing opportunities for emigration and improving the social welfare of Jews remaining in Slovakia, although they were hampered by the dwindling resources of the community.
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Eleni Papadaki (Greek: Ελένη Παπαδάκη, 1903–1944) was a celebrated Greek stage actress who was murdered during the Dekemvriana events, accused unjustly for political reasons by the communists, of having collaborated with the Nazi occupation forces and the collaborationist regime during the Axis occupation. She was born on 4 November 1903 in Athens to an affluent family, the granddaughter of university professor Stylianos Konstantinidis. She studied philology at Athens University, phonetics, music and piano at the Great Conservatory of Athens, but began an acting career at the age of twenty-two in 1925, in Luigi Pirandello's Six Characters in Search of an Author. The theatre critic for the Demokratia newspaper greeted her performance with the comment that "today the stage has acquired a great actress".
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Villeneuve-Loubet is the birthplace of the famous 19th century provençal chef, restaurateur, and culinary writer Auguste Escoffier, the author of the Guide Culinaire and the founder of French haute cuisine. Villeneuve-Loubet was also, from 1920 onwards, the home of Maréchal Philippe Pétain (1856–1951), the "Hero of Verdun" in World War I and chief of state of the Nazi-collaborationist État Français, commonly known as Vichy France, in World War II. The writer and historian Jules Bertaut (1877–1959) died in Villeneuve-Loubet. Marshall Philippe Pétain purchased a house called L'Ermitage in Villeneuve-Loubet circa 1920. Villeneuve-Loubet was also the site of a battle in World War II when it was liberated by the First Special Service Force on August 26, 1944.
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During the German invasion in 1941, a memorable event is said to have occurred: on April 27, as the German Army was entering Athens, the Germans ascended to the Acropolis of Athens and ordered the young Evzone who was guarding the flag post, Konstantinos Koukidis (q.v.), to haul the Greek flag down and replace it with the swastika flag. The young soldier did so, but refused to hand over the Greek flag to the Germans, and instead wrapped himself in it and fell off the Acropolis to his death. After the occupation of the country, in 1943, the collaborationist government raised a number of "Security Battalions" (Τάγματα Ασφαλείας), which were dressed in the Evzone uniform and participated in operations against the EAM-ELAS partisans.
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Following the Soviet invasion of 1939, Bronna Góra along with most of Polesie Voivodeship was annexed into the Soviet Belarus after the NKVD-staged elections decided in the atmosphere of terror. All citizens previously living but also born in Poland would live in the Byelorussian SSR from then on, as the Soviet subjects, not Polish. However, the Soviet rule was short-lived because the corresponding terms of the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact signed earlier in Moscow were broken when the German army crossed the Soviet occupation zone on 22 June 1941. From 1941 to 1943 the province was under the control of Nazi Germany, govern by the collaborationist Belarusian Central Council supported by the Nazi Belarusian battalions of the Home Defence.
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After crossing the Drina, the group was also attacked by gendarmes belonging to the collaborationist puppet Commissioner Government. On 6 May Mihailović's remaining group was surrounded by German troops near Užice and almost completely destroyed. On 13 May, Mihailović arrived at some shepherd huts at Ravna Gora on the western slopes of Suvobor Mountain near the town of Gornji Milanovac in the central part of the occupied territory, by which time his group consisted of only seven officers and 27 other ranks. At this point, now aware that no elements of the army were continuing to fight, they were faced with the decision of whether to surrender to the Germans themselves or form the core of a resistance movement, and Mihailović and his men chose the latter.
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In the last days of December 1944, the SUK participated, along with other Chetnik formations, in an unsuccessful attempt to capture the Partisan-held city of Tuzla in northeastern Bosnia. This failure and mutual recriminations between Mihailović's Chetniks and the SUK resulted in the effective disintegration of the SUK. By mid-January 1945, 5,000 former SDS members had rejoined the Germans, with some returning to Serbia to take advantage of Josip Broz Tito's amnesty. Most were transported to Austria where they were used in labour battalions under the direction of Organisation Todt, but about 1,500 were allowed to move to the Ljubljana Gap area, where they could join other collaborationist forces, such as the SDK or the Chetnik formations of Momčilo Đujić or Dobroslav Jevđević.
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SIx of its members held cabinet rank during this period: Paul-Boncour, Frossard, de Monzie, Ramadier, Ramette, Patenotre and Pomaret. The USR was effectively killed by World War II, and its last congress was held in May 1939. Its members took divergent paths during the war: some, like Paul-Boncour, refused to vote plenary powers to Marshal Pétain, while others actively collaborated with the Vichy Regime and Nazi occupiers, notably Déat whose National Rally aspired to act as the single party for the collaborationist regime. As a result of these divisions the party was not resurrected after the Liberation: most of its members opted to enter either the SFIO or the new umbrella party of liberal progressives, the Rally of the Republican Left.
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At the time that the Italians surrendered in 1943, the Italians forces numbered at approximately 50,000 troops in Slovenia, assisted by 6,049 Slovenian MVAC soldiers and 300–400 Slovene Chetniks. With the end of Italian rule in Slovenia, on 19 September 1943 Yugoslav Partisans and newly surrendered Italian soldiers laid siege the Turjak Castle 20 km southeast of Ljubljana. Encircled National Legion and Village Guard MVAC units along with Slovenian Chetnik forces were beaten by communist forces thanks to heavy weapons that they had acquired from Italian forces. After the battle of Turjak Castle all the anti-communist Slovenian forces joined the German collaborationist guard known as Domobranci (Heimwehr) merging with formations already created in the German occupied Slovenian territories of Carinthia and Carniola.
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40 In fact he remained somewhat skeptical and anxious that the prince might be tempted to pursue a collaborationist line; the same year Larramendi was vital fomenting dissent in the Madrid AET organization,in the mid-1950s Larramendi was on excellent terms with the aetistas, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 54 which deposed its leader and key Don Carlos Hugo promoter, Ramón Massó, as the one who compromised Traditionalist identity and advocated rapprochement with the regime.Rodon 2015, p. 163 In the late 1950s Larramendi was engaged in works of Carlist structures in Madrid; it implied collaboration with personal entourage of the prince, who set his headquarters in the capital. Differences of opinion continued and gave rise to two factions, pro-collaborationists and anti- collaborationists;Rodon 2015, p.
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Recruiting poster for the Flemish Legion, playing on the idea of a "European" war against the Soviet Union The German invasion of the Soviet Union in June 1941 expanded the activities of collaborationist groups in Belgium and elsewhere in German- occupied Europe. On 8 July 1941, the VNV announced its intention to recruit a "Flemish Legion" to fight in the Wehrmacht the German forces on the Eastern Front. Approximately 560 men were recruited between July and August 1941, some believing that it represented the first step towards the creation of an independent Flemish army. The creation of the Flemish Legion also forced the Rexist Party, a largely French-speaking group in Belgium, to recruit a "Walloon Legion" rather than the "Belgian Legion" it had originally advocated.
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On 10 May 1940, the Wehrmacht invaded Luxembourg, the Netherlands, and Belgium under the operational plan Fall Gelb (Case Yellow). Once the Wehrmacht had fully occupied Belgium, Adolf Hitler chose not to install a civilian government (such as he had done in the Netherlands), but instead installed a military government headed by Alexander von Falkenhausen of the Wehrmacht. This intensified friction and disagreement between native-Belgian right-wing factions, including Verdinaso and Rexism, forcing them to fully collaborate with the occupying forces in order to gain influence. Hitler and SS-leader Heinrich Himmler profited from the situation by increasing competition between various native-Belgian groups by founding some more extreme collaborationist organisations, including the 6th SS Volunteer Sturmbrigade Langemarck and DeVlag, the German-Flemish Workers Community.
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The family is also persecuted by Adolfo Ramirez, the former Paris Opera caretaker and a fierce collaborationist who has become a Gestapo agent. Ramirez seeks to take revenge on the Bourdelles but they are protected by General Spontz, who is an admirer of Héléna Bourdelle and who has a soft spot for Bernadette. Ramirez finally discovers that Guy-Hubert, son of the family, a seemingly cowardly and effeminate hairdresser, is actually "Super- Resistant" and the boss of Felix, but Spontz does not believe him. Although she had vowed not to sing while there were Germans in France, Madame Bourdelle is forced by General Spontz to attend a reception in honour of Hitler's half- brother, Marshal Ludwig von Apfelstrudel, held in a castle near Paris.
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Both the Yugoslav and Soviet governments believed the British were intending to use Axis collaborationist forces such as the Cossack corps against them. To help resolve the raging controversy, Brigadier Anthony Cowgill formed a committee consisting of himself; a former diplomat and "Russia hand" Lord Brimelow, and Christopher Booker, a journalist well known for his conservative views.Thorpe, D.R. Supermac The Life of Harold Macmillan, New York: Random House, 2010 page 221-221 Cowgill believed that the honor of British Army had been smeared, but Booker was a supporter of Tolstoy when he joined the committee in 1986.Thorpe, D.R. Supermac The Life of Harold Macmillan, New York: Random House, 2010 pages 221-222 Between 2 October-30 November 1989, the much publicised libel trial of Tolstoy vs.
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On March 15, 1945, the Committee on Labor Organizations (later renamed Congress on Labor Organizations) was formed in San Lazaro, Manila, headed by five guerrilla leaders affiliated with the pre-war Collective Labor Movement. On June 3, the KPMP and AMT were reformed into the Pambansang Kaisahan ng mga Magbubukid (National Union of Peasants), with Mateo del Castillo as national president and Juan Feleo as vice-president. Lastly, the PKP had a hand in forming the Democratic Alliance, which was formed on July 15, 1945, although plans for it had begun as early as September 1944. The DA was an anti- collaborationist party formed by prominent figures in the resistance movement, including Dr. Vicente Lava, who still had a position in the PKP central committee.
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The Battle of Poljana (Monday May 14 – Tuesday May 15, 1945) was a battle of World War II in Yugoslavia. It started at Poljana, near the village of Prevalje in Yugoslavia (now Slovenia),Channel 4 - History - World War II: A chronology and was the culmination of a series of engagements between the Yugoslav Army and a large retreating Axis column, numbering in excess of 30,000 men. The column consisted of units of the German (Wehrmacht), the Armed Forces of the Independent State of Croatia, the Montenegrin People's Army (former Chetniks and the survivors of the Battle of Lijevče Field),Thomas, 1995, p.23 and Slovene Home Guard forces, as well as other fascist collaborationist factions and even civilians who were attempting to escape into British-controlled Austria.
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Byelorussia (also known as the Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic), known today as Belarus, was a republic of the Soviet Union when World War II began. The borders of Byelorussia were greatly expanded in the invasion of Poland of 1939 and finalised after World War II. Following the German military disasters at Stalingrad and Kursk, a collaborationist Byelorussian self-government (BCR) was formed by the Germans in order to drum up local support for their anti- Soviet operations. The Byelorussian BCR in turn formed the twenty-thousand strong Belarusian Home Defence (BKA), active from 23 February 1944 to 28 April 1945. Assistance was offered by the local administrative governments from the Soviet era, and prewar public organizations including the former Soviet Belarusian Youth.
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Having died before the war had ended, Wang Jingwei was unable to join his fellow Reorganized Nationalist Government leaders on trial for treason in the months that followed the Japanese surrender. Instead he, alongside his vice president Chen Gongbo (who was tried and sentenced to death by the victorious Nationalists), was given the title Hanjian meaning arch- traitor to the Han people. In the following decades, Wang Jingwei and the entire reputation of the collaborationist government have undergone considerable scholastic debate. In general, evaluations produced by scholars working under the People's Republic of China have held the most critical interpretations of the failed regime, Western scholars typically holding the government and Wang Jingwei especially in a sympathetic light, with Taiwanese scholars falling somewhere in the middle.
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Among far-right and nationalist groups, denial and revisionism of Serbian war crimes are carried out through the downplaying of Milan Nedić and Dimitrije Ljotić's roles in the extermination of Serbia's Jews in concentration camps, in Nedić’s Serbia, a German puppet state, by a number of Serbian historians. Serbian collaborationist armed forces were involved, either directly or indirectly, in the mass killings of Jews as well as Roma and those Serbs who sided with any anti-German resistance and the killing of many Croats and Muslims. Since the end of the war, Serbian collaboration in the Holocaust has been the subject of historical revisionism by Serbian leaders. In 1993, the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts listed Nedić among The 100 most prominent Serbs.
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40, no. 3 (September 1968), pp. 396–410. Stanley Hoffmann subdivided collaboration into involuntary (reluctant recognition of necessity) and voluntary (exploitation of necessity).Stanley Hoffmann, "Collaborationism in France during World War II", The Journal of Modern History, vol. 40, no. 3 (September 1968), pp. 375–95 According to Hoffmann, collaborationism can be subdivided into "servile" and "ideological"; the former is deliberate service to an enemy, whereas the latter is deliberate advocacy of cooperation with a foreign force which is seen as a champion of desirable domestic transformations. In contrast, Bertram Gordon uses the terms "collaborator" and "collaborationist", respectively, in reference to non- ideological and ideological collaborations.Bertram N. Gordon, Collaborationism in France during the Second World War, Ithaca, N.Y., Cornell University Press, 1980, , 9780801412639, p. 18.
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Whether or not the Government Army can be considered a collaborationist force has been debated. Its commanding officer, Jaroslav Eminger, was tried and acquitted on charges of collaboration following World War II, some members of the force engaged in active resistance operations simultaneous with their service in the army, and – in the waning days of the conflict – elements of the army joined in the Prague uprising. The Slovak Republic (Slovenská republika) was a quasi-independent ethnic-Slovak state which existed from 14 March 1939 to 8 May 1945 as an ally and client state of Nazi Germany. The Slovak Republic existed on roughly the same territory as present-day Slovakia (with the exception of the southern and eastern parts of present-day Slovakia).
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On October 15, 1937, Cui was appointed to the position of director within the Department of Finance of the North Shanxi Autonomous Government during the "Bring the Shanxi Province to Autonomy" conference held in Datong. It is unknown if Cui served any role in the interim administration of Chen Yuming while the region was still under direct Japanese army control before October 15, 1937, though this may have occurred. After this date however, Cui was given an official role within the new collaborationist government of North Shanxi along with Hashimoto Otoji, who served as his consultant. On November 23, 1937, a month after being appointed into the government of North Shanxi, Cui was appointed into the Mengjiang Bank Committee, a part of the Xingya Association.
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German soldiers in a shop Within the occupation zones, the confiscation of fuel and all means of transportation, including fishing boats and pack animals, prevented any transfer of food and other supplies and reduced mobility to a minimum. The occupiers seized strategic industries and appropriated or bought them at low prices, paying with occupation marks they circulated all stocks of commodities like tobacco, olive oil, cotton, and leather and transferred them to their home countries. Laird Archer, who worked for an American aid agency and was in Athens when the Germans entered the city on 27 April 1941, noted in his Journal: Unemployment rose to extreme levels, while extraordinary levies were extorted from the Greek collaborationist government to sustain the occupying forces.Neelsen, Stratmann, 2010: 8.
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After Quisling moved into the Royal Palace he took back into use the official seal of Norway, changing the wording from "Haakon VII Norges konge" to "Norges rikes segl" (in English translation, from "Haakon VII King of Norway" to "The Seal of the Norwegian Realm"Dahl 1999, p. 250). After establishing national government Quisling claimed to hold "the authority that according to the Constitution belonged to the King and Parliament". Other important ministers of the collaborationist government were Jonas Lie (also head of the Norwegian wing of the SS from 1941) as Minister of the Police, Dr. Gulbrand Lunde as Minister of Culture and Enlightenment, as well as the opera singer Albert Viljam Hagelin, who was Minister of the Interior.
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On the morning of September 13, 1937, the city center of Datong was captured by Japanese army forces, and was placed under military control for the time being. Soon after, however, a group of influential figures from the city including Wang Yongkui, the president of the Datong City Chamber of Commerce, a middle school teacher, an accountant, and others welcomed the Japanese, with they themselves posing little resistance to the occupation. Later that month on September 20, the foundations of the area's collaborationist government were established with the North Shanxi Public Security Maintenance Center in Datong. Leading this effort at first was Chen Yuming, who was brought by the Japanese army from Zhangjiakou (Kalgan), the then-capital of Mengjiang, to direct Datong's administration.
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After several foreign reports from 1935 to 1937 (Italy, Greece, Yugoslavia, Japan, China, India, Morocco) alongside fellow journalist Joseph Kessel, he began work for several news publications, including L'Illustration, Paris-Soir, and Match. From September 1939 until the Fall of France in June 1940, he covered the Phony War in the press. In 1941, he was contracted by the occupying Germans to work as a photographer and correspondent for the magazine Signal, a propaganda organ of the German Wehrmacht. His photography was used to support a positive image of the German occupation in France, as well as to encourage French men to volunteer for the Legion of French Volunteers Against Bolshevism, a collaborationist French militia serving on the Eastern Front.
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The Legion of French Volunteers Against Bolshevism (, or LVF) was a unit of the German Army (Wehrmacht) formed by collaborationist volunteers from Vichy France to participate in the German invasion of the Soviet Union alongside similar formations from other parts of German-occupied Europe. It was officially designated the 638th Infantry Regiment (Infanterieregiment 638). Created in July 1941, the LVF originated as part of a coalition of far-right political factions including Marcel Déat's National Popular Rally, Jacques Doriot's French Popular Party, Eugène Deloncle's Social Revolutionary Movement and Pierre Costantini's French League which were more explicitly supportive of Nazi ideology and collaboration with Nazi Germany. By contrast, the conservative and authoritarian Vichy regime considered itself neutral and were more ambiguous about its dependence on German support.
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However, the Vichy regime could not control large parts of France under France under direct German occupation and was challenged by more extreme right-wing French political factions (groupuscules) which often shared a more explicitly Nazi and pro- German ideology than Vichy. The three main radical factions which emerged as leading proponents of collaborationism were Marcel Déat's National Popular Rally (Rassemblement national populaire), Jacques Doriot's French Popular Party (Parti populaire français), and Eugène Deloncle's Social Revolutionary Movement (Mouvement social révolutionnaire). Small in size and widely considered as extremists, these groups looked to German support for their influence but often had poor relations with one another. German overtures towards these collaborationist factions placed great pressure on Vichy to change this stance and encouraged deep suspicion in Pétain's entourage.
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The Russian Liberation Army (; , ', abbreviated as , ''''', also known as the Vlasov army (, ')) was a collaborationist formation, primarily composed of Russians, that fought under German command during World War II. The army was led by Andrey Vlasov, a Red Army general who had defected, and members of the army are often referred to as Vlasovtsy (). In 1944, it became known as the Armed Forces of the Committee for the Liberation of the Peoples of Russia (, ', abbreviated as , '''''). Vlasov agreed to collaborate with Nazi Germany after having been captured on the Eastern Front. The soldiers under his command were mostly former Soviet prisoners of war but also included White Russian émigrés, some of whom were veterans of the anti-communist White Army from the Russian Civil War (1917–23).
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With the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand of Austria, carried out by Bosnian Serb Gavrilo Princip, a member of the Yugoslavist Mlada Bosna, World War I broke out in 1914. Following the war, modern-day Republika Srpska was incorporated into the Vrbas, Drina, and Zeta banovinas of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes, renamed Yugoslavia in 1929. Following the outbreak of World War II and the invasion of Yugoslavia in 1941, Republika Srpska fell under the rule of the Nazi-collaborationist Independent State of Croatia. Around 300,000 Serbs are estimated to have died under the Ustashe regime; a slew of massacres, as well as the use of a variety of concentration and extermination camps, took place in Republika Srpska during the war.
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The Soviet Ukrainian partisans achieved some success only in Slovakia, a nominally independent country under German tutelage. The Slovakian countryside and mountains became a ‘hotbed’ for the Soviet guerrillas in the second half of 1944. Dozens of the partisan detachments that came from Soviet Ukraine and formerly Soviet-occupied Poland conducted sabotage acts against German communication lines, harassed the local German community and finally took an active part in the Slovak National Uprising launched by the Slovak resistance movement on 29 August 1944. The insurgents established their headquarters in the central-Slovakian town Banská Bystrica, conducted contacts with the Allied powers, managed to hold out for two months against the German and the Slovak collaborationist troops, and even dispatched sabotage and intelligence units to Hungary and Moravia.
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He created several religious murals: in the chapel of St. Joseph's College in Lannion, the Grand Seminary in Saint-Brieuc, the Notre-Dame-de-la-Mer Étel Church in La Richardais, and the stations of the cross, La Baule. Vie de saint LunaireVie de saint MaloChemin de Croix He was a prolific writer in the Breton language and was an ardent promoter of orthographic reform would create characters for the specific dialect of Vannes Breton that he practiced. He held discussions in Vannes in 1936, but the project only reached fruition 1941. In that year he moved to Rennes, where he worked as an artistic and literary critic, writing a regular column in La Bretagne, a pro-Marshal Philippe Pétain collaborationist newspaper edited by Yann Fouéré.
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256 The new setup was worked out in final months of 1967, but was made public in early 1968.Vázquez de Prada 2016, pp. 333-337 Rally at the summit of Montejurra, late 1960s At that time Carlist leaders were still hoping that collaborationist stand towards Francoism might eventually bring the dynasty somewhat closer to the throne. In public statements Palomino confirmed this policy to the full; he declared that Comunión Tradicionalista would act within the legal framework, which allows some competition of ideas united by the “spirit of 18 July”, and would work towards the crowning of their claimants.in a lengthy 1967 interview and still merely “delegato regional de la Zona Sur de España”, Palomino laid out his vision of the Spanish politics of the time.
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After the outbreak of the Second World War, Japan continued its military conquest of Asia. It invaded and annexed Indochina into its Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere in 1940–1941. As France had fallen to Nazi Germany, the colonial administration in Vietnam of Admiral Jean Decoux was loyal to the Axis collaborationist Vichy France of Marshal Philippe Pétain. As Vichy France was nominally allied to Japan, the French administration was left in charge of the day-to-day affairs of French Indochina, with the Japanese overseeing them. In the early 20th century, Japan was also seen by many Vietnamese as a promoter of Asian nationalism, and many Vietnamese nationalists had travelled to Japan in an attempt to further the Vietnamese independence movement.
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In 1939–1940, the Japanese launched more than 109 small campaigns involving around 1,000 combatants each and 10 large campaigns of 10,000 men each to wipe out Communist guerrillas in the Hebei and Shandong plains. In addition, the army of Wang Jingwei's collaborationist Reorganized National Government had its offensive against the CCP guerrillas. There was also a general sentiment among the anti-Japanese resistance forces – particularly in the Kuomintang – that the CCP was not contributing enough to the war effort, and that they were only interested in expanding their power base. It was out of these circumstances that the CCP planned to stage a great offensive to prove that they were helping the war effort and to mend KMT-CCP relations.
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Ye Ting was the Army commander, while Zhang Yunyi held the concurrent posts of chief of staff and commander of the third detachment. In the middle of December 1938, Zhang Yunyi headed the special task battalion and arrived at Anhui where the headquarters of the fourth detachment was located and shouldered the task of the war in the middle area of Anhui Province. On May 5, 1939, the north Yangtze River command post of the New Fourth Army was established and Zhang Yunyi held the concurrent post of the general director and the Secretary of the CPC of the command post. In December 1940, with Xu Haidong, and Luo Binghui (), Zhang Yunyi shattered the military attack of Collaborationist Chinese Army.
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The decision to establish the Jastrebarsko children's camp was taken due to the large numbers of Serb children who had been rounded up during anti-Serb massacres conducted by NDH forces since April 1941. Children had also been taken during anti-Partisan operations conducted by German, NDH and other collaborationist forces between April 1941 and June 1942, such as the Kozara Offensive. Their parents and older siblings had often been killed or sent to labour camps both within the NDH and elsewhere in Axis-occupied Europe. Those children who had not been killed in the massacres and counter-insurgency operations were rounded up, as their villages had in most cases been burned to the ground, and they had no means of support.
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Collaborationist movements arose in the first few weeks after the invasion, but received no support from the German military administration, which was in place from May to July 1940. On 19 May, there was a meeting of 28 individuals who had belonged to several of the above-mentioned fascist movements, and who called for Luxembourg to be incorporated into Germany as a Gau. On 13 July, the Volksdeutsche Bewegung was officially founded. This included three factions: a group around Damian Kratzenberg, which had been Germanophile before the war and was most active in the cultural sphere; a group that was most interested in cooperating with the occupiers for economic reasons; finally, a third wing around a former journalist, Camille Dennemeyer.
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Following Napoleon's defeat in the Napoleonic Wars, France went through several further regime changes, being ruled as a monarchy, then briefly as a Second Republic, and then as a Second Empire, until a more lasting French Third Republic was established in 1870. France was one of the Triple Entente powers in World War I, fighting alongside the United Kingdom, Russia, Italy, Japan, the United States and smaller allies against Germany and the Central Powers. France was one of the Allied Powers in World War II, but was conquered by Nazi Germany in 1940. The Third Republic was dismantled, and most of the country was controlled directly by Germany while the south was controlled until 1942 by the collaborationist Vichy government.
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Zissu and Union leader Wilhelm Filderman had a lifelong disputation over religious and practical politics. Always a confrontational critic of antisemitism, Zissu found himself marginalized by fascist regimes in the late 1930s and for most of World War II. During the Holocaust era, he risked his personal freedom to defend the interests of his community, and was especially vocal as a critic of the collaborationist Central Jewish Office. He eventually reached a compromise with the Ion Antonescu regime when the latter curbed its deportations of Jews to Transnistria, and, after 1943, helped initiate the Aliyah Bet exodus of Romanian and Hungarian Jews to Mandatory Palestine. His contribution is at the center of an enduring controversy, focusing on his alleged favoritism of Zionist Jews and his cantankerousness.
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Until early 1943, the Soviet partisans focused primarily on survival deep behind enemy lines, with their activity limited mostly to sabotage and diversion rather than armed struggle against German forces and collaborationist police units. During this early period various Soviet partisan groups also collaborated with the local Polish resistance of ZWZ, later renamed the AK. The Polish underground was established in the area in the fall 1939. Polish resistance was both anti-Nazi and anti-Soviet; their attitude represented the fact that both powers had invaded Poland, and Polish citizens suffered from Soviet terror just as they did from Nazi terror. There was no love lost between Polish and Soviet resistances, as Joseph Stalin's goal was to prevent a reemergence of an independent Poland after the war.
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Chu became the ambassador of the collaborationist Chinese government to Japan briefly before becoming the Foreign Minister again until the final months of the war, and continued to pay an important role in the Wang Jingwei Government until the end of World War II. In 1945, after the surrender of Japan, Chu was taken into custody by the Republic of China government in Guangdong, where he served as governor, in August 1945. He was brought to trial in Nanjing on charges of treason in April 1946. There was considerable public sympathy for Chu at the time of his trial for many people found it hard to consider Chu as a national traitor due his record as a Chinese nationalist. Many people considered his wartime role as a result of his personal loyalty to Wang Jingwei.
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The Working Group () was an underground Jewish organization in the Axis- aligned Slovak State during World War II. Led by Gisi Fleischmann and Rabbi Michael Dov Weissmandl, the Working Group rescued Jews from the Holocaust by gathering and disseminating information on the Holocaust in Poland, bribing and negotiating with German and Slovak officials, and smuggling valuables to Jews deported to Poland. In 1940, SS official Dieter Wisliceny forced the Slovak Jewish community to set up the Jewish Center (ÚŽ) to implement anti- Jewish decrees. Members of the ÚŽ unhappy with collaborationist colleagues began to meet in the summer of 1941. In 1942, the group worked to prevent the deportation of Slovak Jews by bribing Wisliceny and Slovak officials, lobbying the Catholic Church to intervene, and encouraging Jews to flee to Hungary.
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SS-Polizei Selbstschutz Regiment Sandschak (from German; "SS-Police Self- Protection Regiment Sandžak", ), also known as the Krempler Legion (, ) was a Schutzstaffel (SS) unit established on the territory of Sandžak by the senior Waffen-SS officer Karl von Krempler in Axis occupied Yugoslavia. He went to the Sandžak region (named after the Ottoman administrative unit "Sanjak") in October and took over the local volunteer militia of around 5,000 anti- communist, anti-Serb Muslim men headquartered in Sjenica. The SS-police "self- defence" regiment Sandžak was created by joining three battalions of Albanian collaborationist troops with one battalion of the Sandžak Muslim militia. The Germans could not provide uniforms, arms and equipment for more than one battalion of Muslims, so other Muslim fighters remained within units of Muslim militia.
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After Germany invaded and occupied France, the Chagalls naively remained in Vichy France, unaware that French Jews, with the help of the Vichy government, were being collected and sent to German concentration camps, from which few would return. The Vichy collaborationist government, directed by Marshal Philippe Pétain, immediately upon assuming power established a commission to "redefine French citizenship" with the aim of stripping "undesirables", including naturalized citizens, of their French nationality. Chagall had been so involved with his art, that it was not until October 1940, after the Vichy government, at the behest of the Nazi occupying forces, began approving anti- Semitic laws, that he began to understand what was happening. Learning that Jews were being removed from public and academic positions, the Chagalls finally "woke up to the danger they faced".
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40 When in 1955 Fal Conde was released from Jefatura and when Carlism abandoned intransigent opposition to the regime in favor of cautious co- operation, Tejada was left puzzled.some scholars claim that in mid-1950s Tejada considered intransigent position of Fal a mistake and advocated cautious opening towards Francoism, Bartyzel 2015, p. 263; others note that he voiced against collaborationist stand of Valiente, Mercedes Vázquez de Prada Tiffe, El nuevo rumbo político del carlismo hacia la colaboración con el régimen (1955-56), [in:] Hispania 69 (2009), p. 190 He did not hesitate to voice his doubts about collaboratice strategy advocated by the new leader Jose Maria Valiente,Vázquez de Prada 2009, p. 190 yet he decided to comply and accepted appointment to the newly formed Secretariat;Martorell Pérez 2009, p.
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Afterwards, he was invited to Belgrade to negotiate the terms of proposed Chetnik collaboration with the Germans with the head of the collaborationist puppet government in the German-occupied territory of Serbia, Milan Nedić, and the Wehrmacht military commander of the territory, General der Artillerie Paul Bader. Although a deal was struck, it was vetoed by the Wehrmacht Commander in Southeast Europe, General der Pioniere Walter Kuntze, who remained suspicious of Dangić. Despite this, Dangić's Chetniks collaborated with German forces in eastern Bosnia over a period of several months beginning in December 1941. In April 1942, Dangić was arrested when he travelled to occupied Serbia despite promising to operate only within the territory of Bosnia, and was sent to a prisoner-of-war camp in German-occupied Poland.
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The Groupes de Choc were set up, generally specializing in attacks against collaborators and shopkeepers who sold collaborationist papers like the Nazi magazine Signal (the shops of the latter were generally blown up). From 1942 onwards the GC gradually merged into the Armée secrète which was assimilating by degrees the various paramilitary groups of Combat, Libération and Franc-Tireur. This merging was encouraged by Frenay and Moulin, who wanted the operations of the GC remained separate from any intelligence and propaganda activities. For this reason, the leadership of the Armée Secrète was not conferred upon Frenay as he had initially wanted (his movement being more significant than the other two members of the MUR) but rather upon the division general Charles Delestraint, who was recruited by the chef de Combat.
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A collaborationist "Interim Advisory Committee" of Montenegrin separatists was advocating the establishment of an "independent" Montenegrin state, and a similar committee of separatist Serbs was formed in eastern Herzegovina. A delegation from that committee arrived in Cetinje in Montenegro on 6 May to ask for Italian protection. Similarly, a delegation of Muslims from eastern Herzegovina travelled to Sarajevo, the historic Bosnian capital, to urge the NDH authorities to link eastern Herzegovina to that city. Due to the poor response to the demand for the surrender of weapons, the deadline was extended several times until a date of 8 July was fixed. On 17 May, court- martials were established to try those that were arrested in possession of weapons, and those found guilty were immediately executed by firing squad.
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Between his first meeting with Roosevelt on 16 June and his last on 1 August, Reynaud's government had fallen. Later that year Chambrun published the book I Saw France Fall, which helped to alert American opinion about the fate of his country. After the Liberation of France and the consequent fall of Laval's collaborationist government, Chambrun was a defender of Laval: The Chambruns threw themselves into the task of assisting Laval in his defense before the High Court of Justice. After Laval's sentence and execution in October 1945, Chambrun was put on police watch in Paris on the suspicion that he may have helped the Nazis during the war; in 1942 Chevalier had been named on a list of French collaborators with Germany to be killed during the war, or tried after it.
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War Ensign of the Manchukuo Imperial Army The Chinese armies allied to Japan had only 78,000 people in 1938, but had grown to around 649,640 men by 1943, and reached a maximum strength of 900,000 troops before the end of the war. Almost all of them belonged to Manchukuo, Provisional Government of the Republic of China (Beijing), Reformed Government of the Republic of China (Nanking) and the later Nanking Nationalist Government (Wang Jingwei regime). These collaborator troops were mainly assigned to garrison and logistics duties in their own territories, and were not fielded in combat very often because of low morale and Japanese distrust. In general, they fared very poorly in skirmishes against both Chinese NRA and Communist forces, although there were some individual collaborationist units that had some success against them.
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He became French collaborationist Maurice Bonnard in Tonight We Raid Calais (FOX, 1943), and the villainous Japanese Colonel Sato in Dragon Seed (MGM, 1944), starring Katharine Hepburn. A highlight of his Hollywood character actor career came when he played Frenchman Maurice Bottello opposite his friend Charles Chaplin in Chaplin's controversial film Monsieur Verdoux (1947). Though he went on to perform in and co-direct (with Vincente Minnelli) musicals like Ziegfeld Follies (MGM, 1946), starring Fred Astaire, and he directed the 1956 version of Anything Goes (Paramount), starring Bing Crosby and Donald O'Connor, Lewis was strictly tied to a contract with MGM studios. Lewis reminisced he felt bored, underused and flustered in Hollywood; and struggled for some years to get out of his contract at MGM so he could return to Broadway and the East coast.
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The China Railways JF17 (解放17, Jiěfàng, "liberation") class steam locomotive was a class of 2-8-2 steam locomotives operated by the China Railway, built by Hudswell Clarke in the United Kingdom and by the South Manchuria Railway's Shahekou Works in 1931.我们的火车站 (JF17) At least four of these locomotives were originally built for the Jiaoji Railway, which numbered them in the 600 series. After the establishment of the collaborationist Provisional Government of the Republic of China during the Japanese occupation of China, the North China Transportation Company was formed in 1938 to operate railways in the territory of the Provisional Government, nationalising the various privately owned railways, including the Jihai Railway. North China Transport then designated these Mikana (ミカナ) class.
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The shock was all the greater because the trauma was not limited to a catastrophic and deeply embarrassing defeat of her military forces - it also involved the unleashing of a conservative political revolution that, on 10 July 1940, interred the Third Republic and replaced it with the authoritarian, collaborationist Etat Français of Vichy. All this was so deeply disorienting because France had been regarded as a great power....The collapse of France, however, was a different case (a 'strange defeat' as it was dubbed in the haunting phrase of the Sorbonne's great medieval historian and Resistance martyr, Marc Bloch). One of the most influential books on the war was written in summer 1940 by French historian Marc Bloch: L'Étrange Défaite ("Strange Defeat"). He raised most of the issues historians have debated since.
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José Giovanni in 2001 José Giovanni (22 June 1923, Paris, France – 24 April 2004, Lausanne, Switzerland) was the pseudonym of Joseph Damiani, a French writer and film-maker of Corsican origin who became a naturalized Swiss citizen in 1986. A former collaborationist and criminal who at one time was sentenced to death, Giovanni often drew his inspiration from personal experience or from real gangsters, such as Abel Danos in his 1960 film Classe tous risques, overlooking that they had been members of the French Gestapo. In his films as well as his novels, while praising masculine friendships and advocating the confrontation of the individual against the world, he often championed the underworld but was always careful to hide his own links with the Nazi occupiers of France during World War II.
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The official list during the most controversial period (1937–1945) that may contain persons who played important roles in South Korean development after the independence and enlisted in the 2005 list of the Institute for Research in Collaborationist Activities had not been revealed as of September 2007. Since the enactment of the Special Law on the Inspection of Collaboration with Japanese Imperialism (:ko:친일진상규명법) in 2004 and the special law to redeem pro-Japanese collaborators' property in 2005, the committee has made a list of 452 pro-Japanese collaborators and examined the land of 109 among them. The total size of the land is estimated at 13.1 million square meters, worth almost 100 billion won. The confiscated properties will be appropriated, with priority, to reward Koreans who contributed to the independence of Korea from Japan.
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He decided that alternate methods of killing should be found. On his orders, by spring 1942 the camp at Auschwitz had been greatly expanded, including the addition of gas chambers, where victims were killed using the pesticide Zyklon B. Industrialized killing at the SS operated extermination camps made these Nazi-conceived institutions into places where the productive output was corpses. By the end of the war, at least eleven million people, including 5.5 to 6 million Jews and between 200,000 and 1,500,000 Romani people had been killed by the Nazi state with assistance by collaborationist governments and recruits from occupied countries. Historian Enzo Traverso asserts that massacring millions of people was part of the Nazi ideology comprising "total war," which constituted their attempt at conquest for both "racial" and colonial purposes.
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Together with the New Fourth Army, the Eighth Route Army formed the main Communist fighting force during the war and was commanded by Communist party leader Mao Zedong and general Zhu De. Though officially designated the 18th Group Army by the Nationalists, the unit was referred to by the Chinese Communists and Japanese military as the Eighth Route Army. The Eighth Route Army wore Nationalist uniforms and flew the flag of the Republic of China and waged mostly guerrilla war against the Japanese, collaborationist forces and, later in the war, other Nationalist forces. The unit was renamed the People's Liberation Army in 1947, after the end of World War II, as the Chinese Communists and Nationalists resumed the Chinese Civil War. Chinese propaganda poster depicting the Eighth Route Army in Shanxi.
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Jews refused to pay taxes to the Union générale des israélites de France (General Organization of Jews in France), which had been established by the Vichy France (Nazi-collaborationist) government. (Jewish Press Service) This Union was ostensibly meant to act as an umbrella organization that would organize social services for Jews by coordinating existing Jewish groups, but it was really a phase in the Nazi-organized obsession with bureaucratically solving the "Jewish Problem" in Europe via elimination. As in other parts of Nazi-controlled Europe, Jews in France had to make hard decisions about how much to resist such organizations outright and how much to try to participate in them as potential tools of resistance or amelioration. All French Jews were required to be members of the Union, which presumed to control all Jewish property.
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In his memoirs, Monnet claims that his influence inspired Charles de Gaulle and Winston Churchill to agree on an Anglo-French union, ostensibly in an attempt to rival the alliance between Germany and Italy, an event, however, not mentioned in de Gaulle's or Churchill's memoirs on the war. Willard Hotel where Monnet had his wartime office in Washington DC De Gaulle dined with Monnet on his first evening in Britain after his flight with Winston Churchill's envoy Edward Spears (17 June).Lacouture 1991, pp219-23 Monnet broke with de Gaulle on 23 June, as he thought the general's appeal was "too personal" and that de Gaulle had broken "too far" with the collaborationist Pétain government. Monnet believed that French opinion would not rally to a man who was seen to be operating from British soil.
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He held these positions during the Greco-Italian War, participating as captain of the Vasilefs Georgios in the first and third naval raids against Italian shipping in the Straits of Otranto (November 1940 and January 1941 respectively). During a Luftwaffe attack on the night of 13/14 April, the Vasilefs Georgios was seriously damaged, necessitating repairs in drydock. As a result, the ship was unable to join the rest of the fleet during its exodus to the Middle East, and was captured by the Germans. Lappas also remained in Greece, and was employed in the Navy General Directorate of the collaborationist government's Ministry of National Defence. In December 1941, however, he managed to flee Greece, joining the Greek Armed Forces in the Middle East on 27 February 1942.
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ELAS The Greek landscape was favourable to guerrilla operations, and by 1943, the Axis forces and their collaborators were in control only of the main towns and connecting roads, leaving the mountainous countryside to the resistance. EAM-ELAS in particular controlled most of the country's mountainous interior, while EDES was limited to Epirus and EKKA to eastern Central Greece. By early 1944 ELAS could call on nearly 25,000 men under arms, with another 80,000 working as reserves or logistical support, EDES had roughly 10,000 men, and EKKA had under 10,000 men. To combat the rising influence of the EAM, and fearful of an eventual takeover after the German defeat, in 1943, Ioannis Rallis, the Prime Minister of the collaborationist government, authorised the creation of paramilitary forces, known as the Security Battalions.
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All other political parties were outlawed and a dictatorship under Sekula Drljević under Italian protection was proclaimed. A number of party members, headed by Novica Radović, opposed this decision, because the territorial claims were not accepted and it failed to reinstate the Petrović-Njegoš dynasty. The party split in two factions, with a most extremist one opposing the new state borders of Montenegro, especially vis-à-vis Albania, and claiming the territory of the Bay of Kotor. This wing had links to an extent with the communist Partisans, in order to assist a rebellion against the Italians and Ustaše in the Bay of Kotor, as well as when assistance was needed to fend off the royalist collaborationist Chetniks, who managed to get more control in Montenegro, and with whom Partisans were in a civil war.
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The initiative was also received favorably by "influential circles" in the United States. However, for the agreement to work, the FIS still had to have the support of its original power base, when in fact the pious bourgeous had abandon it for the collaborationist Hamas party and the urban poor for jihad;Kepel, Jihad, 2002: p.268 and the other side, the government, had to be interested in the agreement. Those two features being lacking, the platform's effect was at best limited – though some argue that, in the words of Andrea Riccardi who brokered the negotiations for the Community of Sant'Egidio, "the platform made the Algerian military leave the cage of a solely military confrontation and forced them to react with a political act", the 1995 presidential elections.
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Gradually, shamed at participating in what was viewed as a collaborationist campaign, the enthusiasm of the Haganah began to wane, and Begin's assumptions were proven correct. The Irgun's restraint also earned it much sympathy from the Yishuv, whereas previously it had been assumed by many that it had placed its own political interests before those of the Yishuv. In the summer of 1945, as it became clear that the British were not planning on establishing a Jewish state and would not allow significant Jewish immigration to Palestine, Jewish public opinion shifted decisively against the British, and the Jewish authorities sent feelers to the Irgun and Lehi to discuss an alliance. The end result was the Jewish Resistance Movement, a framework under which the Haganah, Irgun, and Lehi launched coordinated series of anti-British operations.
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Arthur Nebe, head of the SS Einsatzgruppe B The first large-scale extermination of Jews in Słonim took place on 17 July 1941, as soon as the EG-B's Einsatzkommando 8 under the command of Otto Badfisch arrived in the town along with the Order Police battalion stationing in Minsk. Just prior to the massacre, burial pits were prepared on the outskirts of the village Pietrolewicze nearby. Some 2,000 Jews were rounded up in the square, and 1,075 of them, or 1,200 by Polish estimates, were loaded into lorries never to return. The role of the collaborationist Belarusian Auxiliary Police (established on 7 July 1941) was crucial in the totality of procedures, as only they – wrote Martin Dean – knew the identity of the Jews.Einsatzgruppe B (19–24 July 1941), Operational Situation Report No. 27.
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The incident also had a lasting propaganda effect in German-occupied Norway during the war, when the Norwegian collaborationist government tried to neutralise their nickname "quislings" by using the location of the skirmish, Jøssingfjord, to coin the derogatory term "jøssing", referring to pro-Allies and anti-Nazis. Their efforts backfired, as "jøssing" was immediately adopted as a positive term by the general public, and the word was banned from official use by 1943. The phrase "the Navy's here" became well-known, being used as the title of a book about the incident; the publisher referred to "the simple statement which stirred the imagination of the world". A popular song was written by Ross Parker and Hughie Charles which saluted the incident by comparing it with those of Drake, Nelson, Beatty, and Fisher.
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After the Treaty of Vis between the Yugoslav Prime Minister in exile Ivan Šubašić and the Yugoslav partisan leader Josip Broz Tito, Kuhar unsuccessfully tried to convince the leadership of the Slovene People's Party to recognize the Yugoslav pro-Communist resistance, and was also unsuccessfully in his protestations that the collaborationist Slovene Home Guard should join forces with the Liberation Front of the Slovenian People. Unlike his contemporaries Izidor Cankar and Franc Snoj, who returned to Slovenia at the end of World War II, Kuhar remained in exile, where he assumed a highly critical attitude towards the new Communist regime. In 1949, he obtained a PhD at the University of Cambridge with a thesis on the Christianisation of Slovenes in the Middle Ages. He settled in New York City, where he died in 1958.
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Stafa argues that the high rate of survival must also be attributed to a more complicated combination of factors. She cites the failure of the German occupational authorities to acquire detailed lists of Jews living in Albania-proper, the inaction of the Italian occupational authorities, as well as individual altruism, especially by individuals in positions of power. Stafa stresses the importance of the repeated refusal of the Albanian collaborationist authorities to hand over to the Germans a list of the country's Jews, noting that across Europe, the obstruction of German attempts to obtain comprehensive lists was associated with a 10 percent increase in a country's Jewish survival rate. Kosovo differed from Albania-proper in that the Germans managed to obtain lists of Jews, despite efforts by some Kosovo Albanian officials to prevent this.
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Memorial to the 42 Jews murdered during the Kielce pogrom Postwar anti-Jewish violence also occurred in Poland (Kielce pogrom), Hungary (Kunmadaras pogrom), and other countries. The violence in Slovakia was less serious than that in Poland, where hundreds of Jews and perhaps more than a thousand were killed. Czech historian Jan Láníček states that the situation in Slovakia was not comparable to that in Poland and emphasizes that, "[w]ith minor exceptions in Slovakia", "Czechoslovakia was not a country of crude, violent, or physical antisemitism, of pogroms and violent riots." Some reasons that have been suggested for this difference is that the collaborationist Slovak State government discredited antisemitism, that it shielded most of the Slovak population from the ravages of war until 1944, and that the death camps were located in Poland, not Slovakia.
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Italy's military outside of the Italian peninsula collapsed, its occupied and annexed territories falling under German control. Italy capitulated to the Allies on 3 September 1943. The northern half of the country was occupied by the Germans with the cooperation of Italian fascists, and became a collaborationist puppet state (with more than 500,000 soldiers recruited for the Axis), while the south was officially controlled by monarchist forces, which fought for the Allied cause as the Italian Co- Belligerent Army (at its height numbering more than 50,000 men), as well as around 350,000Gianni Oliva, I vinti e i liberati: 8 settembre 1943-25 aprile 1945 : storia di due anni, Mondadori, 1994. Italian resistance movement partisans (mostly former Royal Italian Army soldiers) of disparate political ideologies that operated all over Italy.
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The congress was followed by a significant deterioration in the relationships between the Chetnik movement and the collaborationist formations of the Government of National Salvation in occupied Serbia, led by Milan Nedić. The Yugoslav government-in-exile reported at the beginning of March 1944 that in response to the congress, the Gestapo and Serbian puppet government arrested 798 people in Belgrade and held them in prison as hostages, threatening to shoot 100 of them for each German soldier killed in Serbia. A number of Mihailović supporters, including some of the politicians, were rounded up by the Germans as part of this sweep, and at least one politician was executed. A number of the politicians who had accepted positions on the new Central National Committee were forced to flee and seek Mihailović's protection.
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There was no official description of which Asian peoples were considered to be included in this, but Wang, members of the Propaganda Ministry, and other officials of his regime writing for collaborationist media had different interpretations, at times listing Japan, China, Manchukuo, Thailand, the Philippines, Burma, Nepal, India, Afghanistan, Iran, Iraq, Syria, and Arabia as potential members of an "East Asian League." From 1940 on the Wang Jingwei government depicted World War II as a struggle by Asians against Westerners, more specifically the Anglo-American powers. The Reorganized National Government had a Propaganda Ministry and controlled the local media, which was used to disseminate pan-Asianist and anti-Western propaganda. British and American diplomats in Shanghai and Nanjing noted by 1940 that the Wang Jingwei-controlled press was publishing anti-Western campaigns.
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David Littlejohn, The Patriotic Traitors, London: Heinemann, 1972, p. 272 The PPF attempted to aid German intelligence efforts and/or conduct sabotage activities in French territories occupied by the Allies. On January 8, 1943 a group of PPF militants originally from Maghreb, Germans and sympathetic Tunisians were parachuted into Southern Tunisia to conduct sabotage - but were arrested almost immediately.Olivier Pigoreau, "Le PPF en guerre - Node de Code: Atlas" 36 (2009) Batailles: L'histoire militaire du XXe siècle, 60-69, at p.62 From 1943 to 1944, PPF and collaborationist agents were parachuted into North Africa, where, under codename Atlas, they were to transmit information on Allied military preparations and the local political situation to PPF agents in France, who in turn, were to pass this information to German intelligence.
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Vidkun Quisling and Jonas Lie inspect the Norwegian Legion In Norway, the national government, headed by Vidkun Quisling, was installed by the Germans as a puppet regime during the occupation, while king Haakon VII and the legally elected Norwegian government fled into exile. Quisling encouraged Norwegians to volunteer for service in the Waffen-SS, collaborated in the deportation of Jews, and was responsible for the executions of members of the Norwegian resistance movement. About 45,000 Norwegian collaborators joined the fascist party Nasjonal Samling (National Union), about 8,500 of them being enlisted in the collaborationist paramilitary organization Hirden. About 15,000 Norwegians volunteered for combat duty on the Nazi side with 6,000 joining the Germanic SS. In addition, Norwegian police units like the Statspolitiet helped arrest many of Norway's Jews.
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Meanwhile, the Czech National Council (cs), with representatives from various Czech political parties, formed to take over political leadership after the overthrow of the Nazi and collaborationist authorities. Military leaders planning an uprising within Prague counted on the loyalty of ethnically Czech members of the police and the Government Army of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia, as well as employees of key civil services, such as transport workers and the fire brigade. The Russian Liberation Army (ROA), composed of Soviet POWs that had agreed to fight for Nazi Germany, was stationed outside of Prague. Hoping that the ROA could be persuaded to switch sides in order to avoid accusations of collaboration, the Czech military command sent an envoy to General Sergei Bunyachenko, commander of the 1st ROA Infantry Division (600th German Infantry Division).
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The Osoppo partisans, with their continuous protests against the Yugoslav nationalist aims and the collaborationist policy of the Garibaldi, reported also by Bolla at the Udine NLC, provoked the reation of the communist members of the Committee who ordered the GAP members of the zone to attack the Osoppo headquarter. About a hundred gappisti were then sent to the place under the command of Mario Toffanin "Giacca", a highly ideological and extremist partisan who captured "Bolla" and other Osoppo commanders, including the GL member Gastone Valente "Enea". Toffanin immediately shot them and subtracted correspondences, weapons and supplies.. Later, all the other Osoppo partisan, including Guido Pasolini (elder brother of Pier Paolo), were killed excepting two who accepted to join the GAP. The massacre had judiciary consequences with a long trial which ended with severe penalties.
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Furthermore, EAM/ELAS was not a monolithic or tightly controlled organization, and its representatives displayed a variety of behaviour; as British observers noted, in some areas ELAS maintained order "fairly and impartially", while abusing their power in others. When British forces landed in the Peloponnese, they found the National Civil Guard, created by EAM in late summer to assume policing duties from the partisans and replace the discredited collaborationist Gendarmerie, maintained control and order. In Patras, for example, joint patrols of British soldiers and Civil Guard men were carried out until November 1944. Reprisals were also a common phenomenon in other European countries that suffered under Nazi occupation, from the mass expulsion of the Germans in eastern Europe to mass executions of collaborationists: over 10,000 in France, and between 12,000 and 20,000 in Italy.
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On 26 September 1944, the Caserta Agreement was signed by Papandreou, EDES leader Napoleon Zervas, Sarafis on behalf of ELAS, and Scobie. The agreement placed ELAS and EDES under Scobie's overall command, and designated the Security Battalions as "instruments of the enemy", ordering that they were to be treated as hostile forces if they did not surrender. After the agreement was signed, Scobie ordered his officers to intervene in order to protect the Battalionists, disarming them and confining them under guard. Following the Liberation of Greece in October 1944, in some occasions the families of Meligalas victims received pensions based on the collaborationist government's law 927/1943 on military and civil officials murdered "by anarchist elements" during the execution of their duties, a law which was retained by the post-war governments.
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The country was dismembered following the invasion, with Serbia being reduced to Serbia proper, the northern part of Kosovo (around Kosovska Mitrovica), and the Banat, which was occupied by the Germans and placed under the administration of a German military government. Milan Nedić, a pre-war politician who was known to have pro-Axis leanings, was then selected by the Germans to lead the collaborationist Government of National Salvation in the Territory of the Military Commander in Serbia. The civilian administration in the country was headed by SS-Gruppenführer Harald Turner, who commanded the Einsatzgruppen Serbien. Originally led by SS-Standartenführer Wilhelm Fuchs, and later by SS-Gruppenführer August Meyszner with SS-Standartenführer Emanuel Schäfer as his deputy, the group was responsible for ensuring internal security, fighting opponents of the occupation, and dealing with Jews.
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The Schutzmannschaft or Auxiliary Police (literally: "protective, or guard units"; plural: Schutzmannschaften, abbreviated as Schuma) was the collaborationist auxiliary police of native policemen serving in those areas of the Soviet Union and the Baltic states occupied by Nazi Germany during World War II. Heinrich Himmler, head of the SS, established the Schutzmannschaft on 25 July 1941, and subordinated it to the Order Police (Ordnungspolizei; Orpo). By the end of 1941, some 45,000 men served in Schutzmannschaft units, about half of them in the battalions. During 1942, Schutzmannschaften expanded to an estimated 300,000 men, with battalions accounting for about a third, or less than one half of the local force. Everywhere, local police far outnumbered the equivalent German personnel several times; in most places, the ratio of Germans to natives was about 1-to-10.
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Furthermore, they compiled and handed to the occupiers "blacklists" of potential hostages or "donors". After the "Three Acorns," a set of historic fortifications, were painted in the national colours of Luxembourg: red, white and blue, the Ortsgruppenleiter in Clausen presented the authorities with a list of 31 persons who would be able to pay the 100,000 Reichsmark that the occupiers demanded as punishment. Apart from the VdB, the Nazis tried to cover Luxembourg with a net of political, social and cultural organisations. It became apparent that the VdB, being a mass organisation, was not suitable for the formation of a collaborationist elite, and so in September 1941 a Luxembourg section of the Nazi party was founded, which had grown to 4,000 members by the end of the war.
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The Marco Polo Bridge Incident triggered the Second Sino-Japanese War, World War II as it is known in China. After continued clashes and failed cease-fire talks, Japanese reinforcements with air support launched a full-scale offensive against Beiping and Tianjin in late July. In fighting south of the city, deputy commander of the 29th Army Tong Lin'ge and division commander Zhao Dengyu were both killed in action. They along with Zhang Zizhong, another 29th Army commander who died later in the war, are the only three modern personages after whom city streets are named in Beijing. In Tongzhou, the collaborationist militia of the East Hebei Council refused to join the Japanese in attacking the 29th Army and mutinied, but Chinese forces had retreated to the south.
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Then, Chirac's economic policies, based on dirigisme, allowing for state-directed investment, stood in opposition to the laissez-faire policies of the United Kingdom under the ministries of Margaret Thatcher and John Major, which Chirac described as "Anglo-Saxon ultraliberalism". He was also known for his stand against the American-led assault on Iraq, his recognition of the collaborationist French Government's role in deporting Jews, and his reduction of the presidential term from 7 years to 5 through a referendum in 2000. At the 2002 French presidential election, he won 82.2% of the vote in the second round against the far-right candidate, Jean-Marie Le Pen. During his second term, however, he had a very low approval rating and was considered one of the least popular presidents in modern French political history.
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ELAS justified its action by accusing right-wing groups of collaboration with the German occupation authorities, a charge in which, according to SOE officer Chris Woodhouse, "there was some justice [...] because Greek nationalists, like Mihailović in Yugoslavia, regarded the Germans as a less serious enemy than the Bulgarians or the Communists". EAM- ELAS constantly viewed any group not belonging to itself with distrust and accused them as "collaborators" but in many cases this backfired and became a self-fulfilling prophecy, as the remnants of the right-wing groups joined the Germans against ELAS. During the closing stages of the Axis occupation, Axis troops withdrew from northern Greece. Fearing reprisals from ELAS, members of the collaborationist Security Battalions, right wing resistance groups (EDES and National Greek Army (EES) and their civilian supporters congregated at Kilkis.
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The offices used the official title "French Government Commission for the Defense of National Interests" () and informally was known as the "French Delegation" (). The enclave had its own radio station (Radio-patrie, Ici la France) and official press (, Le Petit Parisien), and hosted the embassies of Axis powers Germany and Japan, as well as an Italian consulate. The population of the enclave was about 6,000, including known collaborationist journalists, the writers Louis- Ferdinand Céline and Lucien Rebatet, the actor Robert Le Vigan, and their families, as well as 500 soldiers, 700 French SS, prisoners of war and French civilian forced labourers. The Commission lasted for seven months, surviving Allied bombing runs, poor nutrition and housing, and a bitterly cold winter where temperatures plunged to , while residents nervously watched the advancing Allied troops drawing closer and discussed rumors.
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Their opposition led to their dismissal on the next day and their retirement on the day after that. Following the German attack, the capitulation of the Greek army and the Axis occupation of Greece in April, on 20 May 1941 Papadopoulos was reinstated in the army by the new collaborationist government's Minister of Defence, Major General Georgios Bakos, and led the Supreme Military Council that reviewed the war records of the officer corps in respect to awards, promotions etc. On 20 May 1943, he became a founding member of the "Military Hierarchy" (Στρατιωτική Ιεραρχία), a group of generals led by Alexander Papagos that tried to organize the officer corps into the Greek Resistance. The group's activities quickly became known to the Germans, however, and on 20 July the leadership of the organization was arrested and deported to Germany.
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Percy Toplis (The Monocled Mutineer), founder of Pakistan Mohammad Ali Jinnah, Portuguese President António de Spínola, filmmakers Fritz Lang and Erich von Stroheim, prominent 19th-century Portuguese writer Eça de Queiroz, Soviet writer Mikhail Bulgakov, actor Conrad Veidt, Dadaists Tristan Tzara and Raoul Hausmann, esotericist Julius Evola, French collaborationist politician Louis Darquier de Pellepoix, Poet laureate Alfred Lord Tennyson, singer Richard Tauber, diplomat Christopher Ewart-Biggs (a smoked-glass monocle, to disguise his glass eye), Major Johnnie Cradock, actors Ralph Lynn, George Arliss and Martyn Green, and Karl Marx. In another vein, G. E. M. Anscombe was one of only a few noted women who occasionally wore a monocle. Famous wearers of the 21st century so far include astronomer Sir Patrick Moore, and former boxer Chris Eubank. Abstract expressionist painter Barnett Newman wore a monocle mainly for getting a closer look at artworks.
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When a warrant for Liang's arrest was issued by the Kuomintang, he fled to Dalian in the Kwantung Leased Territory under Japanese jurisdiction together with Duan Qirui. After the Manchurian Incident of 1931, Liang returned with Duan to Tianjin, and then to Shanghai and was with Duan when he died in 1937. After the Second Sino-Japanese War broke out in 1937, the Imperial Japanese Army quickly overran northern and portions of eastern China, and the Japanese Imperial General Headquarters authorized the creation of a collaborationist regimes as part of its overall strategy to establish an autonomous buffer zones between North China and Japanese- controlled Manchukuo. The Provisional Government of the Republic of China based in Beijing was formed on December 14, 1937 with Wang Kemin as its president of the five provinces of northern China.
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The March 1944 Charter of the Conseil National de la Résistance (CNR), the umbrella organization of the Resistance which was dominated by the Communist Francs-tireurs partisans (FTP), envisioned the establishment of a social democracy, including a planned economy. Classical liberalism had been discredited during the 1929 crisis and its inability to come up with a suitable response to the Depression. The GPRF introduced a program of social reforms and laid the foundations of the French welfare state. It also enacted some nationalizations in strategic or/and Collaborationist-controlled economic sectors (including the 1946 founding of Électricité de France electricity company, the 1945 nationalization of the AGF insurance firm, the nationalization of the Crédit Lyonnais bank in 1945 and the Société Générale bank in 1946, as well as the nationalization of the car maker Renault, which had been accused of Collaborationism).
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As early as the autumn 1941, the first stirrings of a resistance movement were registered, with attacks on isolated Gendarmerie stations in Macedonia in northern Greece. The establishment of large-scale resistance organizations in 1942, most notably the communist-dominated National Liberation Front (EAM) and its military wing, the Greek People's Liberation Army (ELAS) began to challenge not only the collaborationist government's organs, but also the Italian occupation troops. The winter and early spring of 1943 saw a series of resistance successes against the Italians in the mountainous areas of mainland Greece, with battlefield victories such as at Fardykambos, or the liberation of towns like Karditsa (12 March), Grevena (24 March), and Metsovo (22 April). By 16 April an Italian report noted that "control throughout the north-east, centre and south-west of Greece remains very precarious, not to say nonexistent".
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Gilbert Achcar, a professor of Development Studies at the University of London's School of Oriental and African Studies, argues that historical narratives often over-emphasize collaboration and under-appreciate progressive Arab political history, overshadowing the many dimensions of conflict between Nazism and the Arab World. He accuses Zionists of promulgating a 'collaborationist' narrative for partisan purposes. He proposes that the dominant Arab political attitudes were 'anti-colonialism' and 'anti-Zionism,' though only a comparatively small faction adopted anti-Semitism, and most Arabs were actually pro-Ally and anti-Axis (as evidenced by the high number of Arabs who fought for Allied forces). Achcar states: > The Zionist narrative of the Arab world is based centrally around one figure > who is ubiquitous in this whole issue—the Jerusalem Grand Mufti Hajj Amin > al-Husseini, who collaborated with the Nazis.
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He was awarded the "19 December Award" from the city of Podgorica, the capital of Montenegro, and was a member of the Doclean Academy of Sciences and Arts. He has been praised for his objective writing about collaborationism in Montenegro during World War II without being affected in his research by his family's active involvement in the struggle against fascism. In the 1990s, in the countries that emerged from the dissolution of Yugoslavia, a politically motivated, popular trend in historiography was the historical rehabilitation of World War II figures, who were pro-Nazi/Italian collaborators and were involved in massacres of civilians during the war. According to the Montenegrin historian Živko Andrijašević, Pajović was one of the historians who refused to engage in historical revisionism in favor of the collaborationist Chetniks, despite it being a trend in the 1990s.
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Following Juan Carlos Onganía's military coup of June 28, 1966, Alonso declared: "We congratulate ourselves in having witnessed the fall of the last bourgeois liberal government, because it will never be able to establish itself here again.".Spanish: "nos congratulamos de haber asistido a la caída del último gobierno liberal burgués, porque jamás podrá volver implantarse nada así" The main trade unionist leaders, Vandor, Prado, Light and Power workers' leader Juan José Taccone, and Alonso attended the inaugural of the new de facto President Onganía. Along with Rogelio Coria, José Alonso participated to the Nueva Corriente de Opinión, which, headed by Taccone, supported a "participationist" or "collaborationist" attitude toward the military regime. A new tendency, opposed to the latter, formed in the workers' movement, headed by Amado Olmos, Raimundo Ongaro, Julio Guillán, Jorge Di Pasquale, Ricardo De Luca, Atilio Santillán, and Agustín Tosco.
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Following the Battle of Shanghai of 1937, the cabinet of Japanese Prime Minister Fumimaro Konoe pushed for a quick and diplomatic settlement to the war in China, and not an expensive and long-term occupation. Furthermore, the Japanese Imperial General Headquarters was not keen to permit a repeat of the political experimentation undertaken by the Kwangtung Army in the establishment of Manchukuo, and pressured the Japanese Central China Area Army to establish a collaborationist local government to handle the details of local administration for the Shanghai metropolitan area. In November 1937, a number of well-known residents were approached to take over provisional civilian administration of the city. Eventually, the Japanese were able to secure the assistance of Fu Xiao'an, the wealthy director of the Chinese Bank of Commerce and head of the Shanghai General Chamber of Commerce.
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The Nation, quoted in the New Directions Paperbook (Eighteenth Printing) of Journey to the End of the Night Guignol's Band and its companion novel London Bridge center on the London underworld during World War I. In London Bridge a sailboat appears, bearing the name King Hamsun, obviously a tribute to Knut Hamsun, another collaborationist writer. Céline's autobiographical narrator recounts his disastrous partnership with a mystical Frenchman (intent on financing a trip to Tibet by winning a gas-mask competition); his uneasy relationship with London's pimps and prostitutes and their common nemesis, Inspector Matthew of Scotland Yard.Dalkey Archive Press, London Bridge translation by Dominic Di Bernardi Céline's legacy survives in the writings of Samuel Beckett, Queneau and Jean Genet among others. Jean-Paul Sartre, Jean-Marie Gustave Le Clézio, Robbe-Grillet, and Barthes expressed admiration for him.
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The Organization for the Protection of the People's Struggle (, abbreviated ΟΠΛΑ - OPLA, an acronym meaning "weapons" in Greek) was a special division of the Communist Party of Greece (KKE) during the Axis Occupation of Greece in World War II. Officially, ιt was semi-autonomous part of the broader National Liberation Front (EAM). In actual fact, it was not controlled by EAM, but directly by the Politburo of the KKE. It can be described as a paramilitary security force. It operated in the cities, and its purpose was the "self- defense" of the members of the National Liberation Front and its affiliated organizations from the German occupation authorities and the collaborationist government and its organs, the Police, the Gendarmerie (especially its notorious branch named as Special Security, expertised at the anti-communistic struggle) and the Security Battalions.
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Many Estonian and Latvian soldiers, and a few Germans, evaded capture and fought as Forest Brothers in the countryside for years after the war. Others, such as Alfons Rebane and Alfrēds Riekstiņš escaped to the United Kingdom and Sweden and participated in Allied intelligence operations in aid of the Forest Brothers. While the Waffen-SS was found guilty of war crimes and other atrocities and declared a criminal organization after the war, the Nuremberg Trials explicitly excluded conscripts in the following terms: In 1949–1950 the United States Displaced Persons Commission investigated the Estonian and Latvian divisions and on September 1, 1950, adopted the following policy: The Latvian government has asserted that the Latvian Legion, primarily composed of the 15th and 19th Latvian Waffen-SS divisions, was neither a criminal nor collaborationist organization.Feldmanis, Inesis and Kangeris, Kārlis.
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The Pećanac Chetniks, also known as the Black Chetniks, were a collaborationist Chetnik irregular military force which operated in the German-occupied territory of Serbia under the leadership of vojvoda Kosta Pećanac. They were loyal to the German-backed Serbian puppet government. Pećanac (second from left) with a German military officer and Kosovo Albanian collaborator Xhafer Deva (third from left) in Podujevo, Territory of the Military Commander in Serbia, 20 October 1941 Pećanac was eventually denounced as a traitor by the Yugoslav government-in-exile, and the Germans concluded that his detachments were inefficient, unreliable, and of little military aid to them. The Germans and the puppet government disbanded the organisation between September 1942 and March 1943, and Pećanac was interned for some time afterwards before being killed in mid-1944 by forces loyal to his Chetnik rival Draža Mihailović.
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After a battle there between ELAS and the Security Battalions, ELAS forces prevailed, and the remaining forces of the collaborators were taken into custody. After the civil war ended, postwar governments declared that 1000 members of the collaborationist units were massacred along with civilians by the Communists; however, that number was not matched by the actual numbers of bodies found in the mass grave (an old well in the area) of executed Security Battalion and civilian prisoners. According to left-wing sources,Ksiarchos S., The truth regarding Meligala civilian bodies found there could have been victims of the Security Battalions. As Security Battalions were replacing occupation forces in territories the Germans could not enter, they were accused of many instances of brutality against civilians and captured partisans, and of the executions of prominent EAM and KKE members by hanging.
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Jiangsu changed hands several times, but in April 1927, Chiang Kai-shek established a government at Nanking; he was soon able to bring most of China under his control. This was however interrupted by the second Sino- Japanese War, which began full-scale in 1937; on December 13, 1937, Nanjing fell, and the combined atrocities of the occupying Japanese for the next three months would come to be known as the Nanjing Massacre. Nanjing was the seat of the collaborationist government of East China under Wang Jingwei, and Jiangsu remained under Japanese occupation until the end of the war in 1945. After the war, Nanking was once again the capital of the Republic of China, though now the Chinese Civil War had broken out between the Kuomintang government and Communist forces, based further north, mostly in Northeast China.
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Although Jevđević recognised the authority of Mihailović, who was aware of and approved of his collaboration with Axis forces, a number of factors effectively rendered him independent of Mihailović's command, except when he worked closely with Ilija Trifunović- Birčanin, Mihailović's designated commander in Dalmatia, Herzegovina, western Bosnia and southwestern Croatia. During the joint Italian–Chetnik Operation Alfa, Jevđević's Chetniks, along with other Chetnik forces, were responsible for killing between 543 and 2,500 Bosnian Muslim and Catholic civilians in the Prozor region in October 1942. They also participated in one of the largest Axis anti-Partisan operations of the war, Case White, in the winter of 1943. His Chetniks later merged with other collaborationist forces that had withdrawn towards the west, and were put under the command of SS- Obergruppenführer Odilo Globocnik of the Operational Zone of the Adriatic Littoral.
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Major General Aung San as Minister of Defence, 1943 The Burma Independence Army (BIA) was a collaborationist and revolutionary army that fought for the end of British rule in Burma by assisting the Japanese in their conquest of the country in 1942 during World War II. It was the first post-colonial army in Burmese history. The BIA was formed from group known as the Thirty Comrades under the auspices of the Imperial Japanese Army after training the Burmese nationalists in 1941. The BIA's attempts at establishing a government during the invasion led to it being dissolved by the Japanese and the smaller Burma Defence Army (BDA) formed in its place. As Japan guided Burma towards nominal independence, the BDA was expanded into the Burma National Army (BNA) of the State of Burma, a puppet state under Ba Maw, in 1943.
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Hendrik Elias who lead the VNV after De Clercq's death, pictured in 1942 When Nazi Germany invaded Belgium in 1940, De Clercq immediately chose to orientate the VNV towards collaborationism, despite his previous declarations that he would not do so. Adolf Hitler chose not to install a civilian government (such as he had done in the Netherlands) but instead installed a military administration headed by General Alexander von Falkenhausen of the Wehrmacht. This, along with the departure of Ward Hermans and René Lagrou to form the Algemeene-SS Vlaanderen, led the VNV out of focus, forcing it to intensify its collaboration in order to gain influence. Hitler and SS-leader Heinrich Himmler made profit from the situation, and increased competition between various groups by founding some more extreme collaborationist groups like the 6th SS Volunteer Sturmbrigade Langemarck and DeVlag ("German-Flemish Working Group").
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200px In 1931 the Nationalist Government offered Wang a political settlement; later he successively held the positions of Member of the Beiping Political Affairs Readjustment Commission (), Member of the Hebei–Chahar Political Council, General Manager of the Tianjin Financial Bank (), etc. Following the start of the Second Sino-Japanese War, Wang Kemin established the Provisional Government of the Republic of China in December 1937. Wang Yitang successively held the positions of Executive Member of the Political Commission (), Minister for Relief, and Minister of the Interior. In March 1940 the collaborationist Reorganized National Government of the Republic of China was established by Wang Jingwei, and Wang Yitang was appointed Minister of the Examination Yuan and a member of the North China Political Council (). From June 1940 to February 1943 he served as Chairman of the North China Political Council.
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Photo of Gotzamanis Sotirios Gotzamanis (; 1884 – November 28, 1958) was a Greek physician and politician. He was born in Giannitsa, Central Macedonia, which at the time of his birth was part of the Ottoman Empire. He studied medicine in Padua, Italy. In 1913, he moved to Thessaloniki when his home region became part of Greece in the aftermath of the Balkan Wars. From 1919 to 1936, he served in the Hellenic Parliament for the Thessaloniki-Pella constituency. He served as Minister of Health, Welfare and Care in the first government of Panagis Tsaldaris (1932–1933). In the parliamentary elections of 1936, he was leader of the National Reform Party. After the German invasion of Greece, he supported collaboration with the Axis powers. On April 30, 1941, he was appointed minister of finance in the collaborationist government of Georgios Tsolakoglou.
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Wang, a rival of Chiang Kai-shek and member of the pro- peace faction of the KMT, defected to the Japanese side and formed a collaborationist government in occupied Nanking (Nanjing) (the traditional capital of China) in 1940. The new state claimed the entirety of China during its existence, portraying itself as the legitimate inheritors of the Xinhai Revolution and Sun Yat-sen's legacy as opposed to Chiang Kai-shek's government in Chunking (Chongqing), but effectively only Japanese-occupied territory was under its direct control. Its international recognition was limited to other members of the Anti-Comintern Pact, of which it was a signatory. The Reorganized National Government existed until the end of World War II and the surrender of Japan in August 1945, at which point the regime was dissolved and many of its leading members were executed for treason.
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Gao and his group won concessions on economic affairs, agreeing to simply grant Japan permission to exploit the natural resources of north China and give it favored trade nation status. The Japanese also agreed to review their extraterritorial concessions in China. As for the troop withdrawal, they agreed that China and Japan would have a joint anti-Soviet defense force in Inner Mongolia and the Beijing–Tianjin corridor, while Japanese troops would leave the rest of China within two years. The two groups also came to an agreement regarding the details of Wang's defection, and that he would not merely lead a peace movement but essentially a new collaborationist government (although Wang later made a contradictory claim to this in his deathbed testament in 1944, asserting that it was not their intent at the time to establish a regime opposing Chiang).
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Dimitris Kousouris, pp. 100-101 Following the Italian surrender to the Allies in September 1943, X began purchasing weapons from the Axis authorities, transforming into an militant anti-communist organization.Dimitris Kousouris, pp. 100-101 In November 1943, Organization X, Rumelia-Avlona-Nisoi (RAN), National Committee, National Action and other minor right wing resistance organizations formed the Panhellenic Liberation Coalition (PAS); with the intention of preventing a communist takeover of the country within the first 20 days following the end of Axis occupation. In August 1944, members of collaborationist organizations such as the EEE and Security Battalions began enlisting into X and EDES en masse in order to avoid persecution as liberation seemed imminent.Dimitris Kousouris, p. 82, 115 Grivas concentrated his efforts in the wealthy districts of Athens and expanded X to between 2,000 and 3,000 men in 1944.
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Given that the old landowning was predominantly Bosniak, the land reforms were resisted. Violence against Muslims and the enforced seizure of their lands shortly ensued. Bosniaks were offered compensation but it was never fully materialized. The regime sought to pay 255,000,000 dinars in compensation per a period of 40 years with an interest rate of 6%. Payments began in 1936 and were expected to be completed in 1975; however in 1941 World War Two erupted and only 10% of the projected remittances were made. During World War II, Bosniak elite and notables issued resolutions or memorandums in various cities that publicly denounced Croat- Nazi collaborationist measures, laws and violence against Serbs: Prijedor (23 September), Sarajevo (the Resolution of Sarajevo Muslims of 12 October), Mostar (21 October), Banja Luka (12 November), Bijeljina (2 December) and Tuzla (11 December).
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On the other hand, EAM/ELAS and its supporters were eager for revenge on the remnants of the collaborationist Gendarmerie and the Security Battalions. After the German troops withdrew from the Peloponnese, the position of their former allies became highly precarious, and fears of ELAS reprisals spread. On 3 September, the military head of ELAS, Stefanos Sarafis, issued a proclamation calling upon the members of the Security Battalions to surrender with their weapons, in order to safeguard their lives. On the same day the British lieutenant general Ronald Scobie, appointed joint commander-in-chief of all Greek forces, issued an order to his deputy in Athens, the Greek lieutenant general Panagiotis Spiliotopoulos, to recommend to the Security Battalions personnel to either desert or to surrender themselves to him, with the promise that they would be treated as regular prisoners of war.
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While the other Japanese forces and collaborationist Manchurian troops spread out from their bases along the South Manchurian Railway rail lines to clear the countryside, from Mukden, the Japanese headquarters in Manchuria, the brigades of the 12th Infantry Division advanced southward in the night, supported by squadrons of Japanese bombers to force the Chinese to evacuate Jinzhou. The Japanese estimated the Chinese at Jinzhou had 84,000 defenders, with 58 artillery pieces placed to support two separate systems of entrenchments defending the city. The Chinese first defensive line, 20 miles north of the city, was a series of trenches aimed to stop the Japanese advance at the Taling River Bridge on the Peiping-Mukden Railway. The Chinese had a second line of earthworks and entrenchments completely encircling Jinzhou to fall back on if the Japanese forces broke through the first line.
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On the outbreak of World War II, Lepercq fought in the artillery during the battle of France, and continued to fight despite orders to no longer do so, until the actual Compiègne armistice of June, 1940. After a brief internment by the Germans, he returned to civil life as an industrial administrator, but was fired in 1943 for speaking out against the collaborationist administration and the Vichy regime, regarding the Service du travail obligatoire and deportations of Frenchmen to German labor camps. Consequently, he became an active member of the French Resistance, commanding the Forces françaises de l'intérieur (FFI) in Île-de-France. Arrested again in 1944, he was set free due to the German authorities' failure to investigate, he took part in the Liberation of Paris (August of the same year), leading the FFI's attack on the Hôtel de Ville.
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The earliest written reference to the establishment of a concentration camp for communists and others considered "dangerous to public order" within Belgrade itself was a 26 May 1941 report of the Serbian Gendarmerie Command, which indicated that such a camp was being considered. In the same month, an order from Aćimović's Ministry of Internal Affairs (, MUP) also mentioned a plan to establish a concentration camp to hold known communists and other persons. Following the invasion and defeat of Yugoslavia, the Communist Party of Yugoslavia had begun organising for an armed struggle against the occupiers and their local collaborators. On 19 June, the MUP held a conference with senior German police and members of the Belgrade Special Police (, SP UGB), a collaborationist political police organisation that had been established in mid-May by Jovanović, who was now the German-appointed administrator of Belgrade.
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The basic plan was to make a multi-front breakthrough to Sichuan from northern Shanxi, central Hubei and southern Hunan. Heavy aerial support and bombing of Chongqing was to support the advance of the Japanese Army and their Collaborationist Chinese Army puppets. Japanese Navy patrol boats from the Yangtze river were to provide further bombardment. Chiang Kai-shek discussed the invasion in his book Soviet Russia in China, stating: > The Imperial General Headquarters sent the order for drawing down 16 > divisions and logistics support units from Japan reserves, Manchukuo and > Southern Areas (including New Guinea and Solomon islands also) to reinforce > the Japanese expeditionary forces in central China area, to prepare the > principal force of ten divisions in south Shanshi and other support group > conformed by six Divisions of Ichang in Hubei amongst other Divisions > located in Changde, in Hunan, for striking Sichuan and the occupation of > Chongqing in September 1942.
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The Germans, wanting to present a facade of legality, enlisted other Vichy officials such as Fernand de Brinon as president, along with Joseph Darnand, Jean Luchaire, Eugène Bridoux, and Marcel Déat. On 7 September 1944, fleeing the advance of Allied troops into France, while Germany was in flames and the Vichy regime ceased to exist, a thousand French collaborators (including a hundred officials of the Vichy regime, a few hundred members of the French Militia, collaborationist party militants, and the editorial staff of the newspaper Je suis partout) but also waiting-game opportunists also went into exile in Sigmaringen. Militia leaders sought to recruit new members to swell the ranks of the Franc-Garde by finding sympathizers, especially in the enforced labor camps of prisoners in Germany. Their goal was to promote the ideal of a true National Revolution by actively preparing for an underground struggle by creating Maquis groups.
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The earliest formation of large anti-Japanese partisan groups occurred in Liaoning and Kirin provinces due to the poor performance of the Fengtien Army in the first month of the Japanese invasion of Manchuria and to Japan's rapid success in removing and replacing the provincial authority in Fengtien and Kirin. The provincial government of Liaoning Province had fled west to Chinchow. Governor Zang Shiyi remained in Mukden, but refused to cooperate with the Japanese in establishing a separatist and collaborationist government and was imprisoned. The Kwantung Army issued a proclamation on 21 September 1931 installing Colonel Kenji Doihara as Mayor of Mukden; he proceeded to rule the city with the aid of an "Emergency Committee" composed mostly of Japanese. On 23 September 1931, Lieutenant General Xi Qia of the Kirin Army was invited by the Japanese to form a provisional government for Kirin Province.
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Valois lost financial support, the Faisceau was dissolved, he founded the Republican Syndicalist Party (PRS). Jacques Arthuys was also a leader of the party. During the second Cartel des gauches (Left-wing Coalition), the party published the Cahiers bleus (1928–1932), which hosted essays by widely- different personalities, including Marcel Déat (a future neo-socialist who had been excluded from the French Section of the Workers' International (SFIO) who would later be a collaborationist), Bertrand de Jouvenel (co-founder of the Mont Pelerin Society, a liberal organisation that still exists), Pierre Mendès France (one of the young guards, or jeunes loups, of the Radical-Socialist Party who would become French Prime Minister during the Fourth Republic), and Edouard Berth. After the 6 February 1934 crisis, Valois founded Le Nouvel Age ("The New Era"), which he presented as a left-wing review, along with the Cahiers bleus.
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The Sandžak Muslim militia was established in Sandžak and eastern Herzegovina in Axis occupied Yugoslavia between April or June and August 1941 during World War II. It was under control of the Independent State of Croatia until September 1941, when Italian forces gradually put it under their command and established additional units not only in Sandžak, but in eastern Herzegovina as well. After the capitulation of Italy in September 1943 it was put under German control, while some of its units were merged with three battalions of Albanian collaborationist troops to establish the "SS Polizei-Selbstschutz- Regiment Sandschak" under command of the senior Waffen SS officer Karl von Krempler. The Sandžak Muslim militia had around 2,000 men in standing forces and additional auxiliary forces on local level. Its notable commanders include Hasan Zvizdić, Husein Rovčanin, Sulejman Pačariz, Ćazim Sijarić, Selim Juković, Biko Drešević, Ćamil Hasanagić and Galjan Lukač.
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The Dekemvriana (, "December events") refers to a series of clashes fought during World War II in Athens from 3 December 1944 to 11 January 1945. The conflict was the culmination of months of tension between the communist EAM, some parts of its military wing, the ELAS stationed in Athens, the KKE and the OPLA from one side and from the other side, the , some parts of the Hellenic Royal Army, the Hellenic Gendarmerie, the Cities Police, the far-right Organization X, among others and also the British Army.Iatrides, John O. Revolt in Athens: The Greek Communist “Second Round” 1944–1945, Princeton University Press, 2015. Regardless of the tensions between the left and the right, in May 1944 it had been roughly agreed in the Lebanon Conference that all non-collaborationist factions would participate in a Government of National Unity; eventually 6 out of 24 ministers were appointed by EAM.
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Consequently, the film was confiscated and destroyed, Raymond Pellerin was declared persona non grata and he left for Paris, while the "collaborationist" general saw himself moved to another garrison as a means of discipline. On 5 May 1912, the magazine Flacăra (The Flame) brought to its readers' attention the fact that "as it is known, a few artists have founded a society with the goal of producing a film about the War of Independence... Such an undertaking deserves to be applauded". The initiators were a group of actors: Constantin Nottara, Aristide Demetriade, V. Toneanu, Ion Brezeanu, N. Soreanu, P. Liciu, as well as the young Grigore Brezeanu, associate producer and the creative force behind the whole operation. Since a large amount of money was needed for the production, they also brought into this effort Leon Popescu, a wealthy man and owner of the Lyric Theatre.
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J. Y. Cousteau with Frédéric Dumas. Hamish Hamilton, London. 1953Capitaine de frégate PHILIPPE TAILLIEZ, Plongées sans câble, Arthaud, Paris, January 1954, Dépôt légal 1er trimestre 1954 - Édition N° 605 - Impression N° 243 (in French) Having kept bonds with the English speakers (he spent part of his childhood in the United States and usually spoke English) and with French soldiers in North Africa (under Admiral Lemonnier), Jacques-Yves Cousteau (whose villa "Baobab" at Sanary (Var) was opposite Admiral Darlan's villa "Reine"), helped the French Navy to join again with the Allies; he assembled a commando operation against the Italian espionage services in France, and received several military decorations for his deeds. At that time, he kept his distance from his brother Pierre-Antoine Cousteau, a "pen anti-semite" who wrote the collaborationist newspaper Je suis partout (I am everywhere) and who received the death sentence in 1946.
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It seems that the leaders of the Cham community with the support of the German Wehrmacht units stationed in the region implemented ethnic cleansing policies that aimed to change the local demographic composition with the removal of the Christian population and the final incorporation of the region to Albania.Kondis, The Greek Minority in Albania, Balkan Studies (1986) 36 (1): p. 312: " It seems that they were seeking to change the ethnographic composition of the Thesprotia population in order to annex this area to Albania" However, it seems that local beys (most of them were already part of the Albanian nationalistic and partly collaborationist group Balli Kombëtar) and the mufti did not support such actions. Thus, in the summer of 1943, armed Cham collaborator units actively participated in the Nazi operations Augustus that resulted in the murder of 600 Greek villagers and the destruction of 70 villages.
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FANE activity was limited: the group had at most a hundred activists. It published a review, Notre Europe, related to François Duprat's Revolutionary Nationalist Groups (GNR), and a news sheet, L'Immonde, which exalted "National-Socialist and White" Europe and proclaimed the "struggle to the death against the Judeo-materialist hydra." Members of FANE included Luc Michel, now leader of the Parti communautaire national-européen (National European Community Party), Jacques Bastide, Michel Faci, Michel Caignet and Henri-Robert Petit, a journalist and former collaborationist who had directed the newspaper Le Pilori under the Vichy regime. The FANE maintained international contacts with the British group the League of Saint George.R. Hill & A. Bell, The Other Face of Terror- Inside Europe’s Neo-Nazi Network, London: Collins, 1988, pp.186-189 The FANE rallied Jean-Marie Le Pen's National Front in 1974, gathered around François Duprat and Alain Renault's Revolutionary Nationalist Groups (GNR).
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A sign on Dadan Island near Quemoy (Kinmen) facing Mainland China proclaiming "Three Principles of the People Unites China" set by General Zhao in Aug. 1986, dismissed after 1987 Lieyu Massacre The Three Principles of the People were claimed as the basis for the ideologies of the Kuomintang under Chiang Kai- shek, of the Communist Party of China under Mao Zedong, and of the Reorganized National Government of China under Wang Jingwei. The Kuomintang and the Communist Party of China largely agreed on the meaning of nationalism but differed sharply on the meaning of democracy and people's welfare, which the former saw in Western social democratic terms and the latter interpreted in Marxist and communist terms. The Japanese collaborationist government interpreted nationalism less in terms of anti-imperialism and more in terms of cooperating with Japan to advance theoretically pan-Asian, but in practice, typically Japanese interests.
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Despite the stated opinions of Dmytro Klyachkivsky and Roman Shukhevych that the Germans were a secondary threat compared to their main enemies (the communist forces of the Soviet Union and Poland), the Third Conference of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists, held near Lviv from 17–21 February 1943, took the decision to begin open warfare against the Germans (OUN fighters had already attacked a German garrison earlier that year on 7 February). Accordingly, on 20 March 1943, the OUN(B) leadership issued secret instructions ordering their members who had joined the collaborationist Ukrainian Auxiliary Police in 1941–1942 to desert with their weapons and join with UPA units in Volhynia. This process often involved engaging in armed conflict with German forces as they tried to prevent desertion. The number of trained and armed personnel who now joined the ranks of the UPA was estimated to be between 4 and 5 thousand.
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Bulgarian occupation zone in Greece (in green) during World War II In World War II Thrace and eastern Macedonia were occupied (1941–44) by Bulgaria, which sided with the Axis Powers. The Bulgarian government maintained a course of military passivity until 20 April 1941, when German troops crushed Greece and Yugoslavia. In April 1941, the Bulgarian Army entered the Aegean region, hoping for gaining an Aegean Sea outlet in Thrace and Eastern Macedonia, and occupied a territory between the river Struma and a line of demarcation running through Alexandroupoli and Svilengrad west of Evros with the cities of Alexandroupoli (Дедеагач, Dedeagach), Komotini (Гюмюрджина, Gyumyurdzhina), Serres (Сяр, Syar), Xanthi (Ксанти), Drama (Драма) and Kavala (Кавала) and the islands of Thasos and Samothrace. The so-called "Roman Legion" a collaborationist organization consisting of a few Vlachs supported the Italian occupation army between 1941–1943 in Thessaly, Pindus mountain and part of Epirus.
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In February 2005, writing on Al Jazeera's website, Ritter wrote that the "Iraqi resistance" is a "genuine grassroots national liberation movement," and "History will eventually depict as legitimate the efforts of the Iraqi resistance to destabilize and defeat the American occupation forces and their imposed Iraqi collaborationist government." On December 20, 2005, in a debate with Christopher Hitchens at the Tarrytown Music Hall in Tarrytown, NY, Ritter said furthermore that he would "prefer to be an Iraqi under Saddam than an Iraqi under a brutal American occupation." in Tarrytown, NY. December 20, 2005. Moderated by Jay Diamond. In an October 19, 2005 interview with Seymour Hersh, Ritter claimed that regime change, rather than disarmament, has been the primary objective of President George H. W. Bush, and later of President Clinton and the second President Bush, in imposing and maintaining economic sanctions on Iraq after the Gulf War.
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On August 29, 2005, a civic organization, the Institute for Research in Collaborationist Activities disclosed a list of 3094 Koreans chinilpa suspects including Park Chung Hee, the former Korean president, Kim Song Su, a former publisher of Dong-a Ilbo and the founder of Korea University, and Bang Eung Mo, a former president of Chosun Ilbo."KOREA: Ex-leader Park on list of 3,000 Japan collaborators" , The Korea Herald/AsiaMedia-UCLA, August 30, 2005 On December 6, 2006, a South Korean presidential commission, the Investigative Commission on Pro-Japanese Collaborators' Property revealed the first official chinilpa list of 106 persons during 1904 to March 1st Movement in 1919 was including four of the Five Eulsa Traitors."정부차원의 첫 보고서 친일청산 논란 재점화" , The Korea Times, 2006/12/07. On August 18, 2006, the commission started the investigation before seizing the property obtained by collaborators during Japanese colonization.
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As a result, the high command of the Italian army in Greece, the 11th Army in Athens, decided to mount a large-scale and concerted anti-partisan effort, aimed at hemming in the partisan forces in the Pindus mountain massif, and then launching coordinated and concentric attacks in Thessaly, Central Greece, and Epirus to clear the area. The operation would begin after 20 May, the deadline set by the new collaborationist government under Ioannis Rallis for partisans to surrender in exchange for a full amnesty. Consequently the ELAS Central Committee issued orders to its regional headquarters to prepare for the attack, gathering the bulk of its forces in the Pindus massif, and relocating itself there, while leaving behind rear guards to obstruct the Italians. Central Committee member Kostas Karagiorgis informed the Thessaly Headquarters of ELAS of these decisions when it met at Porta on 17 May.
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