124 Sentences With "co optation" | Random Sentence Generator

How do we refuse co-optation and engage locally with our neighbors?

Strong states maintain control through a strategic mix of co-optation rather than repression.

The Sahwa movement was later undermined by a mixture of repression and co-optation.

As with anything counterculture edging toward the mainstream, the threat of co-optation looms.

But it was also a play on the computer world's co-optation of the name.

The Sahwa were weakened by a mixture of repression and co-optation, but remain active.

ISIS systematically destroys the communities and cities they control through ruthless co-optation of the local population.

"This is co-optation -- the capture of health organizations in the interest of these companies," she said.

Putin has eliminated opponents largely through political trickery and co-optation, reserving outright force for rare occasions.

The cronies are featured in ham-handed vignettes of co-optation, each featuring Mr. Mister or his wife, Mrs.

In addition to efforts at co-optation of mass movements, the Soviet Union attempted to inflame tensions within American society.

I don't think "co-optation" is the right way to speak about memes like Pepe, or, perhaps, any creative act.

It was, in his opinion, the character and the duty of the ''alternative'' to resist co-optation by corporate America.

If anything, the feminism of today seems more diffuse, varied, and subject to interpretation (or co-optation) than ever before.

Such rulers rely less on terror and more on rule-twisting, the manipulation of information, and the co-optation of elites.

This kind of co-optation has become common in remote areas of the jungle — and precisely what many indigenous leaders want to stop.

He transformed from this beatnik poet into a kind of political clown, and somehow he avoided the co-optation of all these 1960s ideals.

" This failure, the letter stated, "continues the co-optation and erasure of the tremendously hard work done by Indigenous women and women of color (WOC) for decades.

HBO even advertised its final season using #DemThrones — a cynical co-optation, given how the show treated anyone with dark skin (as exotic savage, white-savior dependent, sexual object, cannon fodder).

Several opposition groups — nationalists, democrats, independents and even Islamists — were allowed to be part of the political arena, but the state ensured the opposition was marginalized and divided through co-optation.

Civil society organizations were also allowed some space for contestation, but the state used repression, co-optation and regulation to ensure they remained fragmented and too weak to challenge the government.

If the building of a viable left coalition is possible, it is likely to require some thoughtful and humane co-optation in the form of deference to our limits and boundaries.

I wrote about this erasure during Charlottesville back in August, and more recently, we've seen a co-optation of the well-known Holocaust term "never again" being used to memorialize the Parkland shooting victims.

The medical sociologist Gayle Sulik in Pink Ribbon Blues documents the potential downsides of awareness campaigns, including co-optation by self-serving organizations and the potential to sexualize and infantilize women in the process.

It's another distilled example of the combination of repudiation and co-optation, the desire to abandon and the desire to claim and tame and redefine, that so often defines the liberal relationship to Christian faith.

Within queer circles that self-identify as radical, the fear of co-optation translates to shade thrown at people who go to official Pride events—the notion that Pride Inc is exclusively for straight people and assimilationists.

The selective co-optation of religion in Vladimir Putin's Russia is more obvious (given the president's overt Russian Orthodox piety) and not quite so dramatic: so far, anyway, Russia has nothing comparable to the re-education camps set up for Uighur Muslims in China.

"Relentless monitoring" and co-optation of literary sites, outlets, and works became the US state-funded norm to counter, mollify, moderate, neutralize, and defuse resistance and thus keep any form of "armed militancy" (especially black or Third-World affiliated) at foreign bay (130-23).

While Angela Merkel in Germany has not co-opted the rhetoric and policies of the Alternative for Germany, the rise of the Freedom Party led the mainstream People's Party to adopt and adapt, to the point that the Freedom Party itself grew uneasy with the co-optation.

I concluded this week's Campaign Stops column, written amid near-total Republican disarray, by wondering if reform-minded and populist-friendly conservatives should stop rooting against Donald Trump and hoping for a successful co-optation of the legitimate portions of his message, and instead just accept that the Trump phenomenon is going to carry all before it in this cycle — welcoming it as one part creative destruction, one part judgment issued from on high.

Co-option (also co-optation, sometimes spelt coöption or coöptation) has two common meanings. It may refer to the process of adding members to an elite group at the discretion of members of the body, usually to manage opposition and so maintain the stability of the group. Outsiders are ‘co-opted’ by being given a degree of power on the grounds of their elite status, specialist knowledge, or potential ability to threaten essential commitments or goals ("formal co-optation")."Co-optation" Dictionary of Sociology, Oxford University Press 1998.

Stacher is currently at work on a book "that compares institutions and co- optation to explain authoritarian durability in Egypt and Syria".

Sociologist Philip Selznick, in the context of the Tennessee Valley Authority (TVA), described this form as "formal co-optation" (he used the term "cooptation").

The majority of those of the first court are chosen by the Assembly of the Republic and the rest by co- optation. Those of the Accountants Court are chosen through civil service examination.

The foundations of stable authoritarian rule are that the authoritarian prevents contestation from the masses and other elites. The authoritarian regime may use co-optation or repression (or carrots and sticks) to prevent revolts.

Du Bois brings up various anecdotes shared to him by reverends and other Black Americans. He discusses the co-optation of religion by Black Americans, where Northern and Southern Black Americans worshipped in their own way.

In this they failed, but two plebeians were still chosen as tribunes by co-optation, to the great annoyance of their colleague, Gnaeus Trebonius, whose name was attached to the flouted law.Livy, v. 11.Broughton, vol. I, p. 84.

As with any invocation of Black politics, sociologists and critical race theorists caution against the co-optation of Black Power and Black symbolism. The main argument is that modeling after Black activism implicitly reduces the struggles and interests of the community.

The national synod abolished future election for the synods of the 28 Protestant church bodies. Henceforth synodals had to replace two-thirds of the outgoing synodals by co-optation, the remaining third was to be appointed by the respective bishop.

This organization was the precursor of the Japanese Federation of the Deaf.Nakamura, Karen. "Resistance and Co-optation: the Japanese Federation of the Deaf and its Relations with State Power," Social Science Japan Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 (April 2002), pp 17-35, 20.

Starbucks began to purchase more fair trade coffee in 2001 because of charges of labor rights violations in Central American plantations. Several competitors, including Nestlé, followed suit.Jaffee, Daniel: "Weak Coffee: Certification and Co-Optation in the Fair Trade Movement." Social Problems, Vol.

The Palestinians saw the Leagues as a collection of collaborators and traitors. Political factions and the PLO were outlawed by the Israeli military, with a conscious policy of "divide and rule". This policy of co-optation was combined with "Iron Fist" operations of the then Defense Minister, Ariel Sharon.

The Royal Netherlands Academy of Arts and Sciences (Dutch: Koninklijke Nederlandse Akademie van Wetenschappen, abbreviated: KNAW) is an organization dedicated to the advancement of science and literature in the Netherlands. The academy is housed in the Trippenhuis in Amsterdam. Founded in 1808, members are appointed for life by co-optation.

The Royal Netherlands Academy of Arts and Sciences (Dutch: Koninklijke Nederlandse Akademie van Wetenschappen, abbreviated KNAW) is an organization dedicated to the advancement of science and literature in the Netherlands. The academy is housed in the Trippenhuis in Amsterdam. Founded in 1808, members are appointed for life by co-optation.

The Royal Netherlands Academy of Arts and Sciences (Dutch: Koninklijke Nederlandse Akademie van Wetenschappen, abbreviated: KNAW) is an organization dedicated to the advancement of science and literature in the Netherlands. The academy is housed in the Trippenhuis in Amsterdam. Founded in 1808, members are appointed for life by co-optation.

Workers' control was practiced in several factories and hotels during a strike wave from 1972 to 1973 over anger at the ineffective workers committees, although the government of Julius Nyerere initially supported the factory takeovers, it later repressed them, with some analysts arguing it was a form of co-optation.

Foreign funding of NGOs, including newspapers, also occurs in Nigeria. Nigeria adopted a law restricting foreign funding in 2017, closely modeled on a similar law adopted by Sierra Leone in 2016. Freedom House stated that the law could lead to "improper state control of NGO programs, if not outright co-optation of NGOs".

Some radical centrists are less than sanguine about their future. One concern is co-optation. For example, Michael Lind worries that the enthusiasm for the term radical center, on the part of "arbiters of the conventional wisdom", may signal a weakening of the radical vision implied by the term. Another concern is passion.

23, No. 3, pp. 354–399. The Japanese Federation of the Deaf has worked with slow success in efforts to enhance communication opportunities for Japanese whose primary language is JSL.Nakamura, Karen. "Resistance and Co‐optation: the Japanese Federation of the Deaf and its Relations with State Power". Social Science Japan Journal (SSJJ) (2002) Vol.

Kasongo subsequently formed his own wing of the MNC. He criticised the old party leadership for forgoing electoral organisation and strategy in favor of advocating dissent and rebellion. On 24 January 1966 he was elected by the Maniema provincial assembly by a margin of 3 votes to serve as a senator. The Senate confirmed his co-optation on 11 March.

"Resistance and Co-optation: the Japanese Federation of the Deaf and its Relations with State Power," Social Science Japan Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 (April 2002), pp 17-35. In addition, JFD helps to incorporate Japanese Sign Language into education systems for the Deaf and supports the sign language interpreter system. The JFD is a politically independent national organization with limited financial resources.

In a classic 1979 article for Harvard Business Review, consultants John Kotter and Leonard Schlesinger presented co-optation as a "form of manipulation" for dealing with employees who are resistant to new management programs: > Co-opting an individual usually involves giving him or her a desirable role > in the design or implementation of the change. Co-opting a group involves > giving one of its leaders, or someone it respects, a key role in the design > or implementation of a change. This is not a form of participation, however, > because the initiators do not want the advice of the co-opted, merely his or > her endorsement.John P. Kotter and Leonard A. Schlesinger, "Choosing > Strategies for Change" Harvard Business Review Co-optation may take place in many other contexts, such as a technique by a dictatorship to control opposition.

Imani Perry, "Bling Bling and Going Pop Consumerism and Co-Optation in Hip-Hop" , 2003. Retrieved December 11, 2013. As top rappers grow wealthier and start more outside business ventures, this can indicate a stronger sense of black aspiration. As rappers such as Jay-Z and Kanye West establish themselves as artists and entrepreneurs, more young black people have hopes of achieving their goals.

42, 48. One of the plebeian members of the college, Lucius Trebonius, then proposed a law forbidding the co- optation of tribunes, but calling for their election to continue until the full number had been elected. The law was passed, and so effective was Trebonius at frustrating the patricians' designs during his year of office that he earned the surname Asper, meaning "prickly".Livy, iii. 65.

Ledgerwood's later work shifted toward repeated vernacular motifs (chevron and diamond, quatrefoil, and floral patterns) and a more confrontational approach embracing discordant color, an integration of painting and drawing, and greater co-optation of architectural space, including that between painting and viewer.Grabner, Michelle. "Judy Ledgerwood," art US, January-February, 2004, p. 18.Snodgrass, Susan. "Judy Ledgerwood at Rhona Hoffman Gallery," Art In America, January 2004, p. 110.

Timothy Leary and other members of the cyberdelic movement were contacted by Idol, and participated in the album's creation. The album was a critical and financial failure, and polarized online cyberculture communities of the period. Detractors viewed it as an act of co-optation and opportunistic commercialization. It was also seen as part of a process that saw the overuse of the term "cyberpunk" until the word lost meaning.alt.

Ideologies cannot ultimately control the character of their adherents even though they are influential. Further, their theoretical value can be nullified if used wrongly. More often, theories such as SRV are analyzed and presented inaccurately by their opponents, and a real debate seldom is forthcoming. # Not all alliances between socially valued and devalued persons are moral, fruitful and advantageous which follows the literature on attempts at co- optation of all civil rights movements.

Joshua Stacher received his undergraduate degree at Washington and Jefferson College in 1998, having majored in History and English. He subsequently studied comparative politics and Middle Eastern Islamist movements at The American University in Cairo, there receiving his master's in Political Science in 2002. In 2007 Stacher received his doctorate from the University of St. Andrews School of International Relations. His thesis was entitled “Adapting Authoritarianism: Institutions and Co-optation in Egypt and Syria”.

Failure is often the result of the incapability to keep a common focus, and work towards the goal in mind. "Failure of social movements due to organizational or strategic failings is common for many organizations." Such a route would result in the gradual breaking up of an organization, and out of the stages of movement. Co-optation results when people or groups are integrated and shift away from the social movement's initial concerns and values.

The environmental justice group at NAACP has 11 full-time staff members. In April 2019, the NAACP published a report outlining the tactics used by the fossil fuel industry. The report claims that "Fossil fuel companies target the NAACP for manipulation and co-optation." The NAACP has been concerned about the influence of utilities which have contributed massive amounts of money to NAACP chapters in return for chapter support of non-environmentally friendly goals of utilities.

Mobutu was the president of Zaire from 1965 to 1997. The trend toward co-optation of key social sectors continued in subsequent years. Women's associations were eventually brought under the control of the party, as was the press, and in December 1971 Mobutu proceeded to emasculate the power of the churches. From then on, only three churches were recognised: the Church of Christ in Zaire (L'Église du Christ au Zaïre), the Kimbanguist Church, and the Roman Catholic Church.

The symbolism of the March has been contested since before it even took place. In the years following the March, movement radicals increasingly subscribed to Malcolm X's narrative of the March as a co-optation by the white establishment. Liberals and conservatives tended to embrace the March, but focused mostly on King's "I Have a Dream" speech and the legislative successes of 1964 and 1965.William P. Jones, "The Forgotten Radical History of the March on Washington"; Dissent, Spring 2013.

Not only was a renewed church involvement sought with struggling institutions, such as the formerly Protestant university in Kisangani (nationalized in 1971), but churches were asked if they would be willing to station representatives within the major government ministries in order to discourage and/or report acts of corruption by state officials. Sensing the threat of co-optation, the Protestants respectfully declined. State solicitation of Protestant action was logical. The state sought a counterweight to its critics in the powerful Catholic church.

Press, 1996. p. 609 UTC immediately attracted many members—some from the ranks of the CTC and others from small unions, particularly industry groups—that had not been enticed to join the leftist CTC. Both industrialists and the Conservative government supported the UTC, largely because it did not represent a threat to the political and economic elite. The subsequent period of labour repression and co-optation by the government served to eliminate radical elements of the movement while taming the less militant segments.

On June 2, 2016, the International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala and Public Prosecutor's Office announced the State Cooperation Case in Guatemala State Co-optation. According to the investigations, in 2008, Otto Pérez Molina, general secretary of the Patriot Party, was shaping up as the presidential candidate. Because his party needed funds, a group of companies controlled by Roxana Baldetti was used to receive illicit money, including Comercial Urma, Publicmer, Publiases and Serpumer. These entities began receiving money from Guatemala Radio and Television and Televisiete.

The source film was dubbed over by the filmmakers as an example of détournement. Viénet's intention was to adapt a "spectacular" film typical of the film industry to the purposes of a radical critique of cultural hegemony and thus an expression of subversive revolutionary ideals. The narrative focuses on a conflict between proletarians and bureaucrats within state capitalism. The proletarians enlist their grasp of dialectics in the fight against their oppressors, while the bureaucrats defend themselves using a combination of co-optation and violence.

Upon returning to Houston, Cooper began the Houston branch of indymedia with other local activists, and began travelling to work with other indymedias. In 2003 and 2005, Cooper traveled to Brazil to document somatherapy, with a DVD eventually being released in 2006. In 2004 and 2006, Cooper traveled to Chiapas to study the Zapatista movement and used the information he learned as the basis for a workshop entitled "Nazis vs. Zapatistas, Struggle and Co-optation" which he has facilitated in the United States and Latin America.

Schama, p. 418. Unlike the coup of June 1798, the Augereau coup did present a sharp break with the recent past. The new constitution reduced the role of the legislative branch (which now did not have the right of initiative), and expanded the powers of the Executive, which now became known as the Staatsbewind (Regency of State). The elective principle was reduced to a formality: the Staatsbewind, originally consisting of the three directors taking part in the coup, expanded its membership by co-optation to twelve.

He claimed that a strong inter-state commerce provision in the constitution coupled with a hybrid presidential/parliamentary system and a judiciary that has a power to interpret the constitution could strengthen the union without endangering the federal arrangement. In recent years, he has been silent on this issue. He mainly blogs about politics now, and often criticizes Ethiopian government of perpetrating human rights abuses and closing spaces of democratic participation. He says two political issues - government co-optation and fake growth numbers - are his obsessions now.

11Valerius Maximus, vi. 5. § 5 He brought forward a law (lex Domitia de Sacerdotiis) by which the priests of the superior colleges were to be elected by the people in the comitia tributa (seventeen of the tribes voting) instead of by co-optation. The law was subsequently repealed by Sulla. Both during his tribunate and afterwards, he prosecuted several of his private enemies, such as Marcus Aemilius Scaurus (whom he blamed for not having been elected to the pontificate in the first place) and Marcus Junius Silanus.

Although "embedded journalism" allowed the public to get an exclusive look at the situation in Iraq, this practice was regarded as problematic, as it could undermine the independent reporting and promote the preferences of the government. The "far-reaching process of appropriating and subverting feminism through appeals to women's rights" that is embedded feminism is different from simple co-optation practices by state authorities in so far as it goes beyond the absorption "of the meanings of the original concepts to fit into the prevailing political priorities".

Although the United States occupation dismantled both the military and zaibatsu establishments, it did little, outside of abolishing the prewar Home Ministry, to challenge the power of the bureaucracy. There was considerable continuity —in institutions, operating style, and personnel — between the civil service before and after the occupation, partly because General Douglas MacArthur's staff ruled indirectly and depended largely on the cooperation of civil servants. A process of mutual co-optation occurred. Also, United States policy planners never regarded the civil service with the same opprobrium as the military or economic elites.

Manuel Romero Rubio, cabinet minister and Díaz's father-in-law To secure his power, Díaz engaged in various forms of co-optation and coercion. He constantly balanced between the private desires of different interest groups and playing off one interest against another. Following the González presidency, Díaz abandoned favoring his own political group (camarilla) that brought him to power in 1876 in the Plan of Tuxtepec and selected ministers and other high officials from other factions. Those included those loyal to Juárez (Matías Romero) and Lerdo (Manuel Romero Rubio).

According to Dr. Mark Smith (March 2003), some of the main features of Putin's regime were the development of a corporatist system by pursuing close ties with business organizations, social stability and co-optation of opposition parties. He determined three main groupings in Putin's early leadership: 1) the siloviki, 2) economic liberals and 3) supporters of "the Family", i.e. those who were close to Yeltsin. Olga Kryshtanovskaya, who carried out a sociological survey in 2004, put the relative number of siloviki in the Russian political elite at 25%.

Similarly, the JMPR was to act as a major link between the student population and the state. In reality, the government was attempting to bring under its control those sectors where opposition to the regime might be centred. By appointing key labour and youth leaders to the MPR Political Bureau, the regime hoped to harness syndical and student forces to the machinery of the state. Nevertheless, as has been pointed out by numerous observers, there is little evidence that co-optation succeeded in mobilising support for the regime beyond the most superficial level.

The importance of Arval Brethren apparently dwindled during the Roman Republic, but emperor Augustus revived their practices to enforce his own authority. In his time the college consisted of a master (magister), a vice-master (promagister), a priest (flamen), and a praetor, with eight ordinary members, attended by various servants, and in particular by four chorus boys, sons of senators, having both parents alive. Each wore a wreath of corn, a white fillet and the toga praetexta. The election of members was by co-optation on the motion of the president, who, with a flamen, was himself elected for one year.

Thus, as the historical context shifted, so did the ideology of Brazilian populism. Between 1934 and 1945, Brazilian populism was a surprisingly reactionary phenomenon, exhibiting remarkable parallels to European fascism. In contrast, under the presidency of João Goulart (1961–64) — a protégé of Getúlio Vargas and another gaúcho from Rio Grande do Sul, the closeness of the government to the historically disenfranchised working class and peasantry and even to the Communist Party led by Luís Carlos Prestes was equally remarkable. Goulart appeared to have been co-opting the Communist movement in a manner reminiscent of Vargas' co- optation of the Integralists shortly — and not coincidentally — before his ouster by reactionary forces.

In 2009 Patrick was given the Ann O' Hara Graff Award from the CTSA Women's Consultation in Constructive Theology. On June 5 of that same year, she gave the Honors Convocation address as part of her celebratory retirement events with a talk, which she titled “On Being Unfinished (De Imperfectione).” In 2013, after having been chosen as the recipient, Patrick received yet another award from the CTSA, the John Courtney Murray Award. In February 2016 Patrick presented at the conference on conscience and Catholic health care – “The Rhetoric of Conscience: Co-optation, Conversion, and Catholic Health Care,” at Santa Clara University's Markkula Center for Applied Ethics.

However, the piracy-terrorism nexus creates a theoretical- legal problem in relation to the legalistic conceptualisation of maritime terrorism outlined above. This nexus involves maritime terrorist acts where the tactic, immediate motive and long-term motive of maritime terrorists are mismatched, showing piratical characteristics over exclusively terrorist ones. These acts include the co-optation of pirates by maritime terrorists to do acts like hijacking and delivering a tanker to maritime terrorists for use as an attack delivery system, meaning the pirates would have indirectly assisted maritime terrorist activities. Other acts include maritime terrorists using piracy to extort and generate funds for their political cause.

The government also sought to formalize ties with Falun Gong and exercise greater control over the practice. Falun Gong resisted co-optation, and instead filed to withdraw altogether from the state-run qigong association. Following this severance of ties to the state, the group came under increasing criticism and surveillance from the country's security apparatus and propaganda department. Falun Gong books were banned from further publication in July 1996, and official news outlets began criticizing the group as a form of "feudal superstition," whose "theistic" orientation was at odds with the official ideology and national agenda. Tensions continued to escalate through the late 1990s.

The Working Men's Party conducted city and county nominating conventions in 1831, but momentum had been lost and none of the party's candidates were elected to office. This would be the last election in which the party would field candidates. The demise of the Working Men's Party has been attributed by historian Philip S. Foner to a failure to unite the various local workingmen's political organizations into a single united statewide organization. The co-optation of the party's program and its tendency to be subsumed as the smaller partner in various efforts at political fusion with other political parties also played no small role in the organization's short life and rapid demise.

Paint of Vargas The parallels between Vargas and the European police states began to appear by 1934, when a new constitution was enacted with some direct almost-fascist influences. Brazil's 1934 constitution, passed on 16 July, contained provisions that resembled Italian and Spanish corporatism, which had the enthusiastic support of the pro-fascist wing of the disparate tenente movement and industrialists, who were attracted to Mussolini's co-optation of unions through state-run, sham syndicates. As in Italy, and later Spain and Germany, Fascist-style programs would serve two important aims, stimulating industrial growth and suppressing the communist influence in the country. Its stated purpose, however, was uniting all classes in mutual interests.

Despite the populist rhetoric of the "father of the poor", the gaucho Vargas was ushered into power by planter oligarchies of peripheral regions amid a revolution from above, and was thus in no position to meet Communist demands, had he desired to do so. In 1934, armed with a new constitution drafted with extensive influence from European fascist models, Vargas began reining in even moderate trade unions and turning against the tenentes. His further concessions to the latifundios pushed him toward an alliance with the Integralists, Brazil's mobilized fascist movement. Following the end of the provisional presidency, Vargas' regime between 1934 and 1945 was characterized by the co-optation of Brazilian unions through state-run, sham syndicates, and suppression of opposition, particularly leftist opposition.

Gibson's social observations are influenced by the works of Naomi Klein and Malcolm Gladwell. While markedly different from his previous writing, in that it is not set in an imaginary future with imaginary technologies, Pattern Recognition includes many of his previous elements, including impacts of technology shifts on society, Japanese computer experts and Russian mafia figures. In common with Gibson's previous work, Paul Di Filippo found the following in Pattern Recognition: "the close observation of the culture's bleeding edge; an analysis of the ways technology molds our every moment; the contrasting of boardroom with street; the impossibility and dire necessity of making art in the face of instant co-optation; the damaged loner facing the powers-that-be, for both principle and profit"..

Hernán Cortés, after conquering the city of Tenochtitlan, capital of the Aztec empire, delegated the conquest of the territories southward to his lieutenant Pedro de Alvarado, who set out with 120 horsemen, 300 foot soldiers, and several hundred Cholula and Tlaxcala auxiliaries. After subduing the highland Mayan city-states of present-day Guatemala through battle and co-optation, the Spanish sought to extend their dominion to the lower Atlantic region of the Nahuat-speaking people whom his translators called Pipils, then organized as the powerful state of Cuzcatlán. The Kaqchikel Mayans, who had long been rivals of Cuscatlán for control over their wealthy cacao-producing region, joined forces with Alvarado's men and supported his campaign. Accompanied by thousands of Kaqchikel warriors, Alvarado then marched on Cuscatlán.

During its first anniversary in September 1997, the Republican Society itself sought publicity by showing a new, expanded list of members, which now included women and foreigners, such as Jeroen Brouwers, Remco Campert, Jaap van Heerden, André Haakmat, Jasperina de Jong, H.U. Jessurun d'Oliveira, Ite Rümke, André Spoor, Jan Timman, Adriaan Morrien, Theo Sontrop, Theo van Gogh and Theodor Holman. However, the Society's exclusivity by co-optation and the lack of public actions formed an obstacle to various politically active youths, who launched the New Republican Society (NRG) on 21 January 1998 in De Balie. On 28 January, the NRG jokingly proclaimed the Third Republic of the Netherlands on Dam Square, preceding queen Beatrix's 60th birthday celebrations. The two republican societies did soon decide to approach each other and possibly cooperate.

The church's situation began to improve in 1962, when relations with the state suddenly thawed, an event that coincided with the beginning of Romania's pursuit of an independent foreign policy course that saw the political elite encourage nationalism as a means to strengthen its position against Soviet pressure. The Romanian Orthodox Church, an intensely national body that had made significant contributions to Romanian culture from the 14th century on, came to be regarded by the regime as a natural partner. As a result of this second co- optation, this time as an ally, the church entered a period of dramatic recovery. By 1975, its diocesan clergy was numbering about 12,000, and the church was already publishing by then eight high-quality theological reviews, including Ortodoxia and Studii Teologice.

Thompson argues that hipsters "don't seem to subscribe to any particular philosophy ... [or] ... particular genre of music". Instead, she argues that they are "soldiers of fortune of style" who take up whatever is popular and in style, "appropriat[ing] the style[s]" of past countercultural movements such as punk, while "discard[ing] everything that the style stood for". Drawing from Pierre Bourdieu's work and Thomas Frank's theories of co-optation, Zeynep Arsel and Craig Thompson argue that in order to segment and co-opt the indie marketplace, mass media and marketers have engaged in commercial "mythmaking" and contributed to the formation of the contemporary discourse about hipsters. They substantiate this argument using a historical discourse analysis of the term and its use in the popular culture, based on Arsel's dissertation that was published in 2007.

Elsewhere the several groups of traders and artisans made of their gilds all- powerful agencies for organising joint action among classes of commons united by a trade interest, and the history of the towns becomes the history of the struggle between the gilds which captured control of the council and the gilds which were excluded therefrom. Many municipal revolutions took place, and a large number of constitutional experiments were tried all over the country from the 13th century onward. Schemes which directed a gradual co-optation, two to choose four, these six to choose more, and so in widening circles from a centre of officialdom, found much favour throughout the Middle Ages. A plan, like the London plan, of two companies, alderman and council, was widely favoured in the 14th century, perhaps in imitation of the Houses of Lords and Commons.

This process culminated in the 1600 statutes which defined the Council as the "supreme, absolute and unique prince of the community" attributing to it "the right over life, death and goods of every citizen" together with every power needed to rule and manage the country. Until the 17th century, members of the Council were periodically elected by the Arengo, then the 1600 Statutes established that the Council could autonomously nominate its members by co-optation. This led to an increasing concentration of power in the hand of the richest families, which were also the only ones that could afford to pay for the necessary education. The oligarchic nature of the council became even clearer when, between the 17th and 18th centuries, laws were passed to formally establish a noble class with 20 seats reserved to it.

That year co-founder Menu published Plates-bandes, a diatribe against what he perceived as the co-optation and wholesale copycatting of the alternative comics aesthetic by France's mainstream comic book publishers looking to corner what had suddenly become a lucrative market. Literally meaning "flowerbeds," the title is a pun involving part of the word for comics ("bande dessinée," or "drawn strip"), a concern that independent comics are headed for blandness and platitude ("plat," literally flat or insipid), and a gauntlet thrown down to mainstream publishers for encroaching on indie territory (the colloquial expression "trampling someone’s flowerbeds" means to step on someone’s toes). The book coincided with three of the original founders and a few authors leaving L'Association:"Conversations: Jean- Christophe Menu & Sammy Harkham," The Comics Journal #300 (Dec. 2009). David B. left the group in spring 2005; Lewis Trondheim left in autumn 2006, followed shortly after by Stanislas and Killoffer.

Critics reacted well to Inherent Vice, particularly for its mainstream appeal. In a generally favorable review, The New York Times Michiko Kakutani called it "Pynchon Lite", describing it as "a simple shaggy-dog detective story that pits likable dopers against the Los Angeles Police Department and its 'countersubversive' agents, a novel in which paranoia is less a political or metaphysical state than a byproduct of smoking too much weed". A review by academic Louis Menand in The New Yorker declared the novel "a generally lighthearted affair", while adding that there were still "a few familiar apocalyptic touches, and a suggestion that countercultural California is a lost continent of freedom and play, swallowed up by the faceless forces of co- optation and repression". In a scathing review in New York magazine, Sam Anderson wrote that "with no suspense and nothing at stake, Pynchon's manic energy just feels like aimless invention".

This is arguably a derivation from the first sense. The outcome of such co-option will be specific to the individual case, and will depend on the relative strength of the co-opting and co-opted groups, the degree of alignment of their interests, and the vigour with which their members are prepared to pursue those interests. For example, when corporations greenwash their brands by co-opting the tone of environmentalism without any deep reform of their environmental impact, both environmental advocates and the general public must decide how to engage (or not) with the greenwashed result (accept it wholly, boycott it, apply pressure from another angle, ignore it, or some other path). Selznick, again in the context of the Tennessee Valley Authority, described this form as "informal co-optation", although the process he describes is almost indistinguishable from the corrupt sale of political influence.

Vergangenheitsbewältigung describes the attempt to analyze, digest and learn to live with the past, in particular the Holocaust. The focus on learning is much in the spirit of philosopher George Santayana's oft-quoted observation that "those who forget the past are condemned to repeat it". It is a technical term also used in English that was coined after 1945 in West Germany, relating specifically to the atrocities committed during the Third Reich, when Adolf Hitler was in power in Germany, and to both historical and contemporary concerns about the extensive compromise and co-optation of many German cultural, religious, and political institutions by Nazism. The term therefore deals at once with the concrete responsibility of the German state (West Germany assumed the legal obligations of the Reich) and of individual Germans for what took place "under Hitler", and with questions about the roots of legitimacy in a society whose development of the Enlightenment collapsed in the face of Nazi ideology.

Abolitionists believe that calls for abolition may be co-opted and drained of their power by reformists who propose reforms which actually function to strengthen police power. Tourmaline argues that this process of expecting the state to reduce harm and violence through increasing policing is embedded within the state's attempts to maintain its own legitimacy and power: "the logic of the state is constantly demanding us to think of ways to increase policing as a way to decrease harm and violence." Megan McDowell and Luis Fernandez state that an abolitionist praxis which "adopts uncompromising positions that resist liberal attempts at co-optation, incorporation, and/or reconciliation" should be adopted and amplified as a result. The Ferguson unrest reform proposal of body cameras for police has been cited as an example of a reformist approach to policing which worked to strengthen police power and build wealth for the less than lethal weapons industry while failing to provide material relief to those impacted by police violence.

In 2005, Menu published "Plates-bandes", a diatribe against the co-optation and wholesale copycatting of the indie, avant-garde, experimental, or alternative comics aesthetic by France's mainstream comic book publishers looking to corner what had suddenly become a lucrative market. Literally meaning "flowerbeds", the title is a pun involving part of the word for comics ("bande dessinée," or "drawn strip"), a concern that independent comics are headed for blandness and platitude ("plat," literally flat or insipid), and a gauntlet thrown down to mainstream publishers for encroaching on indie territory (the colloquial expression "trampling someone's flowerbeds" means to step on someone's toes). The book coincides with three of the original founders and a few authors leaving L'Association and finding work with many of mainstream publishers mentioned in its content. In May 2011, after nearly six months of struggles within the structure, Menu announced his official departure from L'Association and spoke in a public letter of a desire to start a new project elsewhere.

Haim Hanegbi and Michel Warschawski played a key role in writing the 2004 Olga Document, which is a statement of the anti-Zionist position and a radical critique of Israeli policies and practices, and Warschawski published his political memoir in English, On the Border (South End Press, 2004; original French in 2002). He further published, together with Lebanese academic and activist Gilbert Achcar, a book titled The 33-Day War: Israel's War on Hezbollah in Lebanon and Its Consequences (Paradigm Publishers, 2007), in which the war is covered with a focus on both Israeli and Lebanese perspectives. Sylvain Cypel wrote a historical and political analysis of Israeli society under the title Walled: Israeli Society at an Impasse (Other Press, 2007; original French in 2006). Moshe Machover has continued to publish theoretical papers analyzing Israel/Palestine within the broader Middle Eastern framework, and in 2009, together with Ehud Ein-Gil, he published an article in the UK journal Race & Class, titled "Zionism and Oriental Jews: a dialectic of exploitation and co-optation", in which they analyze the question of ethnic divisions within Israel society.

A co-optation of the Keep Calm and Carry On meme on behalf of the LGBT Add The Words, Idaho human rights campaign After her service as a public representative, LeFavour has remained active in LGBT affairs. She was one of 44 activists arrested on February 3, 2014 at the Statehouse on suspicion of misdemeanor trespassing, having blocked the Idaho Senate's entrances for more than two hours in a silent protest two months in the planning on behalf of the Add The Words campaign, an act of civil disobedience which she had organized. Three of those arrested were juveniles, and LeFavour herself was, unexpectedly, the last person to be arrested after the Idaho Senate voted to suspend its rule which allows former members to be on the Senate floor. By the end of February, following other protests, 122 arrests had been conducted (with some protestors being arrested for than once, and all of whom are being represented pro bono), and negotiations between LGBT-rights advocates and religiously conservative legislators had tentatively begun.

Bumiller does not blame the feminist movement for this co-optation, but rather argues that the expansion of repressive state power and the narrative of a universal female victim ironically resulted in re-victimizing the victims of sexual violence. Analyzing two prominent gang rape trials, the New Beford gang rape case and the Central Park jogger case, Bumiller argues that these highly publicized efforts by criminal justice allowed the state to portray itself as a force that helps keep sexual violence contained, in a mechanism called expressive justice, and that these efforts helped develop the harmful idea of a good victim. Bumiller notes that criminal justice efforts directed at suspected perpetrators of sexual violence have taken government money and resources away from grassroots work that aims to support victims. Bumiller connects this trend to a consistent process of privatization in neoliberalism, and notes that many of the state powers that were expanded in response to activism that seeks to reduce violence against women were ironically parts of the government that have been historically criticized by feminist activists.

Stefan Winter is a Canadian historian specialising in the study of Ottoman Syria. His research revolves around Ottoman administrative policies toward the Shi‘i and ‘Alawi communities as well as Bedouin and Kurdish principalities in northern Syria and southern Anatolia, and he takes a generally Marxian approach to show how the co-optation or creation of so-called “tribal” elites by the Ottoman state authorities and their economic expansion under the twin impulse of European colonialism and Ottoman administrative reform, rather than their essential sectarian or ethnic identities, determined these groups’ fate in the early modern period. His first book, The Shiites of Lebanon under Ottoman Rule, 1516-1788, was published by Cambridge University Press in 2010; his second book, A History of the ‘Alawis: From Medieval Syria to the Turkish Republic, 947-1938 was published by Princeton University Press in 2016. The latter was awarded the Fuat Köprülü Book Prize by the Ottoman and Turkish Studies Association (OTSA) in 2017. He also co-edited, together with Mafalda Ade, the collective volume Aleppo and its Hinterland in the Ottoman Period/Alep et sa province à l’époque ottomane with E.J. Brill in 2019.

However the WC- AEC issued a statement vigorously rejecting these claims while the Mail and Guardian newspaper reported a very different account of why Abahlali protested the meeting.On the far side of left , Niren Tolsi, Mail & Guardian, 8 December 2006 A masters thesis by Matt Birkinshaw explained that the protest happened because "Abahlali felt that there was a lack of genuine democracy and participation due to NGO co-optation" in the SMI. Online video footage of the protest shot by Antonios Vradis indicates that the demonstration was peaceful and rational and that the movements had a clear critique of the NGO co-option of the SMI.Raw Footage of the Protest at the SMI by the Western Cape Anti- Eviction Campaign and Abahlali baseMjondolo . Abahlali.org. Retrieved on 4 December 2011. In October 2010, Abahlali baseMjondolo of the Western Cape called for a month of direct action.Shack dwellers strike set to last one month , Anna Majavu & Unathi Obose, 4 October 2010South Africa’s rebellion of the poor , by Rebecca Burns, Waging Non-Violence Mzonke Poni, the chairperson of the Cape Town structure at the time, publicly endorsed road blockades as a legitimate tactic during this strike.Urgent Call . Abahlali.org. Retrieved on 4 December 2011.