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"bridewealth" Definitions
  1. BRIDE-PRICE

84 Sentences With "bridewealth"

How to use bridewealth in a sentence? Find typical usage patterns (collocations)/phrases/context for "bridewealth" and check conjugation/comparative form for "bridewealth". Mastering all the usages of "bridewealth" from sentence examples published by news publications.

An example of this is the common practice of bridewealth in Africa, particularly among the Zulu people. Bridewealth is when a groom's family pays the bride's family in traditional forms such as livestock, food and clothing to confirm the marriage. In modern practice, the payment is typically in forms of cash. To many Africans, bridewealth is considered to be a crucial part of a marriage ceremony and the marriage will not be acknowledged until the bridewealth has been paid.
Bridewealth is commonly practised, even among those who reside in the Western world. The tradition would involve the bridegroom's family paying the father of the bride. The amount of money of the bridewealth is reached by negotiation between groups of people from both families. The social state of the groom's family influences the amount of the bridewealth that is ought to be paid.
Pandit Tulsiram, 1924, p. 15 Stanley J.Tambiah claims the ancient Code of Manu sanctioned dowry and bridewealth in ancient India, but dowry was the more prestigious form and associated with the Brahmanic (priestly) caste. Bridewealth was restricted to the lower castes, who were not allowed to give dowry. He cites two studies from the early 20th century with data to suggest that this pattern of dowry in upper castes and bridewealth in lower castes has persisted through the first half of the 20th century.
Bridewealth was restricted to the lower castes, who were not allowed to give dowry. He cites two studies from the early 20th century with data to suggest that this pattern of dowry in upper castes and bridewealth in lower castes persisted through the first half of the 20th century. However, it is more likely that marriages involved both reciprocal gifts between the two families, claims Tambiah, so that insofar as the groom's family gave the bridewealth, it tended to be given back as dowry to the bride as part of her conjugal estate.
In some cases, bridewealth is a means by which the groom's family's ties to the children of the union are recognized.
Rodrigo married Urraca Fernández, daughter of Fernando Garcés de Hita and Estefanía Armengol. The couple was betrothed while she was no more than ten years old, at which time (21 November 1129) Rodrigo granted her a bridewealth consisting in eleven villages in the Campos Góticos.Barton (1997), 52–53. Estefanía was Fernando's second wife, and he granted her her bridewealth in November 1119, cf. Barton, 40.
Madison, Wisconsin: University of Wisconsin Press. The amount of bridewealth that a family is able to pay serves as an icon of her family's social status and indicates how much the family will be able to support the groom's. Bridewealth is seen as a form of “insurance” for the bride's family, as they know that if economic hardship entails they are able to rely on the groom's family to care of them. Some academics believe bridewealth leads to marriage stability, as the bride's family will put pressure on the daughter to remain in the marriage if the payment made was of significant value.Ogbu, J. (1978).
Traditional, formal presentation of the bridewealth (also known as "sin sot") at an engagement ceremony in Thailand Bridewealth is a common practice in parts of Southeast Asia (Thailand, Cambodia), parts of Central Asia, and in much of sub-Saharan Africa. It is also known as brideprice although this has fallen in disfavor as it implies the purchase of the bride. Bridewealth is the amount of money or property or wealth paid by the groom or his family to the parents of a woman upon the marriage of their daughter to the groom. In anthropological literature, bride price has often been explained as payment made to compensate the bride's family for the loss of her labor and fertility.
African Bridewealth and Women's Status. American Ethnologist, 5(2), 241-262. In contrast to this practice, other African communities such as many Moroccan ethnic groups participate in a marital custom known as “dowry”.
Currently she is the executive editor of the Journal of Religion in Africa (since January 2008) and is researching the Izala Islamic reformist movement in Niger, examining issues including bridewealth, worship, and dress.
Despite increased westernization, the Motu still engage in some traditional practices. These include the value of traditional music and dance, observing the bridewealth and still retaining most of the land rights in the Port Moresby region.
Bridewealth was restricted to the lower castes, who were not allowed to give dowry. He cites two studies from the early 20th century with data to suggest that this pattern of dowry in upper castes and bridewealth in lower castes has persisted through the first half of the 20th century. Michael Witzel, in contrast, states the ancient Indian literature suggests dowry practices were not significant during the Vedic period. Witzel also notes that women in ancient India had property inheritance rights either by appointment or when they had no brothers.
This marriage was contracted through Fernando and the bridewealth was given to Vermudo by his father for that express purpose.Barton (1997), 54. At some point early in the century Pedro gave a Moorish cook named Martín to Fernando.Barton (1997), 59–60.
Because Diop had not fulfilled the terms of her marriage contract, her father had to refund the bridewealth to the groom's family. He subsequently laid the blame for his daughter's defiance on his wife, who he threw out of the house.
For instance, in Middle-Age Europe, the family of a bride-to-be was compelled to offer a dowry —- land, cattle and money —- to the family of the husband-to-be. Bridewealth exists in societies where manual labor is more important than capital. In Sub-Saharan Africa where land was abundant and there were few or no domesticated animals, manual labor was more valuable than capital, and therefore bridewealth dominated. An evolutionary psychology explanation for dowry and bride price is that bride price is common in polygynous societies which have a relative scarcity of available women.
Marriage is not something that is a free choice; it is arranged. The elders instigate the binding ritual without the bride or the groom knowing. Marriage is a lifelong exchange with a gift or bridewealth and brings food and hospitality across clans.
Hpuja or hpaji hpaga (Zaiwa: pau je) is the bridewealth given from Dama to Mayu. It can include "cattle, money, gongs, liquor, purchased cloth, clothing, coats, blankets, and jewellery."Ho Ts’ui-p’ing. (2007) Rethinking Kachin Wealth Ownership in Sadan, M and Robinne, F. (eds) 2007.
Singhai Pannalal Raes ed. Pandit Tulsiram, 1924, p. 15 Stanley J. Tambiah claims the ancient Code of Manu sanctioned dowry and bridewealth in ancient India (typically in Rohtak) and especially in Kadia families, but dowry was the more prestigious form and associated with the Brahmanic (priestly) caste.
By 1121 Pedro's second son, Fernando, was already a count, because of his influence at the court of Theresa, Countess of Portugal. On 25 July 1122, Pedro's eldest son, Vermudo, made over the bridewealth to his wife Urraca Enríquez, daughter of Theresa of Portugal.The carta de arras is edited in Barton (1997), 308–10.
Others are unable to have children because of infertility or other factors preventing conception or the bearing of children. In some cultures, marriage imposes an obligation on women to bear children. In northern Ghana, for example, payment of bridewealth signifies a woman's requirement to bear children, and women using birth control face substantial threats of physical abuse and reprisals.
The only place where they will finally see each other is at their post-wedding dwelling. Established Bedouin wedding customs also entail the use of hand-embroidered costumes, the dowry, and the bridewealth. Islamic law dictates that the jewelry received by the bride becomes her personal property.Muslim Bedouin Weddings: a Riot of Color and Music, zawaj.
Posel, D., & Rudwick, S. (2014). Marriage and Bridewealth (Ilobolo) in Contemporary Zulu Society. African Studies Review, 57, pp 51-72 doi:10.1017/asr.2014.47 While this is not a custom of Islamic or Christian marriage, many Africans adopt the traditional practice into their communities creating a strong link between their primary religion and their traditional and cultural beliefs.
This is where the bride inherits gifts from her family with the purpose of using them within her new home. Examples of traditional marriage customs within Africa can be seen when analyzing the Yoruba people of Nigeria. The Yoruba integrate many traditional Yoruba marriage customs (such as arranged marriages and bridewealth) into their Christian and Islamic ceremonies.Ogoma, D. (2014).
On 28 November 1190 she gave some more of her bridewealth to San Marcos de León and the Order of Santiago. She probably died in 1192. The rest of his life Rodrigo devoted to growing his newfound order. According to a bull of Innocent III he chose for his Order a half-red, half-white cross.
Marriage was preferred with a close or classificatory cousin, especially a mother's brother's daughter, but this preference was most often realised in the case of ruling or chiefly families. Practiced by the ruling dynasty, during its period of dominance, it represented a system of political integration and control recycling of bridewealth (dikgomo di boela shakeng; returning of bride cattle). Cousin marriage meant that the two sets of prospective in-laws were closely connected even before the event of a marriage, and went along with an ideology of sibling-linkage, through which the bogadi (bridewealth) procured for a daughter's marriage would, in turn, be used to get a bride for her brother, and he would repay his sister by offering a daughter to her son in marriage. Cousin marriage is still practiced, but less frequently.
The Efé ideal is to marry by sister exchange, but this happens for only 40 percent of men. There is no bridewealth and very little bride service. The Efé are not allowed to marry anyone related to their grandfathers, and they trace their heritage patrilineally. Generally, residence is patrilocal and the composition of camps roughly follows that of a patriclan.
In the case of marriages done through the game of abduction, the bridewealth offered is a gesticulation to appease the woman's parents. Elopements are normally based on the brides’ desires, which may, at times, are made to resemble a “bride kidnapping” situation (i.e. a marriage through the game of abduction) in order to prevent dishonoring the woman who wished to be eloped.
Enormous economic growth within the continent has caused the bridewealth payment to inflate so significantly that many couples are now straying from the tradition, instead opting for other forms of marriage.Jean-Baptiste, R., & Burrill, E. (2019). LOVE, MARRIAGE, AND FAMILIES IN AFRICA. In Achebe N. & Robertson C. (Eds.), Holding the World Together: African Women in Changing Perspective (pp. 275-293).
For example, there were different accepted time frames for mourning the death of a father versus a paternal uncle. Marriages were highly ritualized, particularly for the wealthy, and included many important steps. The giving of betrothal gifts, known as bridewealth and dowry, were especially important. A lack of either was considered dishonorable and the woman would have been seen not as a wife, but as a concubine.
Assyrians, who are indigenous people of Western Asia, commonly practice the bride price (niqda) custom. The tradition would involve the bridegroom's family paying to the father of the bride. The amount of money of the niqda is reached at by negotiation between groups of people from both families. The social state of the groom's family influences the amount of the bridewealth that's ought to be paid.
Newlyweds live in the same village as the wife's family so she has family support during her new life. Often, young wives return to their parents' houses to sleep until they become comfortable with their husbands. During this time, the husband will hunt for his wife's family (a form of bridewealth). If the couple never becomes comfortable, separation is acceptable, prompted by either partner.
Lugbara believe conception occurs three to four days after menstruation. However, all versions state that bridewealth was not given. All this took place at a place called Loloi by Lugbara, somewhere in Southern Sudan. The last pair of siblings produced the two hero-ancestors, Jaki and Dribidu (‘the hairy one’) who came to the present land of Lugbara and begot many sons (founders of the current clans).
The Pedi paramountcy's power was also cemented by the fact that chiefs of subordinate villages, or kgoro, take their principal wives from the ruling house. This system of cousin marriage resulted in the perpetuation of marriage links between the ruling house and the subordinate groups, and involved the payment of inflated bohadi or bridewealth, mostly in the form of cattle, to the Maroteng house.
Fernando and Stephanie had two daughters: Urraca Fernández and Sancha Fernández. Urraca, probably conceived shortly after their marriage, was betrothed to Count Rodrigo Martínez, who granted her a bridewealth on 29 November 1129, when she was probably only ten years old. Stephanie also bore Fernando two sons: Pedro Fernández de Castro, who became the first Grand Master of the Order of Santiago, and Martín Fernández de Castro. Fernando died about 1125.
Most Banda people are now Protestants (52%) or Catholic (38%). However, they have retained many of their traditional beliefs alongside those of Christianity, such as making sacrificial offerings to ancestral spirits for seasonal success for crops. The Banda people have their rites of passage, such as Semali which recognizes the crossing into adulthood. At weddings, dowries in the form of bridewealth have traditionally included iron implements for the family.
These are the societies that give brideprice. Boserup further associates shifting horticulture with the practice of polygamy, and hence bridewealth is paid as a compensation to her family for the loss of her labour. In plough agriculture farming is largely men's work; this is where dowry is given. In contrast, plough agriculture is associated with private property and marriage tends to be monogamous, to keep the property within the nuclear family.
But if a widow does not want to be inherited, then she doesn't have to be, and she can choose to live with other kinsman of the deceased. If she marries someone else, the bridewealth paid for her should be returned. When women marry, they leave their homes and become part of her husband's family, since property and status are inherited by males only. Fathers also have rule over daughters.
But after 1952, with the National Party in power and apartheid entrenched, Edward decided to make peace with the government. He told his followers not to join the African National Congress or any anti-government party. Additionally, he demanded that his followers contract marriages formally through the paying of bridewealth for the first time, a move that buttressed the control of rural chiefs over their followers."Edward Lekganyane and the ZCC," 15-17.
Bridewealth is commonly paid in a currency that is not generally used for other types of exchange. According to French anthropologist Philippe Rospabé, its payment does therefore not entail the purchase of a woman, as was thought in the early twentieth century. Instead, it is a purely symbolic gesture acknowledging (but never paying off) the husband's permanent debt to the wife's parents. Dowries exist in societies where capital is more valuable than manual labor.
There is no limit on the number of concubines a master may possess. However, the general marital laws are to be observed, such as not having sexual relations with the sister of a female slave. In Islam, "men are enjoined to marry free women in the first instance, but if they cannot afford the bridewealth for free women, they are told to marry slave women rather than engage in wrongful acts."Nashat (1999) p.
The Urapmin have a group of leaders, known as kamokim (singular kamok) in the Urapmin language and bikman in Tok Pisin. These leaders organize people into villages, help people pay bridewealth payments, speak at court cases, and organize work groups to carry out large-scale projects. The kamokim are held in high regard in all public spheres and are a common topic of conversation. The Urapmin make a division between the village (Urap: abiip) and the bush (Urap: sep).
On 22 September 1150 Ramiro gave these two the bridewealth (arras) which he had neglected to give their mother before her death.Barton (1997), 54, who includes an edition of the original charter in Appendix III, iv, p. 313. In the same charter, he gave them the lands he had confiscated from his niece, Estefanía Díaz, who had married without his consent,Barton (1997), 51. also mentioning the arras that he had given his other two wives, Sancha and Elo.
They contain the authentic charter of foundation of Estefanía, wherein she describes her gift to the monastery of the lands comprising her bridewealth from Ponce: > I give and concede the village that is called Carrizo, with all its environs > and attached territories, integral; and the village of San Pedro del Páramo, > whole and integral, and the village of Grulleros and Argavallones, and its > environs and attached territories that belong to me; which villages I have > from my acquisitions and my bridewealth and my scattered estates, which my > husband gave to me.Barton, "Two Catalan Magnates", 250: Do et concedo uillam > que dicitur Karrizu, cum omnibus directuris et pertinentiis suis, integre; > et uillam Sancti Petri de Paramis, totam et integram, et uillam de Groleros > et de Argaualones, et de meis directuris et pertinentiis suis; quas uillas > ego habeo de mea ganantia et de meis arris et de meis directuris, quas dedit > mihi maritus meus. Estefanía died in 1183 or 1184 and was buried beside her husband. Ponce acquired a vast wealth in lands after his migration to León.
The financial aspects of marriage vary between cultures and have changed over time. In some cultures, dowries and bridewealth continue to be required today. In both cases, the financial arrangements are usually made between the groom (or his family) and the bride's family; with the bride often not being involved in the negotiations, and often not having a choice in whether to participate in the marriage. In Early modern Britain, the social status of the couple was supposed to be equal.
While the majority of Wagogo have only one wife at any given time, most found polygyny to be highly valued and carrying a high priority. It was the prerogative of older, well-established men. A reasonably prosperous man could hope to have two and sometimes three wives, and sometimes together. Most marriages took place within a day's walking distance after agreement is reached on the number of livestock to be included in the bridewealth, only then is the transfer made.
The Urapmin stand out among "remote" hunter- gatherer societies in how strongly they have rejected their traditional beliefs and practices (Urap: alowal imi kukup, literally "ways of the ancestors") and embraced those of Protestant Christianity. Unlike in other Papuan cultures, among the Urapmin there is no ongoing conflict between Christians (Tok Pisin: kristins) and "heathens" (Tok Pisin: haidens). Some rituals are still subjects of debate among the Urapmin as to whether they should still be practiced, in particular pig sacrifice and bridewealth exchange.
Politically, Bima tried to secure a grip over non-Muslim lands in the region. The sultanate had vague pretensions on Sumba and vied with Makassar over influence in Manggarai on Flores. A Makassarese princess married a Bimanese prince in 1727, and the court of Makassar claimed Manggarai as a sunrang (bridewealth), leading to a long dispute over this area.Noorduyn, Jacobus (1987) Bima en Sumbawa. Dordrecht: Foris, p. 54. The sultanate was struck by disaster in 1815 when the Tambora Volcano erupted, causing destruction and severe famine.
Forey, 250. During those four years (1168–71) he was a regular attendee of the court of King Ferdinand II. At an unknown date, Rodrigo married María, daughter of Ponce de Minerva and Estefanía Ramírez. For her bridewealth Rodrigo gave her the church of San Pelayo de Villamuriel, which she in turn granted to San Marcos de León on 3 June 1172. At an unknown date Rodrigo—in his own words, "seized by diabolical rage"—burned down the church of Santa María de Mal.
Dowry was not infrequent when the girl suffered from some bodily defect. Property rights for women increased in ancient India, suggest MacDonell and Keith, over the Epics era (200 BC to 700 AD).MacDonell, Arthur and Keith, Arthur. Vedic Index: Names and Subjects, Indian Text Series (John Murray, London, 1912), Volume 1:482-485 ページ出版 Kane claims ancient literature suggests bridewealth was paid only in the asura-type of marriage that was considered reprehensible and forbidden by Manu and other ancient Indian scribes.
There was little ranking between co-wives, although seniority in terms of who was first married was at times recognized. Jealously and sorcery were common, much depending on how well co-wives got along. Unlike the Wagogo, divorce was common, a large majority of persons experiencing al least one divorce by the time they were fifty years of age, which included the return of bridewealth minus the number and sex of the children born. Divorce was most often accomplished by the separation of either party.
On widows, he said, > My colleagues and I . . . can only reply in demanding the upholding of > custom, which requires the widow to be the property of the heir until her > liberation, which can only take effect after the return of her bridewealth. > She must remain with him as long as this return is not made.Quoted in Guyer, > "Beti Widow Inheritance", 208. Early in 1902, the colonial government appointed him their representative to the Ewondo people, and interpreter and clerk for the Germans posted in Jaunde.
Berdel marriage or sibling swapping, is a type of marriage wherein a bride or bridegroom is exchanged with a bride or bridegroom of another family. It is common in a few Kurdish communities as well as some Sub-Saharan African cultures. The relatives giving their bridegroom or bride away are typically well-acquainted or friends with the other family. The popularity of berdel marriage is sometimes attributed to the fact that it costs less as there is no dowry, bridewealth or similar exchange of monetary transaction.
The alférez did sign the carta de arras (charter of bridewealth) of Rodrigo Díaz de Vivar, El Cid Campeador, in 1080/1.Reilly (1988), 83, uses his signature to disprove the thesis of Ramón Menéndez Pidal that the surviving copy of this charter is an original. Its purported date, 10 July 1074, is definitely in error. A Rodrigo González who signed eight royal diplomas between 1092 and 1099 has also been identified with the alférez, the son of Gonzalo Núñez, and the later Crusader.
But when the parents die, and the joint family partitions, this jointly held wealth was then divided among the married sons, such that ultimately, the bride's dowry given to the joint family returned to her and her husband as their "conjugal fund." Schlegel and Eloul expanded on Goody's model through further statistical analysis of the Ethnographic atlas. They argue that a major factor in determining the type of marriage transaction is the type of property controlled by the household. Bridewealth circulates property and women, and is typical of societies where property is limited.
The practice of dowry in the Indian subcontinent is a controversial subject. Some scholars believe dowry was practiced in antiquity, but some do not. Historical eyewitness reports (discussed below) suggest dowry in ancient India was insignificant, and daughters had inheritance rights, which by custom were exercised at the time of her marriage. Documentary evidence suggests that at the beginning of 20th century, bridewealth, rather than dowry was the common custom, which often resulted in poor boys remaining unmarried.Muni Buddhmal, Terapanth ke Drudhdharmi Shravak Arjunlalji Porwal, Kesrimal ji Surana Abhinanda Granth, 1982, p. 95Parwar Directory, Pub.
4 (1996). Witzel also notes that women in ancient India had property inheritance rights either by appointment or when they had no brothers. The findings of MacDonell and Keith are similar to Witzel, and differ from Tambiah; they cite ancient Indian literature suggesting bridewealth was paid even in brahma- and daiva-types of marriage associated with the Brahmanic (priestly) upper caste. Dowry was not infrequent, when the girl suffered from some bodily defect. Property rights for women increased in ancient India, suggest MacDonell and Keith, over the Epics era (200 BC – 700 AD).
As their everyday production and consumption activities were increasingly commodified, they developed an oppositional gift (posintuwu) exchange system that funded social reproductive activities, thereby preserving larger kin, political and religious groups. This "pure gift" exchange network emerged from an earlier system of "total prestations." 'Free gifts' of Posintuwu culminate in the exchange of bridewealth at a To Pamona wedding. Similarly, in analyzing the same "transition to capitalist debate" in early 19th century North America, Schrauwers documented how new, oppositional "moral economies" grew in parallel with the emergence of the market economy.
The film was about the complexities of village politics, and the pressures and expectations placed on Waiko in a community where wealth and status are measured by the number of pigs one owns.McLaren, Les and Annie Stiven: Taking Pictures , First Run/Icarus Films, 1996. The film won the awards for Best Documentary at the Hawaii International Film Festival, and the International Jurors' Prize at the Sydney Film Festival. Bridewealth for a Goddess (2000) won the Award for Excellence at the American Anthropological Association Film and Video Festival in 2001.
In issues pertaining to marriage, baligh is related to the Arabic legal expression, hatta tutiqa'l-rijal, which means that the a wedding may not take place until the girl is physically fit to engage in sexual intercourse. In comparison, baligh or balaghat concerns the reaching of sexual maturity which becomes manifest by the menses. The age related to these two concepts can, but need not necessarily, coincide. Only after a separate condition called rushd, or intellectual maturity to handle one's own property, is reached can a girl receive her bridewealth.
The concept and practice of dowry in ancient and medieval Hindu society is unclear. Some scholars believe dowry was practiced in historic Hindu society, but some do not. Historical eyewitness reports (discussed below), suggest dowry in pre-11th century CE Hindu society was insignificant, and daughters had inheritance rights, which by custom were exercised at the time of her marriage. Stanley J. Tambiah states the ancient Code of Manu sanctioned dowry and bridewealth in ancient India, but dowry was the more prestigious form and associated with the Brahmanic (priestly) caste.
She died before her husband, leaving him two sons: Gutierre Fernández de Castro and Rodrigo Fernández de Castro. Fernando married his second wife, Stephanie (Estefanía), daughter of Count Ermengol V of Urgell, probably in early 1119, while she was still quite young. On 12 November 1119 Fernando had a grant of bridewealth (carta de arras) drawn up for his second wife. He bestowed on her his half of properties at Castrojeriz and Cerrato, which he had acquired with his first wife and which had been divided between him and his children by Tegridia at her death.
In many cultures, particularly in parts of Africa and the Middle East, daughters are valuable on the marriage market because the groom and his family must pay cash and property for the right to marry the daughter. This is termed as bride-wealth and locally by various names such as Lobola and Wine Carrying.Wining back our good luck: bridewealth in nowadays Maputo Paulo Granjo (2004)Bride price: an insult to women, a burden to men?, BBC News (August 30, 2004) The bride-wealth is typically kept by the bride's family, after the marriage, and is a source of income to poor families.
Also in June 1179 Pedro rewarded one of his loyal followers, García de Alberit, and the latter's daughter Toda and brother Pascasio with land at Valtablado.Barton, 282, citing J. L. Martín Rodríguez, Orígenes de la Orden Militar de Santiago (1170–1195) (Barcelona: 1974), 280–81. Pedro took as his second wife Margaret (Margarita, Margerina). The couple first appears as married in a charter redacted at Angers and preserved in the cartulary of Llanthony Secunda, recording the gift of bridewealth to a certain Margaret, relative of Henry II of England, by her husband, Petrus Dei gratia comes de Lara.
A traditional, formal presentation of the bride price at a Thai engagement ceremony. Dowry is property (money, goods, or estate) that a wife or wife's family gives to her husband when the wife and husband marry. Offering dowry was common in many cultures historically (including in Europe and North America), but this practice today is mostly restricted to some areas primarily in the Indian subcontinent. Bride price, (also bridewealth or bride token), is property paid by the groom or his family to the parents of a woman upon the marriage of their daughter to the groom.
Papuan bride price basket piece from the early 20th century. In the collection of The Children's Museum of Indianapolis. Bride price, bridewealth, or bride token, is money, property, or other form of wealth paid by a groom or his family to the family of the woman he will be married to or is just about to marry. Bride price can be compared to dowry, which is paid to the groom, or used by the bride to help establish the new household, and dower, which is property settled on the bride herself by the groom at the time of marriage.
Cattle for bridewealth, however, were considered vital and gave men even more control, even though the missionaries assumed the position of women was not bad. While the Nyakyusa were expert mat makers, they produced no pots, cloth, iron, or salt, and trade remained very small. The only trade was with the Kinga when the Nyakyusa exchanged their surplus food for weapons and agricultural implements of considerable artistic merit. While the trade in weapons and tools with the Kinga was important, marriage partners with Kinga women was not, for Kinga women were considered too dirty to marry.
In the 15th centuries, Castilian brides were at times asked to forfeit their rights to the remainder of the family estate once they married and received their dowry. As the provision of a dowry became essential for marriage, patrilineage increased in importance. By the 13th century, the dowry had largely taken the place of brideprice or bridewealth, given by the husband or his family on his marriage. Dower, the money/property given by the husband to his wife so that she might support herself should she become widowed, became less important and women's right to dispose of property became more limited.
Regionally traded products of importance were drums, ladles, stools, storage boxes for grain, and snuffboxes of horn. Iron and cloth were very important in regional networks, but the cloth industry in particular was ailing in 1857 because of severe competition from India, and over the next sixty years almost disappeared. Ironwork came from localized settlements whose products were then traded over wide areas: bows, arrows, spears, the payment of fines, and the extremely valuable hoes for bridewealth were all produced with considerable ritual by the smiths; and depending on the place that was blamed, for the heavy deforestation to obtain charcoal.
The second is the donation of San Pedro del Páramo, which it is known that Ponce gave to his wife as part of her bridewealth. The above charters are classified as spurious because they name Alfonso VII as ruling in Baeza and Almería, places he did not conquer until 1147, and they list Martin, Archbishop of Santiago, as confirming. They nevertheless contain a kernel of truth. More securely datable is Alfonso's grant to Ponce the village of Villaverde de Sandoval, on the bank of the Porma near the possessions which he had given his wife at their marriage, in 1142.
Kunta groups of prestigious marabouts who dominate some parts of northern Mali economically, religiously, and politically offer higher bridewealth than most of the poorer Tuareg men can afford. This causes the Tuareg to resent Kunta men for stealing all the most beautiful women and not needing these wives to perform laborious domestic work. A few Tuareg women see these marriages as prestigious and advantageous since it frees them from arduous physical labor. The Kunta and the Tuareg men have long competed over women to marry, interpretations of Islam, water, and for the fertility of humans, crops, and livestock.
MacDonell, Arthur and Keith, Arthur. Vedic Index: Names and Subjects, Indian Text Series (John Murray, London, 1912), Volume 1:482–485 ページ出版 Kane claims ancient literature suggests bridewealth was paid only in the asura-type of marriage that was considered reprehensible and forbidden by Manu and other ancient Indian scribes. Lochtefeld suggests that religious duties listed by Manu and others, such as 'the bride be richly adorned to celebrate marriage' were ceremonial dress and jewelry along with gifts that were her property, not property demanded by or meant for the groom; Lochtefeld further notes that bridal adornment is not currently considered as dowry in most people's mind.
Xwalile was at one time the great wife of Lobengula, king of the Ndebele people in present-day Zimbabwe. The dates of her birth and death are unknown, but she is known to have lived at least from the 1870s to the 1890s. Daughter of Mzila, king of the Gaza people, Xwalile married Lobengula in 1879; seven other Gaza royal women married him in the same ceremony, which was designed as an exchange of royal wives. Conflict over the payment of bridewealth soon caused trouble in the marriage, as did the fact that there was a dearth of Ndebele women who would marry Mzila in exchange.
In the traditional northern Ghana society, payment of bridewealth in cows and sheep signifies the wife's obligation to bear children. This deeply ingrained expectation about a woman’s duty to reproduce creates apprehension in men that their wife or wives may be unfaithful if they use contraception. Arranged marriages, which generally occur at a young age, limit female autonomy and therefore often result in a culture in which females do not feel in control of their reproductive health. According to a 1987 study by Caldwell, large families are seen as socially favorable and infertility is viewed negatively, causing women to use birth control mainly to increase birth intervals instead of limiting family size.
Stanley J. Tambiah (Goody's co-author on the earlier "Bridewealth and Dowry"(Cambridge University Press, 1973)) later argued that Goody's overall thesis remained pertinent in North India, although it required modification to meet local circumstances. He points out that dowry in North India is only partially used as a bride's conjugal fund, and that a large part goes directly to the groom's joint family. This would initially seem to discount Goody's model, except that in North India, the joint family is composed of the groom's parents, his married brothers and unmarried sisters, and their third generation children. This joint family controlled this part of the dowry, which they used to help fund their own daughter/sister's dowries.
Froila was the second son of Ramiro Fróilaz and his first wife, Inés (Agnes). He is first mentioned in a document dated 22 September 1150, whereby his father granted to him and his elder brother, Alfonso, the bridewealth he owed to their late mother. Froila married his first wife, Urraca González, daughter of Gonzalo Fernández and granddaughter of Fernando Pérez of the House of Traba, sometime before 28 September 1171. Froila had been raised at the court of Fernando Pérez, for on 29 June 1170 he granted the monastery of San Esteban de Morás (Morales) to Urraca "out of love for your grandfather, Count Don Fernando, who raised me, and because of faithful service when I was accepted by your father, Count Don Gonzalo".
Direct Dowry contrasts with bridewealth, which is paid by the groom or his family to the bride's parents, and with indirect dowry (or dower), which is property given to the bride herself by the groom at the time of marriage and which remains under her ownership and control. In the Jewish tradition, the rabbis in ancient times insisted on the marriage couple entering into a prenuptial agreement, called a ketubah. Besides other things, the ketubah provided for an amount to be paid by the husband in the event of a divorce or his estate in the event of his death. This amount was a replacement of the biblical dower or bride price, which was payable at the time of the marriage by the groom to the father of the bride.
Kane states ancient literature suggests bridewealth was paid only in the asura-type of marriage that was considered reprehensible and forbidden by Manu and other ancient Indian scribes. Lochtefeld suggests that religious duties listed by Manu and others, such as 'the bride be richly adorned to celebrate marriage' were ceremonial dress and jewelry along with gifts that were her property, not property demanded by or meant for the groom; Lochtefeld further notes that bridal adornment is not currently considered as dowry in most people's mind.James G. Lochtefeld, The Illustrated Encyclopedia of Hinduism: A-M, Rosen Publishing, ; 203 ページ出版 Historical and epigraphical evidence from ancient India suggests dowry was not the standard practice in ancient Hindu society. Arrian of Alexander the Great's conquest era, in his first book, mentions a lack of dowry, or infrequent enough to be noticed by Arrian.
However, mahr is distinct from dower in two ways: 1) mahr is legally required for all Islamic marriages while dower was optional, and 2) mahr is required to be specified at the time of marriage (when a certain amount is promised, if not paid immediately), while dower is not paid until the death of the husband. Mahr also can be classified as a form of "bridewealth", described by anthropologists as payments made from the kin of the groom to the kin of the bride; however, mahr is paid directly to the bride and not her parents. In fact, as her legal property, mahr establishes the bride's financial independence from her parents and in many cases from her husband, who has no legal claims to his wife's mahr. The terms "dowry" and "bride price" are sometimes incorrectly used to translate mahr, but mahr differs from dowries in many other cultures.
The early Islamic reforms included giving the wife a possibility to initiate divorce, abrogation of the husband's claim to his wife's property, condemnation of divorce without compelling reason, criminalizing unfounded claims of infidelity made by the husband, and institution of financial responsibilities of the husband toward his divorced wife. In pre-Islamic times, men kept their wives in a state of "limbo" by continually repudiating them and taking them back at will. The Quran limited the number of repudiations to three, after which the man cannot take his wife back unless she first marries another man. Additionally, the pre-Islamic bridewealth (mahr), which was paid by the groom to the bride's family, was transformed into a dower, which became property of the wife, though some scholars believe that the practice of giving at least a part of the mahr to the bride began shortly before the advent of Islam.
Ponce does not appear in contemporary records until 1140, but his presence in the following of the Catalan princess is established by a charter in the archives of the convent of Santa María de Carrizo. This document, dated 13 March 1207, records a pesquisa (inquest) carried out by orders of Alfonso IX to determine what was owed by the village of Quintanilla to the convent in light of a donation made by Ponce.Luengo, "Monasterio de Santa María de Carrizo", 171. It mentions how Ponce had come to León with Berenguela: > When the lord emperor [Alfonso VII] brought [to León] his wife the empress, > he also brought along the count Ponce de Minerva and married him to the > countess Doña Estefanía, daughter of Count Ramiro, and gave him half of > Carrizo, which was royal fiscal land (realengo), and he [Ponce] gave it to > her as bridewealth. . .
At the time of his advent in León in 1127 he would therefore have been placed in an aristocratic household capable of raising him, and the king's sister is known to have raised at least one other young nobleperson in her court: Urraca Rodríguez, daughter of Rodrigo González de Lara, whom she remembered in her (undated) will as "Urraca, daughter of Count Rodrigo, whom I raised".Barton, "Two Catalan Magnates", 249: Urrace, filie comitis Roderici, quam ego creaui. Likewise, the village of Argavallones must have been acquired by Ponce sometime before his marriage, since he gave it to his bride as her arras (bridewealth), along with all his lands at Carrizo, San Pedro del Páramo (modern San Pedro de las Dueñas), and Grulleros (Grulerius). According to a document in the Tumbo Antiguo cartulary of Carrizo, Argavallones was located near Grulleros, just west of Villaverde de Sandoval (Sot noval).
The pervasiveness of transactional sex in sub-Saharan Africa, common in non-marital relationships across all income categories, is closely linked to socio-cultural expectations of gender whereby a man is expected to act as a provider to their partners and women expect a compensation for "giving" sex. This results in implicit assumptions of exchange, whereby for example a man might buy a woman a drink and her acceptance implies a willingness to have sex. Transactional sex is also becoming a vehicle for migration in places where younger women have intimate relationships with older men from, for example, Europe or North America. The general consensus among those studying transactional sex is that it is associated with the combined effects of poverty, the influence of Western consumerism, the differences in economic power between men and women, and the breakdown of traditional African marriage customs involving bridewealth.
Philippine Muslim (Tausug) Marriages on Jolo Island, Part Four: Weddings and Divorces, zawaj.com After the period of engagement has lapsed, the marital-union ceremony is observed by feastings, delivery of the whole bridewealth, slaughtering of a carabao or a cow, playing gongs and native xylophones, reciting prayers in the Arabic and Tausug languages, symbolic touching by the groom of his bride's forehead, and the couple's emotionless sitting-together ritual. In some instances when a groom is marrying a young bride, the engagement period may last longer until the Tausug lass has reached the right age to marry; or the matrimonial ceremony may proceed – a wedding the Tausug termed as “to marry in a handkerchief” or kawin ha saputangan – because the newly-wed man can live after marriage at the home of his parents- in-law but cannot have marital sex with his wife until she reaches the legal age. Tausug culture also allows the practice of divorce.
Filipino Tausug lady performing the traditional pangalay dance. Tausug matrimonial customs generally include the negotiation and proclamation of the bridewealth (the ungsud) which is a composition of the “valuables for the offspring” or dalaham pagapusan (in the form of money or an animal that cannot be slaughtered for the marital feast); the "valuables dropped in the ocean" or dalaham hug a tawid, which are intended for the father of the bride; the basingan which is a payment – in the form of antique gold or silver Spanish or American coins – for the transference of kingship rights toward the usba or “male side”; the “payment to the treasury” (sikawin baytal-mal, a payment to officers of the law and wedding officiants); the wedding musicians and performers; wedding feast costs; and the guiding proverb that says a lad should marry by the time he has already personally farmed for a period of three years. This is the reason why young Tausug males and females typically marry a few years after they reached the stage of puberty.Philippine Muslim (Tausug) Marriages on Jolo Island, Part Two: Arranged Marriages, zawaj.

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