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172 Sentences With "autonomies"

How to use autonomies in a sentence? Find typical usage patterns (collocations)/phrases/context for "autonomies" and check conjugation/comparative form for "autonomies". Mastering all the usages of "autonomies" from sentence examples published by news publications.

Soon after the Bolsheviks took power in the area, they formalized two disputed regions — Nagorno-Karabakh and Nakhichevan — as autonomies within Soviet Azerbaijan.
Much of the lineup here — like "Autonomies" (on Wednesday), a dystopian mini-series that depicts an Israel divided between a religious Jerusalem and a secular Tel Aviv — concerns Jewish identity in the 231st century.
However, Denis Verdini, head of the Liberal-Popular Alliance for Autonomies (ALA), issued a statement saying his group would not back the new government in parliament because it was not sufficiently represented in Gentiloni's cabinet team.
In Bosnia, inter-ethnic tensions have risen after Bosnian Serbs and Bosnian Croats had revived aspirations for greater territorial autonomies within the country they share with Muslim Bosniaks, relying on their wartime allies Serbia and Croatia.
However, the vote in the highly fragmented upper house, the Senate, was thrown into doubt when Denis Verdini, head of the small Liberal-Popular Alliance for Autonomies party (ALA), said it would not back Gentiloni if it was not sufficiently represented in the cabinet.
He announced that the region had won the right to declare independence — but he held off on a declaration, asking, instead, for dialogue with Spanish Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy, hoping Rajoy would agree to greater autonomies and allow him a way to save face.
Decentralization of self-governing powers and functions to such divisions is a way for a national government to try to increase democratic participation or administrative efficiency or to defuse internal conflicts. States that include autonomous areas may be federacies, federations, or confederations. Autonomous areas can be divided into territorial autonomies, subregional territorial autonomies, and local autonomies.
Christian Democracy for the Autonomies (, DCA) was a minor Christian- democratic political party in Italy.
On 1 June 2018, she was sworn in as the Minister of Regional Affairs and Autonomies.
Russian has a co-official status alongside Romanian in the autonomies of Gagauzia and Transnistria in Moldova.
From 2008 until his death in June 2013, Colombo was a member of the Autonomies group, formed mainly by elects in Trentino-Alto Adige/Südtirol.
Józsa Hévizi Autonomies in Europe and Hungary. (PDF). Corvinus Society (2004) The Iranian Jassic people came to Hungary together with the Cumans after they were defeated by the Mongols.
The Party of Sicilians (, PdS) is a regionalist and Christian-democratic political party in Italy, which is the regional section of the Movement for the Autonomies (MpA) in Sicily.
For the Autonomies (, Aut) is a heterogeneous centre-left and originally regionalist parliamentary group, which has been active, with slightly different names and different composition, in the Italian Senate since 2001.
Paolo Cirino Pomicino (born 3 September 1939) is an Italian politician, and was elected to the Italian Chamber of Deputies in the 2006 General election representing the Christian Democracy for the Autonomies.
The Andalusian Social Liberal Party (; PSLA) was a political party in Andalusia. The party was led by Manuel Clavero, Deputy Minister of the Regions. The party advocated regional autonomies, but not a federal state.
He is the General Editor of the Review of Central and East European Law and runs two book series with the NOMOS publishing house (Minorities and Autonomies) and Brill publisher (Territorial and Cultural Diversity Governance) together with Francesco Palermo.
"From Ballots To Bombs: The Inside Story of the National Fronts' Political Soldiers", page 25. Searchlight, 1989.Searchlight, August 1995, page 12. In 1989, Lawson was involved with setting up the Transeuropa Collective to discuss "European identities, autonomies and initiatives".
Yesca defends the right of self- determination of Castile, a nation that would be integrated by the current Spanish autonomies of Castilla y León, Castilla-La Mancha, Madrid, Cantabria, La Rioja and the area of Requena-Utiel in the Valencian Country.
There are three important corridors in Russia: Orenburg, Kudymkar and Bodaybo. With the hypothetical disintegration of the Russian Federation, the territory outside the republics and autonomies can form four states: Russia (European), the Siberian Republic, The Cossack Republic and the Far Eastern Republic.
The show went to be the most successful in Israel and soon after the original script of Gideon Raff was sold to Hollywood for remake which is known as "Homeland". In 2018 he had the lead role in the dystopian drama miniseries, Autonomies.
After months of negotiations, the LN formed a coalition government with the Five Star Movement (M5S), under Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte. Two LV members were appointed ministers in Conte Cabinet: Erika Stefani at Regional Affairs and Autonomies, and Lorenzo Fontana at Family and Disability.
Category:1932 births Category:2016 deaths Category:People from the Province of Trapani Category:Christian Democracy (Italy) politicians Category:Democracy is Freedom – The Daisy politicians Category:Movement for the Autonomies politicians Category:Deputies of Legislature XI of Italy Category:Politicians of Sicily Mannix Vincenzino is related to this Italian politician.
War ended in May 1945. The first postwar edition of Le Libertaire appeared on 21 December 1944.Numéros du journal Le Libertaire (1944-1956), Archives Autonomies, 2013, lire en ligne. Subsequent editions were published intermittently and then twice per month, with activities restricted by paper rationing.
In the 2006 Italian general election he was a candidate for the Italian Senate from the list of Christian Democracy for the Autonomies in Lazio. Despite the publicly stated support of Giulio Andreotti, Pippo Franco's party got only 0.6% of votes in Lazio and therefore it was not elected.
The idea of sandwiching a Cossack district within a Chechen autonomy was seen as a solution. In the 1930s, to make the mountainous autonomies more sustainable in economical terms, they were united with the remaining Cossack holdings: the Sunzha district was retaken by the Chechen-Ingush ASSR, the former capital of the Terek Oblast, Vladikavkaz became the administrative centre for North Ossetia, likewise the Kabardino-Balkar Autonomous Oblast was also awarded to Cossack territories. On the lower Terek, between 1923 and 1937, the Dagestan ASSR administered the extensive territory there (Kizlyar, Terek Delta). Thus by the start of the Second World War only the historical Terek Left-bank was not administered by autonomies.
After his death, Althusius remained a controversial thinker. His Politica was attacked by Henning Arnisaeus and Hugo Grotius during the seventeenth century for its defense of local autonomies against the rise of territorial absolutism and proponents of the modern unitary nation state.Johannes Althusius, On Law and Power. CLP Academic, 2013, p.xxiii.
Mario Guarente (born 2 December 1983 in Potenza) is an Italian politician. Former local leader of the Movement for the Autonomies, he joined the right- wing populist party Lega Nord in 2017. He was elected Mayor of Potenza at the 2019 local elections and took his office on 20 June 2019.
Erika Stefani (born 18 July 1971 in Valdagno) is an Italian lawyer and politician who served as the Italian Minister of Regional Affairs and Autonomies from 1 June 2018 to 5 September 2019. A member of Lega Nord, she has served as a member of the Italian Senate since 15 March 2013.
The European Parliament election of 2009 took place on 6–7 June 2009. The People of Freedom was largest party in Sicily with 36.4%, largely ahead of the Democratic Party (21.9%), the Movement for the Autonomies (15.6%), that ran in list within The Autonomy coalition, and the Union of the Centre (11.9%).
In 1937 it was proclaimed that local elites had become hired agents and their goal had become dismemberment of the Soviet Union and the restoration of capitalism. Now it was time to see that the Russians got fair treatment. National leaderships of the republics and autonomies were liquidated en masse.Timo Vihavainen: Nationalism and Internationalism.
The Movement for the Autonomies (, MpA) is a regionalist, Christian-democratic political party in Italy, based in Sicily. The MpA, whose founder and leader is Raffaele Lombardo, demands economic development, greater autonomy and legislative powers for Sicily and the other regions of southern Italy. The party's Sicilian regional (and main) section is named Party of Sicilians.
The Transcaucasian SFSR ceased to exist, and its three republics were fully admitted to the Union. Simultaneously, two of RSFSR's autonomies, the Kazak and the Kirghiz ASSRs, were re-organised as full republics. Therefore, the seven became the eleven. The Transcaucasian SFSR existed until December 5, 1936, when it was broken into Armenian, Georgian and Azerbaijani SSRs.
While the Pitchforks Movement has declared itself apolitical and politically agnostic, there have been allegations it has as a closer relationship with the far-right party Forza Nuova, or with the Movement for Autonomies, the party of the Sicilian head of government, Raffaele Lombardo. However, also organisations close to the far left have joined the operation Sicilian Vespers protests.
Welzel demonstrates that the CW condition prevented a transition to agriculture in the first place since foraging was a freer lifestyle. Technological advancement in CW areas was thus lower than in other areas for a long time. With emerging urban markets the situation changed. Water autonomy created derivative autonomies that turned out to be an accelerator of technological advancement.
In 2002 the party, then led by secretary Angelo Sandri and president Senaldi, joined the reconstituted Christian Democracy, but sometime later it regained its autonomy, under the leadership of Senaldi. In 2005 RDC joined the Christian Democracy for the Autonomies. In 2012 the party joined the Christian Democracy led by Angelo Sandri, and Senaldi was appointed president of the party.
The party announced its program on April 3, 1900. The party declared its willingness to help the U.S. occupation government during the transitory phase of military occupation, in line with the Joint Resolution of April 19, 1898. Furthermore, the program stated its goal of the formation of a sovereign national state with autonomies for provinces, regions and municipalities.Averhoff Purón, Mario.
Map of the 1822 territorial division of Spain. The colored regions here properly date from 1833, not 1822. They are used here just to enable easy comparison of the maps. Map of the similar 1833 territorial division of Spain; this division into provinces remains in effect with only minor modifications as of 2009; the colored regions were superseded by the modern autonomies.
Since 1976, Portugal conceded political autonomy to its North Atlantic archipelagos (Madeira and Azores) due to their distance, isolation, geographical context and socio-economic circumstances. The regional autonomies have their own organic laws, regional governments and administration, overseen by a Regional Government (), that constitutes a Regional Cabinet, comprising a President () and several Regional Secretaries (). Their legislatures are designated Legislative Assembly.
The papal bull Quod Divina Sapientia, issued by Pope Leo XII 28 August 1824,Official Latin text in Bull. Rom. Cont. VIII (Prati, 1854), 95-117. organised all public instruction in the Papal States under ecclesiastical supervision. Ancient autonomies of the old universitiesThe Universities of Bologna and La Sapienza, Rome, were of "first class"; those of Ferrara, Perugia, Camerino, Macerata and Fermo of a second grade.
De Diego returned to Spain and studied law in Barcelona. However, he did not finish his studies there and transferred to the University of Habana in 1891, where he received his degree the following year. He then returned to Puerto Rico to advocate for its autonomy from Spain. The 1876 Spanish Constitution created a centralized state, and ended the ancient system of Autonomies and commonwealth kingdoms.
On 30 May 2015 he left the GAL group to join the Conservatives and Reformists (CoR), the new party of Raffaele Fitto.Senato, nasce il gruppo "Conservatori e Riformisti" On 1 May 2016 he also left CoR to join the Liberal Popular Alliance – Autonomies (ALA) group, a centrist formation of senators led by Denis Verdini who left the centre-right to support the Renzi and Gentiloni governments.
In some senses, one would say that this election helped give the indigenous an extremely loud voice in Bolivian politics. In 2009, Morales helped enact a new constitution. The new constitution names Bolivia as a secular state, rather than a Catholic one as the previous constitution stated. It also recognizes a variety of autonomies at the local and departmental level, which many argue gives people like the Aymara more freedom.
The Chinese government then formed the Three Autonomies Movement, to oversee Catholic leadership, finances and teaching. Since the bishops interpreted this as a hostile attempt to organize the clergy and abandon the Holy See under the excuse of patriotism and nationalism, they objected. By 1953, many Chinese and foreign bishops and priests and lay persons were arrested, many of whom died in jail. Exact figures were not available.
UdCa defends the creation of a Castilian autonomous community, unifying the current 5 Castilian autonomies: Castilla y León, Castilla-La Mancha, Cantabria, Community of Madrid y La Rioja. UdCa is seen as a regionalist party, although its president, Emilio Nieto, defends that Castile is a nation in Spain, so the party is also usually categorized as moderate nationalist organization. The party is also conservative and positioned in the centre- right.
While Michal Batsheva had no prior acting experience, Rand insisted on playing opposite her rather than another woman for halakhic reasons. In keeping with the halakhic standards of tzniut (modesty), the fictional husband and wife do not touch each other on screen. Rand has also acted in Hameuad, Eddie King (1992), Life According to Agfa (1992), and New Land (1994). In 2018 he appeared in the dystopian drama miniseries, Autonomies.
Section: Cooperation. The most important part of development cooperation is carried out by religious congregations, especially in health and education, and more recently by several NGOs. Both sometimes receive assistance from the Central Administration and in particular from the Autonomies and the local Administration. The Spanish Red Cross project completed in 2012 and financed by AECID for Chadian refugees, and especially RCA, has been a benchmark of our cooperation.
In 1992-2002, Chuvash National Congress participated in congresses and conferences on national issues in the United States, the Netherlands, Estonia, Turkey, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, Crimea, Azerbaijan, Cyprus and other countries. Since 1996, the PLS was the Grand Council meet on the territory of the Chuvash living outside the country (village Slakbashevo (Bashkortostan), Ulyanovsk, Samara region). In 1997-2002, in Moscow, Ulyanovsk, Samara, Saratov, Tatarstan, Krasnoyarsk created Chuvash national-cultural autonomies.
With delimitation came the policy of korenizatsiya which encouraged the de-Russification of the country and promotion of minority languages and culture. This policy also affected ethnic Russians and was particularly enforced in ASSRs where indigenous people were already a minority in their own homeland, like the Buryat ASSR.Bazarova V. V. On the problems of indigenization in the national autonomies of Eastern Siberia in the 1920s - 1930s. // Power.
In November 1918, the county was officially abolished and incorporated in the provisional administrative region of Julian March. With the treaties of Rapallo and Saint Germain-en-Laye of 1920, the whole territory of the county became an integral part of the Kingdom of Italy. The former Habsburg policy favouring local autonomies was replaced by a strict centralism. The Province of Gorizia was established, which had very little self-government compared to the old county.
The Banda Oriental was invaded by Brazil, but Ramírez and López feared that by joining the war their provincies would be invaded as well, so they agreed instead a defense pact with Buenos Aires. This pact would be ratified by the quadrilateral treaty of 1822. During this period, the provinces maintained national unity though treaties, being ruled by caudillos. Buenos Aires lost the authority to appoint governors in the provinces, which increased their autonomies.
In the 2004 European elections the Federalist Greens presented a joint list with the Greens Greens in all districts. After the European elections, the Federalist Greens and the Greens Greens created a common program. Maurizio Lupi became solely responsible for northern Italy, while Laura Scalabrini became the responsible for the Center, the South and the Islands. In 2005 the Federalist Greens participated in the regional elections in conjunction with Christian Democracy for the Autonomies.
The electoral list received 0.9% of the vote and did not return any MEPs. In January 2015 senator Bartolomeo Pepe, a former member of the M5S, joined the party, giving it parliamentary representation after seven years. In June another former senator of the M5S, Paola De Pin, joined the Greens and sat with senator Pepe within the Great Autonomies and Freedom group. Both Pepe and De Pin would soon leave the party.
Ethnic minorities are represented in the National People's Congress as well as governments at the provincial and prefectural levels. Some ethnic minorities in China live in what are described as ethnic autonomous areas. These "regional autonomies" guarantee ethnic minorities the freedom to use and develop their ethnic languages, and to maintain their own cultural and social customs. In addition, the PRC government has provided preferential economic development and aid to areas where ethnic minorities live.
44 Regarding the question of national identity, MAS-IPSP borrows discourse from the katarista tradition and from the indigenous peoples' movement in eastern Bolivia, criticizing the modern nation state as a failed construct of 'internal colonialism' and inherently racist. Thus the movement seeks to construct a plurinational state based on autonomies of the indigenous peoples. In the MAS-IPSP discourse 'nation' and 'people' are often equated, whilst the oligarchy is portrayed as anti-national.
That finally happened on 4 February 2008, citing that the 72% of UDC voters would be interested in voting the PdL. UDC members who followed Giovanardi included Vito Bonsignore, Tomaso Zanoletti, Luigi Compagna, Giuseppe Galati, Francesco Lucchese, Alfredo Meocci and Francesco Massi. The PL were joined also by Riccardo Conti, a former UDC member who was then in Middle Italy. In early April PL announced an alliance, within the PdL, with Gianfranco Rotondi's Christian Democracy for the Autonomies.
After Ali's assassination in 1807, his nephew Sulayman Pasha the Little took over the government. Inclined to curtail provincial autonomies, Sultan Mahmud II (1808–39) made his first attempt to oust the Mamluks from Baghdad in 1810. Ottoman troops deposed and killed Sulayman, but again failed to maintain control of the country. After yet another bitter internecine feud in 1816, Sulayman's energetic son- in-law Dawud Pasha ousted his rival Said Pasha (; 1813–16) and took control of Baghdad.
This ideality goes forth from itself and creates an other than itself, the material and spiritual world, which has its own powers and autonomies that often go awry and conflict with each other, producing tragic and destructive consequences. What we call “spirit” is the ideal embodied in the material and human world. God is absolute spirit, which means that God overreaches and embraces the world of finite spirits within godself, related to all that is not-God.
On 14 December 1950, Brother Albert was called to court together with another Marist Brother and the lay leader of the local Catholic Action. The interview was an attempt to get these influential leaders to profess subscription to the Three Autonomies, that they may become assets in the process of winning Catholic people over to Communism. Brother Albert categorically refused, and so was incarcerated in the 6 January 1951 for conspiracy against the state. Brother Albert maintained his hardy faith despite his circumstances.
'Big Brother' Co-host Pens Israeli Romantic Comedy - and Scores Haaretz. 2 January 2013 In 2017 Amazon acquired global rights of the first two seasons of the show to stream them worldwide on Amazon Prime Video. In 2018 she was cast as a series regular in The Psychologist, an Israeli Public Broadcasting Corporation show that follows a similar format to the Lisa Kudrow series, Web Therapy. In the same year Sela appeared alongside Assi Cohen as a Haredi housewife in Autonomies.
The self-governing Szekler seats had their own administrative system,Józsa Hévizi, Thomas J. DeKornfeld, Autonomies in Hungary and Europe: a comparative study, Corvinus Society, 2005, p. 195 and existed as legal entities from medieval times until the 1870s. The privileges of the Székely and Saxon seats were abolished and seats were replaced with counties in 1876. Along with Transylvania and eastern parts of Hungary proper, Székely Land became a part of Romania in 1920, in accordance with the Treaty of Trianon.
Autonomies () is an Israeli dystopian drama miniseries created by Ori Elon and Yehonatan Indursky. The story is set in an alternate reality of present day Israel, a nation torn and divided by a wall into the secular “State of Israel”, with Tel Aviv as its capital, and the “Haredi Autonomy” in Jerusalem, run by an ultra-Orthodox religious group. The series stars Assi Cohen, Rotem Sela and Shuli Rand. Keshet received its Israeli premiere on Hot 3 on 6 September 2018.
A severe deficiency of real autonomy appears in the system established by the Chinese government. The TJC report highlights areas of autonomy in the world: cultural affairs, education, health and social services, taxes, economy, natural resources, environmental policies, posts and telecommunications, transport and the judicial police. These areas are covered by local autonomies in Chinese politics at Hong Kong, Macao, and that promised to Taiwan. In all these areas, the Government of the Tibet Autonomous Region is subordinate to the central government.
And this specific form in the > regional ballot has not been determined. If we are talking about the > autonomy of the state, then the formation of further 10-12, or possibly 20 > state and political structures in Ukraine (as, say, autonomies in Russia at > the moment) could initiate interstate, inter-autonomous problems. That is > particularly worrisome. And the status of a self-governing territory gives > it the full right to dispose of its wealth, its resources, its economic, > cultural and national issues.
Autonomies for Europe (, ApE) is a regionalist and centrist political coalition active in Aosta Valley, Italy, to participate in the 2019 European election. The coalition has a technical agreement with the Democratic Party (PD).Europee, il blocco autonomista svela nome e simbolo ApE's candidate to the European Parliament is Marco Gheller.E' Marco Gheller il candidato per Autonomie per l'Europa In May Great North, Pro Lombardy Independence and other small autonomist movements of Northern Italy announced their support for Gheller’s candidacy.
The International Circassian Organization called for the law to be rescinded before it came into effect. Twelve of Russia's ethnic autonomies, including five in the Caucasus called for the legislation to be blocked. On 10 September 2019, the Udmurt activist Albert Razin self-immolated in front of the regional government building in Izhevsk as it was considering passing the controversial bill to reduce the status of the Udmurt language. Between 2002 and 2010 the number of Udmurt speakers dwindled from 463,000 to 324,000.
In order to avoid ethnic tensions, the DRV designated its northwestern provinces of Lai Châu, Sơn La and Nghĩa Lộ as the "Tai-Meo [i.e. Hmong] Autonomous Region" (Vietnamese: Khu Tự trị Thái-Mèo), modeled on the national autonomies of communist China. It was renamed the "Northwest Autonomous Region" (Khu Tự trị Tây Bắc) in 1961, in order to not highlight just two of the many ethnic groups in this zone. The autonomy was rescinded after the Vietnamese reunification of 1975.
The Movement for the Autonomies (Movimento per le Autonomie, MpA) is a minor centrist regionalist political party in Italy. It demands economic development and greater autonomy primarily for Sicily, but also for other regions of Southern Italy. The party is led by Raffaele Lombardo, President of Sicily. In the 2008 general election, the party won 1.1% of the vote (7.4% in Sicily) and obtained 8 deputies and 2 senators through an alliance with The People of Freedom and Lega Nord parties.
The two autonomous cities have the right to become autonomous communities, but neither has yet exercised it. This unique framework of territorial administration is known as the "State of Autonomies". The autonomous communities are governed according to the constitution and their own organic laws known as Statutes of Autonomy, which define the competences that they assume. Since devolution was intended to be asymmetrical in nature, the scope of competences vary for each community, but all have the same parliamentary structure.
The Battle of Cepeda pitted the commanders of the Littoral against the inland forces. Finally, the Federales obtained the victory, for what the country remained since then integrated by 13 autonomous provinces, on the national government having been dissolved. From this way the period known like about the Provincial Autonomies began. From this moment the provinces tried to create a federal system that was integrating them without coming to good port, this mainly for the regional differences of every province.
Frederick II of Austria died fighting against Hungarian troops in 1246, and Béla IV's son-in-law, Rostislav Mikhailovich, annexed large territories along the kingdom's southern frontiers. Conflicts between the elderly monarch and his heir, Stephen, caused a civil war in the 1260s. Local autonomies in the Kingdom of Hungary (late 1200s) Béla IV and his son jointly confirmed the liberties of the royal servants and started referring to them as noblemen in 1267. By that time, "true noblemen" were legally differentiated from other landholders.
The State of Autonomies, as established in Article 2 of the constitution, has been argued to be based on four principles: willingness to accede to autonomy, unity in diversity, autonomy but not sovereignty of the communities, and solidarity among them all. The structure of the autonomous communities is determined both by the devolution allowed by the constitution and the competences assumed in their respective Statutes of Autonomy. While the autonomic agreements and other laws have allowed for an "equalization" of all communities, differences still remain.
The existence of free relationship based on both delegation of sovereignty and benign protection can be seen as a defining feature of microstates. According to the definition of microstates proposed by Dumienski (2014): "Microstates are modern protected states, i.e. sovereign states that have been able to unilaterally depute certain attributes of sovereignty to larger powers in exchange for benign protection of their political and economic viability against their geographic or demographic constraints." Adopting this approach permits separating microstates from both small states and autonomies or dependencies.
During the perestroika, Cossacks once again took steps to re-create their nationality . Many Cossack organisations were formed throughout the former Host. However, in doing so, many wished to review the existing administrative borders in the Northern Caucasus, and return the Cossack regions, that belonged to the once Terek Oblast from the national autonomies. In Kabardino-Balkaria and North Ossetia and Dagestan this was resolved by granting the Cossacks full minority rights, that raised on par with titular nations, and today Cossacks play an important role in local administration, culture and development.
Khuzestan has been a troublesome province of Iran since the ascent of the Pahlavi rule in the 1920s. In the two decades before 1924, although officially part of Persian territory, the western part of Khuzestan functioned as an autonomous emirate known as "Arabistan". The eastern part of Khuzestan was governed by Bakhtiari khans because the eastern part of Khuzestan was mainly inhabited by Bakhtiari people. With rising power of Reza Khan and his increasingly negative attitudes on tribal autonomies in Iran, tensions with shaikh Khazal of Mohammerah had grown from 1922 to 1924.
In the 2014 Piedmontese regional elections he was a candidate for the presidency of the region for the NCD, just getting 2.98% of the vote. On January 28, 2016 he became Minister for regional affairs and autonomies,Enrico Costa ministro, ha giurato al Quirinale succeeding Maria Carmela Lanzetta (exactly one year after her resignation). In addition to the powers of his department, Prime Minister Renzi entrusted him with responsibilities in matters of family policies. He was reconfirmed as minister with the same powers also in the executive headed by Paolo Gentiloni.
The PAG was led by Joseph Triay, a former member of the "Doves" in the 1960s and independent candidate in 1976 election. It asked for a settlement with Spain, with an autonomous status for Gibraltar under Spanish sovereignty (following the Autonomies approach in the territorial structure of Spain made possible by the Spanish Constitution of 1978). It argued that it was pro-Gibraltarian and nationalist, and against the British colonial presence, seen as obstructing the development of the territory. On the other hand, its opponents labelled it as pro-Spanish and the "sell-out party".
Both in the 2009 European Parliament election and the 2010 Aosta municipal election the UV formed an alliance with The People of Freedom (PdL). That alliance was however short-lived. In the 2013 general election UV's Albert Lanièce was elected to the Senate with support of the PdL and joined the "Autonomies" group. In the 2013 regional election the UV, which had suffered the split of the new Progressive Valdostan Union (UVP), obtained 33.5% of the vote (–10.9pp from 2008) and 13 seats, and the regionalist coalition retained a narrow majority in the Regional Council.
The PdL granted financial support to several minor parties of the centre-right. They contributed one million Euros to the Liberal Democrats whose deputies were elected on the PdL list in 2008, and left the government camp after some months but returned in April 2011. Other parties who received payments from PdL were the Force of the South (€300,000), Christian Democracy for Campania (€144,000), Social Action (€100,000), Christian Democracy for the Autonomies (€96,000), the Alliance of the Centre (€80,000), the Movement of National Responsibility (€49,000) and the Federation of Christian Populars (€40,000).
After the collapse of the Soviet regime under the advancement of the Whites and the Czechoslovakian division, the State of Buryat-Mongolia was recognized by the Soviets in 1918, and later also by Grigory Semyonov's Government of Transbaikalia.Образование Бурят-Монгольской АССР как реализация национальной политики Советского государства The state de facto ceased to exist after the formation of the Far Eastern Republic, which had divided Buryat-Mongolia in two halves: 4 aimags became part of the Far Eastern Republic, while the other 4 formed Buryat-Mongol autonomies of RSFSR.
The Forum of the Venetians (Forum dei Veneti, FdV) was a Venetist political party. It was founded in November 2008 by Diego Cancian, a member of the Regional Council of Veneto for North-East Project. Cancian decided to leave that party because he did not agree with the political line the party took after Giorgio Panto's death. In May 2009 Cancian joined the Sicilian-based Movement for the Autonomies, while in 2010 he unsuccessfully ran for re- election to the Regional Council in slate with The People of Freedom.
Special centers were established where the youth was indoctrinated towards hatred against the Polish state, all contacts with relatives within Poland were dangerous and could result in imprisonment. Newspapers printed out in the Polish language were de facto used to print anti-Polish propaganda. Following attacks on the Polish minority, from 18 February 1930 till 19 March 1930 over 100,000 people from Polish areas were expelled by the Soviet authorities. Following the collectivization of agriculture under Joseph Stalin, both autonomies were abolished and their populations were subsequently deported to Kazakhstan in 1934–1938.
All democratic groups were forced to face the Catalan, Basque and Galician question. On 11 September 1977, more than one million people marched in the streets of Barcelona (Catalonia) demanding "llibertat, amnistia i estatut d'autonomia", "liberty, amnesty and [a] Statute of Autonomy", creating the biggest demonstration in post-war Europe. A decree-law was passed that allowed for the creation of pre- autonomías, "pre-autonomies" or provisional regional governments for all regions, the "historical nationalities" included. Catalonia was the first to be so constituted, and it again revived the Generalitat.
Subsequently, Bertram attacked the count of Gorizia, personally leading an army to reconquer Venzone (1336), Braulins and Cormons. The Gorizians reacted and invaded the patriarchal lands, but Bertram besieged Gorizia and forced the count to a definitive truce in 1341. Once restored the foreign situation, he devoted himself to suppress the power and the autonomies gained by the Friulian feudal lords. He also strengthened the Alpine passes, building a castle (Rocca Bertranda) between Moggio Udinese and Pontebba, and had a new line of walls built in Sacile (1347).
Additionally, some autonomies such as Navarre or the Basque Country have full control over taxation and spending, transferring a small payment to the central government for the common services (military, foreign relations, macroeconomic policy). For example, scholar Enrique Guillén López discusses the "federal nature of Spain's government (a trend that almost no one denies)."Enrique Guillén López , JUDICIAL REVIEW IN SPAIN: THE CONSTITUTIONAL COURT, 41 Loyola of Los Angeles Law Review 541, 544 (2008). Each autonomous community is governed by a Statute of Autonomy (Estatuto de Autonomía) under the Spanish Constitution of 1978.
The Asturian Socialist Federation (Spanish: Federación Socialista Asturiana), often shortened to FSA–PSOE, is the regional section of the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) in the Principality of Asturias. It was formed on 27 January 1901 from the Socialist local groupings of Gijón (formed in 1891), Oviedo (1892), Mieres and Langreo (1897) and others. Since the Spanish transition to democracy started in 1975 and since the establishment of the Spanish "State of Autonomies" in 1983, the FSA–PSOE has governed Asturias nearly uninterruptedly from 1983 to 1995, from 1999 to 2011 and again since 2012.
A few days later Gentile replaced Lupi as coordinator. On 19 December the group around Lupi and the former AP members close to Costa formed Us with Italy (NcI), a pro-Berlusconi centrist electoral list within the centre-right coalition, along with Direction Italy (DI), Civic Choice (SC), Act! (F!), Popular Construction (CP) and the Movement for the Autonomies (MpA). The list was later enlarged to the Union of the Centre (UdC) and Identity and Action (IdeA), with the goal of overcoming the 3% threshold under a new electoral law.
On 22 September FLI abstained during a secret confidence vote on Nicola Cosentino, an Under-Secretary of Economy under investigation for camorra-related crimes. The motion was rejected by a larger majority than expected, meaning than some Finiani and possibly some deputies from the opposition. On 24 September Souad Sbai left FLI and returned into the fold of the PdL parliamentary group. However, on the same day, Giampiero Catone, a former Christian Democrat who had been elected with the PdL on behalf of Gianfranco Rotondi's Christian Democracy for the Autonomies, joined FLI.
Great Autonomies and Freedom (, GAL) was a miscellaneous and highly heterogeneous, mainly centre-right, regionalist and Christian-democratic, parliamentary group active in the Italian Senate. The group was formed in March 2013 by senators elected with The People of Freedom (PdL) and Lega Nord (LN) to counterbalance the For the Autonomies group, a centre-left outfit allied with the Democratic Party (PD). Only three senators were members of the group for five years: Mario Ferrara, Giovanni Mauro and Giulio Tremonti (the first two elected with the PdL in representation of Great South; the latter elected with the LN and member of the group since May 2013). In the following years, the group changed its scope, as several of its members started to support the Renzi Cabinet, and, almost completely, its composition: the LN members returned to their home group, most PdL and, later, Forza Italia (FI) members switched to other parties and groups (in July 2015, in particular, five senators left to join a fully pro-Renzi group, the Liberal Popular Alliance, ALA), and senators of different ideological and electoral backgrounds joined, including, for some time, members of the Federation of the Greens and Italy of Values (IdV), both left-leaning.
The cover of first edition (1789) In August 1785, he traveled to Vienna to introduce himself to the Minister of Public Education, Gottfried van Swieten, and to request the inspectorate of the county schools of the following Counties: Szepes, Sáros, Zemplén, Ung, Bereg, Gömör, Torna, Abaúj, Borsod, Heves and the autonomies of Jászság és Kiskunság. On November 11 he was nominated for this position, which he held for five years. From 1785 to 1790 Kazinczy was known as the "apostle of renewing Hungarian education". As a supervisor he had a well paid job and a wide range of power.
Raffaele Lombardo, the party's leader. In the 2009 European Parliament election the MpA, that changed its name into Movement for the Autonomies and aimed at becoming a national party, ran as part of The Autonomy, that included also The Right, the Pensioners' Party and the Alliance of the Centre. As part of its "national" strategy the party was joined by some small northern regionalist parties: Lombardia Autonoma, the Forum of the Venetians, Autonomist Trentino and S.O.S. Italy. The alliance gained a mere 2.2% of the vote, thus returning no MEPs, but in its Sicilian stronghold it reached 15.6%.
After the dissolution of these parties, in the early 1990s, the region was long governed by a "center-right coalition", notably including the Union of Christian and Centre Democrats, whose regional leader, Salvatore Cuffaro, served as President of Sicily from 2001 to 2008, Silvio Berlusconi's Forza Italia and the post-fascist National Alliance. Cuffaro's Christian Democrats have since been the main party of government in Sicily as they had been part both of the administrations of Raffaele Lombardo of the Movement for the Autonomies (2008–2012) and that of Rosario Crocetta of the Democratic Party (since 2012).
He was a member of the SKH culture committee and the head ideology commissioner. From 1982 to 1986, he was director of the "Josip Broz Tito" political school in Kumrovec. In 1986 he was elected to represent SKH in the presidency of the Yugoslav league of Communists in Belgrade. In the late 1980s during the Anti-bureaucratic revolution, tensions grew between Pro- Milošević and Anti-Milošević supporters so in Autumn 1989 the Croatian communists elected Račan as the president of SKH because he defended the rights of republic autonomies which the Milošević establishment wanted to abolish.
In 2001, Loiero returns to the Chamber of Deputies, leaving his seat in Parliament when in the 2005 regional election Loiero is elected President of Calabria. Loiero fails to be re-elected governor in the 2010 regional election. In 2007, Loiero joins the National Leadership of the Democratic Party, giving his support to Rosy Bindi during the 2007 primaries. Loiero left the party in 2011, after having been very critical to secretary Pier Luigi Bersani, and joined the Movement for the Autonomies, though he finally left the movement in 2013 when it made an electoral agreement with the centre-right coalition.
It supported expansion of the rights of the rural and city autonomies, freedom of press and public life, reorganization of the primitive school system, publicity in the jury court system. By the 1880s, Yadrintsev was publishing articles not only in the "Eastern Review", but also in dozens of other outlets including "European Bulletin", "Domestic Notes", "Russian Register", "Business", etc. Nikolai Yadrintsev's name became known throughout progressive Russia, and he established connections with the "Freedom of Labor" group in Geneva. In 1888 the publication of "Eastern Review" was moved from St. Petersburg to Irkutsk, closer to its audience, with Yadrintsev remaining in the capital.
In the 2008 regional election SA, which included four candidates of the Union of Christian and Centre Democrats (UDC) in its list, won 11.4% of the vote and four regional councillors (out of 35), while the three-party regionalist coalition won 62.0% and a large majority, composed of 22 regional councillors. No candidate of UDC was elected. In the 2013 general election Rudi Marguerettaz, secretary of SA since 2001, was elected to the Chamber. Soon after the election, Marguerettaz chose to team up with Lega Nord (LN) and became vice president of the "Lega Nord and Autonomies" parliamentary group.
Part VIII refers to the "territorial organization of the State" and establishes a unitary state that is nevertheless heavily decentralized through delegation and transfer of powers. The result is a de facto federal model, with some differences from federal states. This is referred to as an autonomous state () or state of the autonomies (). Part IX refers to the Constitutional Court, which oversees the constitutionality of all laws and protects the fundamental rights enshrined in Part I. Finally, Part X refers to constitutional amendments, of which there have been only two since 1978 (in 1995 and 2011).
In 1975, he left as a Chairman and was elected in the Council of Reggio Emilia municipality; then he was appointed Deputy Mayor on Human Resources, Statistics, Planning, Press and Public Relations Departments and kept this commitment also in 1976 whenUgo Benassi became Mayor. The same mayor entrusted him as Deputy Mayor on International Relationships in 1977, and, in 1980 as Deputy Mayor on Finance Department. His presence in the city council was confirmed both in 1980 and 1985, but he decided to leave in 1986. He was politically active until 1990 when he became provincial Secretary of Local Autonomies League.
In late December, the centrist post-NCD Popular Alternative (AP), which had been a key coalition partner for the PD, divided itself among those who wanted to return into the centre-right's fold and those who supported Renzi's coalition. Two groups of AP splinters (one led by Maurizio Lupi and the other by Enrico Costa), formed along with Direction Italy, Civic Choice, Act!, Popular Construction and the Movement for the Autonomies, a joint list within the centre-right, named Us with Italy (NcI). The list was later enlarged to the Union of the Centre and other minor parties.
UPyD is a centralist party which stands out for being the only statewide party that actively defends the abolition of chartered regimes in all Spain, even in those regions which have them: Navarre and the Basque Country. Similarly, UPyD argues that the extreme political decentralization of the State of Autonomies has weakened the welfare state and created inequalities across the territory. Accordingly, UPyD wants to adopt a symmetric, strongly centralized federalism in Spain. UPyD wholeheartedly defends the unity of Spain, thereby being an enemy of peripheral nationalism and the existence of several national identities within Spain.
The 2009 Constitution is accompanied by a transitional law. In order for the various bodies of government created under the Constitution to function a set of five structural laws were needed, and a deadline of 180 days following the enactment of the Constitution was set for these laws to be passed. They are: # The Electoral Organs Law # The Judicial Organs Law # The Framework Law on Autonomies # The Electoral Regime Law # The Constitutional Court Law An analysis by Minister of Autonomy Carlos Romero estimates that at least 106 laws must be approved to fully implement the new constitution. , sixteen such laws had been passed.
One of the biggest success for Bolivia's Indigenous community was the election of Evo Morales, former leader of the cocaleros and Bolivia's first Indigenous President. President Evo Morales attempted to establish a plurinational and postcolonial state to expand the collective rights of the Indigenous community. The 2009 constitution recognized the presence of the different communities that reside in Bolivia and gave Indigenous peoples the right of self governance and autonomy over their ancestral territories. Expanding on the Constitution, the 2010 Framework Law of Autonomies and Decentralization outlined the legal rules and procedures that Indigenous communities must take to receive autonomy.
However, on the other hand, all these lands (northern Chechnya, Kizlyar, Little Kabarda, historical North Ossetia, East Prigorodny/Western Ingushetia, etc.) had historically been inhabited by Caucasian peoples before the end of the Caucasian Wars. Thus by the start of the Second World War only the historical Terek Left-bank was not administered by autonomies, however, most of the administration and urban population of those regions was dominated by ethnic Russians. This was paralleled with the gradual down-folding of anti-Cossack repressions and their eventual rehabilitation by the mid-1930s, including forming numerous units in the Red Army. Cossacks fought on both sides of the Second World War.
Pirjevec voiced the opinions of the Communist Party of Slovenia which supported a more decentralized development of Yugoslavia with respect for local autonomies, while Ćosić argued for a stronger role of the Federal authorities, warning against the rise of peripheral nationalisms. The polemic, which was the first public and open confrontation of different visions within the Yugoslav Communist Party after World War II, ended with Tito's support of Ćosić's arguments. Nevertheless, actual political measures undertaken after 1962 actually followed the positions voiced by Pirjevec and the Slovenian Communist leadership. As the government gradually decentralized administration of Yugoslavia after 1963, Ćosić grew convinced that the Serbian population of the state was imperiled.
Foreign priests came in the name of Christ to China, and not as agents of hostile powers.Ad Sinarum gentem, 12-14 Regarding the autonomy to teach, he agreed, it ought to differ according to place and conform, when possible, to the nature and particular character of the Chinese people, and to its ancient traditional customs: In 1955, a mass arrest took place in the Shanghai diocese by the Chinese government. In one night on September 8, 1955, more than 200 clergy and faithful, including Bishop Ignatius Kung Pin-Mei, the Bishop of Shanghai, who refused to support "the Three Autonomies" movements to be independent of the Holy See, were arrested.
In the 2008 regional election the UV won 44.4% of the vote and 17 regional councillors (out of 35), while the regionalist coalition won 62.0% and a large majority, composed of 22 regional councillors. Augusto Rollandin, who had made a comeback to regional politics, was the most voted regional councillor with 13,836 preference votes, while incumbent President Luciano Caveri was only seventh with 2,770 votes (down from 7,313). Rollandin was thus sworn in as new President of the Region. Contextually, UV's Antonio Fosson had been elected to the Senate for the regionalist coalition: Fosson joined the For the Autonomies group and abstained from the vote of confidence on Berlusconi IV Cabinet.
The Shanghai Botanical Garden opened that year and permanently displays 3,000 penjing. The First National Penjing Show was held the following year in Beijing with over 1,100 exhibits from 13 provinces, towns, and autonomies. One division of the Hangzhou Flower Nursery by 1981 specialized in penjing, including over fifteen hundred once abandoned older specimens being maintained and in the initial stages of being retrained. The art of penjing would again become vastly popular in China, in part due to stability returning to most people's lives and the significantly improved economic conditions; growth would be most pronounced particularly in coastal provinces of Jiangsu, Zhejiang, Fujian, Guangdong as well as Shanghai.
One such method was a creation of an alternative government, a Soviet Republic, which would then take over authority as the Red Army ousted the existing government. That was the case with Ukraine, Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan and failed campaigns such as in the Baltic States and Poland. Alternatively, it would use the presence of a minority to undermine the standing army (such as the establishment Tatar and Bashkir autonomies) and, where there was no national minority, a government based on geographical locale – Far Eastern Republic, Turkestan. However, the Red Army's ultimate failure in the Polish–Soviet War placed the Bolshevik world revolution plans on hold.
Certain Lega Nord members have been known to publicly deploy the offensive slur terrone, a common pejorative term for southern Italians. At times, it has seemed possible that the League might unite with similar leagues in central and southern Italy, but it has not succeeded in doing so. The party continues dialogue with regionalist parties throughout Italy, notably the South Tyrolean People's Party, the Valdostan Union, the Trentino Tyrolean Autonomist Party, the Movement for the Autonomies and the Sardinian Action Party; and it has some figures from the South in its parliamentary ranks. Notably, Angela Maraventano, former deputy mayor of Lampedusa, was a senator of Lega Nord.
Yet, the outcome was not predictable; the constitution created a process for devolution, but it differed from other legislations in two main aspects. First, it did not specify the name or number of the autonomous communities that would integrate the Spanish nation, and secondly, the process was voluntary in nature: the regions themselves had the option of choosing to attain self-government or not. This unique process of territorial administration was called the "State of Autonomies". Though highly decentralised, this system is not a federation, in that there was still ambiguity with regards to the power attributed to the regions, even though they can still negotiate them with the central government.
It calls for a mixed economy of state, private, and communal ownership; restricts private land ownership to a maximum of 5,000 hectares (12,400 acres); and recognizes a variety of autonomies at the local and departmental level. It elevates the electoral authorities to become a fourth constitutional power; introduces the possibility of recall elections for all elected officials; and enlarges the Senate. Members of the enlarged National Congress will be elected by first past the post voting in the future, in a change from the previous mixed member proportional system. The judiciary is reformed, and judges will be elected in the future and no longer appointed by the National Congress.
The 2009 Constitution defines Bolivia as a unitary plurinational, and secular (rather than a Catholic, as before) state, formally known as the Plurinational State of Bolivia. It calls for a mixed economy of state, private, and communal ownership; restricts private land ownership to a maximum of 5,000 hectares (12,400 acres); recognizes a variety of autonomies at the local and departmental level. It elevates the electoral authorities, to become a fourth constitutional power; introduces the possibility of recall elections for all elected officials; and enlarges the Senate. Members of the enlarged National Congress will be elected by first past the post voting in the future, in a change from the previous mixed member proportional system.
The party had however a convincing result in the 2006 general election, when its leader Gubert won 11.0% of the vote in the senatorial constituency of Pergine Valsugana. The party's long-time leader was Renzo Gubert, deputy from 1994 to 1996 and senator from 1996 to 2006. During his last term in the Senate, Gubert was affiliated to the Union of Christian and Centre Democrats (UDC), but he broke with that party before the 2006 general election and later joined the Christian Democracy for the Autonomies (DCA).Democrazia Cristiana Per le autonomie As regional section of DCA, the party merged into The People of Freedom, whose list for the 2008 provincial election included Renzo Gubert, who failed election.
Logo of the joint list with DCA for the 2006 general election Craxi's faction abandoned the party immediately after the sentence, was re-organised into The Italian Socialists and joined The Union. After winning the legal dispute for the symbol and the leadership of the NPSI, De Michelis led the party into an alliance with Gianfranco Rotondi's Christian Democracy for the Autonomies (DCA) at the 2006 general election. The DCA-NPSI list gained a mere 0.7% of the vote for the Chamber of Deputies and 0.6% for the Senate. It still had six deputies elected because as the list that received more votes under the 2% threshold in its alliance, the CdL.
The territorial administration in Spain in which 17 autonomous communities were created is known as the "State of the Autonomies". The 15 communities which are not part of the chartered regime belong to what is known as a "common regime", in which the central government is in charge of collecting taxes from all communities and then redistributing them for purposes of a so-called "fiscal-equalization". In practice, richer common- regime communities become net contributors, while poorer communities are net recipients of redistributed money from the central government. Since the two chartered communities collect all taxes themselves and only send a quota for those competences that still belong to the central government, they do not receive anything back.
The new party was launched on 25 February 2017 during a convention in Rome. In that occasion, those who left the PD included Vasco Errani, former President of Emilia-Romagna, and deputy minister of the Interior Filippo Bubbico, while Emiliano decided to challenge Renzi in the party's "primaries" instead. Subsequently, 24 deputies and 14 senators left the PD and formed autonomous parliamentary groups both in the Chamber and the Senate. They were joined by 17 deputies and one senator from SI, two deputies from the Mixed Group, one from Civics and Innovators, and one senator from the For the Autonomies group; among these, one deputy and two senators were former members of the Five Star Movement.
Among the party's Christian democrats, Roberto Formigoni, Maurizio Lupi and Raffaele Fitto (Network Italy), Claudio Scajola (Christopher Columbus Foundation), and Giuseppe Pisanu (hence Pisaniani) supported Monti, while Gianfranco Rotondi (Christian Democracy for the Autonomies) and Carlo Giovanardi (Liberal Populars) did not. Within Liberamente and among the party's Socialists, Franco Frattini (who threatened to leave the party) and Fabrizio Cicchitto were in favour, while Mariastella Gelmini, Paolo Romani, Maurizio Sacconi, Renato Brunetta and, covertly, Giulio Tremonti were against. The vast majority of ex-AN members (Ignazio La Russa, Maurizio Gasparri, Altero Matteoli, Giorgia Meloni, etc.) was against, while a minority (mainly Gianni Alemanno) was in favour. On 12 November Berlusconi finally tendered his resignation to President Giorgio Napolitano.
The PdL aimed at combining together the traditions of its two main predecessors, Forza Italia (FI) and National Alliance (AN), as well as their smaller partners (Liberal Populars, Christian Democracy for the Autonomies, New Italian Socialist Party, Liberal Reformers, Social Action, etc.). FI, launched in 1994 by Silvio Berlusconi, was joined mainly by former Christian Democrats, Socialists and Liberals who had seen their parties disappear amid the Tangentopoli scandals. AN, successor of the post-fascist Italian Social Movement (MSI), had become a respectable conservative party under the leadership of Gianfranco Fini. FI and AN started to cooperate and were the pillars of the centre-right Pole of Good Government, Pole of Freedoms and House of Freedoms coalitions.
In May 2017 the group was joined by seven senators of Direction Italy (DI) and left by five senators, including the four senators of Identity and Action (IdeA), who launched the alternative Federation of Freedom (FdL) group. In December the group was finally left by the seven DI senators, who were founding members of Us with Italy (NcI), and joined by four senators of the Union of the Centre (UdC). IdeA and the UdC were partners in the Chamber of Deputies. As a result, after several changes in its composition (see below) and naming, as of December 2017 the group's full name was Great Autonomies and Freedom – Union of Christian and Centre Democrats.
Since its transition to democracy in the late 1970s, Spain has been organized in a quasi-federal system called the "State of Autonomies". Each Autonomous Community is required by the Constitution to have its own three-branched system of government with its basic rules codified in a special law called a Statute of Autonomy, a sort-of regional constitution. Although there is no Constitutional requirement imposed upon regional elections other than that they must be based in proportional methods, all regional legislatures are unicameral, their members being elected in multi-member constituencies matching the provinces in the Autonomous CommunityExcept for Murcia, which divides its single province in five constituencies. with seats allocated to party lists using the D'Hondt method.
The British colonies further north, which remained loyal to Britain and later confederated to form the original Canada, retained the title of "province" and are still known as such to the present day. To 19th- and 20th-century historians, in Europe, centralized government was a sign of modernity and political maturity. In the late 20th century, as the European Union drew nation-states closer together, centripetal forces seemed simultaneously to move countries toward more flexible systems of more localized, provincial governing entities under the overall European Union umbrella. Spain after Francisco Franco has been a "State of Autonomies", formally unitary but in fact functioning as a federation of Autonomous Communities, each exercising different powers.
He remained the director of the newspaper until 2005. In 2000, he founded the "Italians in the World" association with the aim of spreading and promoting the image of Italy and Italians in the world, including through its own satellite television channel, Italians in the World Channel. De Gregorio was also a parliamentary assistant at the European Parliament until 2004. In 2005, after the failure of an agreement with Forza Italia, he ran for regional elections in Campania on the list of Gianfranco Rotondi, the Christian Democracy for the Autonomies. In 2005, Italians in the World became a political movement and reached an agreement with the Italy of Values for the 2006 general election.
Alec (Alirza) Rasizade () is a retired Azeri-American professor of history and political science, who specialized in Sovietology, primarily known for the typological model (or "algorithm" in his own words), which describes the impact of a drop in oil revenues on the process of decline in rentier states by stages and cycles of their general socio-economic degradation upon the end of an oil boom. He has also authored more than 200 studies on the history of international relations, Perestroika reforms and breakup of the USSR, oil diplomacy and contemporary politics in the post-Soviet states and autonomies of Russia, Central Asia and the Caucasus.Cross reference citations of A.Rasizade's works (Google Scholar).
Originally called national okrug, this type of administrative unit was created in the 1920s and widely implemented in 1930 to provide autonomy to indigenous peoples of the North. In 1977, the 1977 Soviet Constitution changed the term "national okrugs" to "autonomous okrugs" in order to emphasize that they were indeed autonomies and not simply another type of administrative and territorial division. While the 1977 Constitution stipulated that the autonomous okrugs are subordinated to the oblasts and krais, this clause was revised on December 15, 1990, when it was specified that autonomous okrugs are subordinated directly to the Russian SFSR, although they still may stay in jurisdiction of a krai or an oblast to which they were subordinated before.
The I Legislature started with the UCD victory in the 1979 election, in which it received an increased plurality of 168 seats, but still short of an absolute majority. In his investiture speech as Prime Minister on 30 March, Adolfo Suárez outlined the main areas of his policy, including the constitutional development involving the implementation and structuring of the State of Autonomies. Subsequently, in April 1979, the first municipal elections since the Second Spanish Republic were held, in which UCD won in the overall vote tally, but lost control of the main urban centers to PSOE-PCE alliances. From 1979 the political situation in Spain began to deteriorate as a result of different factors.
Peterlini was born on 19 September 1950 in Bolzano South Tyrol and lives today in the village of Bronzolo. He studied Economics at the Universities of Modena and Innsbruck, and graduated in Business Management at the University of Venice "Ca' Foscari", and specialized in Portfolio Management at the New York New York Institute of Finance. Recently he was awarded the Doctor in Social and economic science at the Faculty of Political science and Social sciences of the University of Innsbruck. He achieved his PhD with a Thesis about the Italian Constitutional reform and its impact on the special autonomies and with a research project about the electoral systems and their effect on linguistic minorities.
The party emerged from the split of the liberal wing of the Italian Associations in South America (AISA) in 2008. In the 2008 general election the MAIE won one seat in the Chamber of Deputies for Ricardo Antonio Merlo, elected to the Chamber for AISA in 2006, and one seat in the Senate for Mirella Giai, a former member and candidate of the Democrats of the Left (DS). Both Merlo and Giai joined forces with centrist and centre-right groups, notably including the Liberal Democrats (LD), with whom the MAIE formed a joint electoral list for the 2009 European Parliament election, and the Union of the Centre (UdC). Giai was a member of For the Autonomies group, along with the UdC, for the entire parliamentary term.
In the 2013 general election the party elected three deputies (two, Merlo and Mario Borghese, in its own lists and a third, Fucsia Nissoli, in With Monti for Italy's list for North America) and one senator (Claudio Zin). After the election, Nissoli left, while another deputy (Renata Bueno, elected with the South American Union Italian Emigrants, USEI) joined forces for two years. During the parliamentary term, MAIE deputies formed an alliance with the Alliance for Italy (ApI) from 2013 to 2015 and with Liberal Popular Alliance since 2015, while senator Zin was a member of For the Autonomies. For the 2014 European Parliament election the MAIE formed a joint electoral list with I Change (IC), a split from Lega Nord (LN).
Archivio Corriere della Sera He also left FI altogether and launched the Conservatives and Reformists (CR). At its launch, the CR included nine deputies (eight sitting with FI and one with the FdI)Fi: gruppo Camera fa i conti, ipotesi scissione Fitto 'vale' 1 mln euro and twelve senators (ten from FI and two from Great Autonomies and Freedom, GAL), organised in an official group;senato.it - Composizione del Gruppo Conservatori e Riformisti nella XVII Legislatura two senators later defected to the Liberal Popular Alliance (ALA),Archivio Corriere della Sera but the remaining ten senators were enough to keep the senatorial group alive. In early July the CR were joined by an additional MEP, Remo Sernagiotto, who had defected from FI and the EPP to ECR.
According to the census of 2010 in Russia, Russian skills were indicated by 138 million people (99.4% population), and according to the 2002 census, the number was 142.6 million people (99.2% population). Among urban residents, 101 million people (99.8%) had Russian language skills, and in rural areas, the number was 37 million people (98.7%). The number of native Russian-speakers in 2010 was 118.6 million (85.7%), a bit higher than the number of ethnic Russians (111 million, or 80.9%). Russian is the official language of Russia but shares the official status at regional level with other languages in the numerous ethnic autonomies within Russia, such as Chuvashia, Bashkortostan, Tatarstan, and Yakutia, and 94% of school students in Russia receive their education primarily in Russian.
The latter region had only "one market town", namely Karcag, while Little Cumania included several urban centers, of which the most populous was Kiskunfélegyháza. By then, the fragmentation of governance between Jászkunság's three components was creating administrative problems, as well as an incentive for the territories' dissolution into the county system.Bagi (2017), passim Autonomy was maintained after the Austro-Hungarian Compromise of 1867, but became the topic of political debates in Budapest. The final push against "feudal" autonomies was directed not by the conservative caucus, but by Gyula Szapáry, a liberal Minister of the Interior. His controversial bill, presented in December 1873, proposed to divide the area between three larger counties, with Little Cumania and parts of Jazygia being attached together with Solt.
After graduating in Law at the University of Catania, Stancanelli began his political career with the Italian Social Movement, being municipal councilor in Regalbuto from 1978 to 1983 and in Catania from 1985 to 1992. In 1996, he is elected for the first time at the Sicilian Regional Assembly with National Alliance; he is re-elected in 2001 and becomes Councilor for Labor, Vocational Training, Social Security and Emigration, while in 2004 he became Councilor for the Family, Social Policies and Local Autonomies, both times as member of the junta of governor Salvatore Cuffaro. Elected once again in 2006, he became vicar vice-president of the Sicilian Regional Assembly. At the Italian political elections of 2008, Stancanelli is elected Senator with The People of Freedom.
Describing the AME as a "state scandal" and a "financial black hole for the French social security system", she promised to repeal the AME if elected. She accused Nicolas Sarkozy of imposing health-care immigration on the French people. In February 2011, she predicted that in the wake of the Arab Spring, Europe and particularly France would experience a surge in illegal immigration, and criticised the EU's "tragic helplessness to respond to this new migratory challenge" and inability to control numbers of migrants. Le Pen travelled to Lampedusa on 14 March 2011 with FN vice-president Louis Aliot and Mario Borghezio MEP (Lega Nord), meeting the island's mayor Bernardino De Rubeis (Movement for the Autonomies) and visiting a housing center for illegal immigrants.
St. John Ambulance of Malaysia (Rumi Malay: St. John Ambulans Malaysia, Jawi Malay: سينت جون ايمبيولنس مليسيا, Traditional Chinese: 馬來西亞聖約翰救護機構, Simplified Chinese: 马来西亚圣约翰救护机构, Tamil: செயின்ட் ஜான் ஆம்புலன்ஸ் மலேசியா, Abbreviation: SJAM) is a Malaysian-based, non-profit statutory body dedicated to the works of humanity and charity for the relief of persons in sickness, distress, suffering or danger without any distinction of race, class, colour or creed. With a history stretching back over a century, SJAM forms part of the wider St. John Ambulance, a foundation of the Venerable Order of Saint John with presence in 41 sovereign states, dependencies, autonomies or territories.
Ponta Delgada, one of the three regional capitals of the Autonomous Region of the Azores Funchal, the regional capital of the Autonomous Region of Madeira Since 1976, Portugal conceded political autonomy to its North Atlantic archipelagos (Madeira and Azores) due to their distance, isolation, geographical context and socio-economic circumstances. The regional autonomies have their own organic laws, regional governments and administration, overseen by a Regional Government (), that constitutes a Regional Cabinet, comprising a President () and several Regional Secretaries (). The Azores () is an archipelago of nine islands and several islets that were discovered and settled by the Portuguese in the late 15th century. The Azores lies a third of the distance between Europe and North America, along the Mid-Atlantic Ridge.
Finally, on 20 November 2006, Carlo Fatuzzo, in a press conference along with Antonio Tajani and Fabrizio Cicchitto (national deputy-coordinator of Forza Italia), announced that its party was re-joining the centre-right House of Freedoms coalition. In the 2008 general election the Pensioners' Party presented its candidates into The People of Freedom, but it didn't gained any seat. In the 2009 European Parliament election, the party ran as part of The Autonomy, an electoral coalition including The Right, the Movement for the Autonomies and the Alliance of the Centre. In 2012 the party enters for the first time in the Italian Parliament with one deputy, Lino Miserotti, who replaces the outgoing deputy Marco Airaghi, and with one senator, Giacinto Boldrini, who replaces the deceased senator Gianpiero Carlo Cantoni.
On 19 June 2018, the Russian State Duma adopted a bill that made education in all languages but Russian optional, overruling previous laws by ethnic autonomies, and reducing instruction in minority languages to only two hours a week. This bill has been connected by some commentators, such as in Foreign Affairs to a policy of Russification. When the bill was still being considered, advocates for the minorities warned that the bill could endanger their languages and traditional cultures. The law came after a lawsuit in the summer of 2017, where a Russian mother claimed that her son had been "materially harmed" by learning the Tatar language, while in a speech Putin argued that it was wrong to force someone to learn a language that is not their own.
The constituent members of the coalition were the Union of the Centre (leader: Pier Ferdinando Casini), Future and Freedom (Gianfranco Fini), Alliance for Italy (Francesco Rutelli) and the Movement for the Autonomies (Raffaele Lombardo). The NPI, which was never an electoral coalition, was disbanded sometime in 2012, after Casini announced that he was no longer interested in the project. Rutelli's ApI even returned to the centre-left and one of its members, Bruno Tabacci, decided to run in the 2012 Italian centre-left primary election. In September 2012 Luca Cordero di Montezemolo announced that he would take part through his Future Italy association to the formation o a new "popular, reform and authentically liberal force" which would hegemonize the political centre of Italian politics, in dialogue with "responsible people" of the established parties.
The Pact for Autonomies () was an electoral pact signed by Lega Nord (LN), a federation of regionalist parties active in Northern and Central Italy, and the Movement for the Autonomy (MpA), a Sicilian-based regionalist party, for the 2006 general election. The two parties filed common lists for the Chamber of Deputies: in Northern and Central Italy the candidates were provided by LN, while in Lazio and Southern Italy by the MpA. As part of the pact, Giacomo Sanna, leader of the Sardinian Action Party (PSd'Az), stood as candidate for the Senate in the LN's list in Lombardy. At the Chamber the LN–MpA list obtained just 4.6% and 26 deputies (21 in the North for LN and 5 in the South for the MpA), while at the Senate Sanna was not elected.
For the Slovenes, the matter was less one of a possible imminent national destruction like in the case of Bosnia, but more one of equality between the three peoples. The Slovenes had usually stood side by side with the Croats in a joint skepticism of central Serb authority, but now the Croats evidently had struck a deal with the Serbs that awarded them special treatment, including a separate national parliament that Slovenia did not have. Although the Drava banovina was somewhat close to an exclusively Slovene district, it had none of the special autonomies granted to the Banovina of Croatia. While there were calls for a Banovina of Slovenia, the threat posed by neighboring Italy and Germany posed by the rapidly expanding Second World War soon took precedence.
Subsequently, however, the members of the reborn DC changed its nature and name to "Christian Democracy Association" and Gianni Fontana took on the role of president of the association. In May 2012 Giampiero Catone, a deputy elected with The People of Freedom and formerly a leading member of the Christian Democratic Centre, the Union of Christian and Centre Democrats and Christian Democracy for the Autonomies, joined the party, which was thus given parliamentary representation. On December 19, 2018 Gianfranco Rotondi, president of the Federation of Christian Democracy, Mario Tassone, secretary of the New CDU, Giorgio Merlo, leader of "White Network" and Renato Grassi, secretary of the DC, signed a federative pact for the reconstitution of the Christian Democracy,Rotondi: "Oggi primo passo per la ricostruzione della Dc". L'eterno ritorno della Balena bianca that, on June 8, 2019, became a foundation.
The Populars of Italy Tomorrow (I Popolari di Italia Domani, PID) was a Christian-democratic political party in Italy whose power base is in Sicily. It's currently affiliated to Forza Italia. PID was launched on 28 September 2010 by five splinter deputies (four from Sicily and one from Campania) of the Union of the Centre (UdC) led by Francesco Saverio Romano, UdC leader in Sicily. They dissented with the party's support to Raffaele Lombardo's fourth regional government and chose to vote in favour of Silvio Berlusconi in a vote of confidence on 29 September in the Chamber of Deputies. It was a damaging split for the UDC in Sicily, the party's historical stronghold, as 7 regional deputies out of 10 chose to follow Romano and they were joined also by a splinter from the Movement for the Autonomies, Lombardo's party.
These moves were criticised by Bossi, who called attention to Salvini's left-wing roots, and Tosi, who represented the party's pro-European wing and defended the euro. In April 2014, Salvini presented the party's logo for the European Parliament election, with Basta Euro ("No more Euro") replacing Padania, to emphasize the party's Euroscepticism and desire to exit from the Eurozone. The party included in its slates candidates from other anti-euro and/or autonomist movements (hence Autonomie, meanining "Autonomies"), notably comprising The Freedomites, a right-wing populist and separatist party active in South Tyrol (whose symbol was also included). In the European Parliament election, the party obtained 6.2% of the vote and 5 MEPs. The result was far worse than the previous EP election in 2009 (a fall of 4.0%), but better than that of the 2013 general election (a gain of 2.1%).
Hochstetter proposed a new organization for the museum and its collections. Four departments having far- reaching autonomies were created as successors to the older Cabinets; the Imperial Royal Mineralogical Court Cabinet was divided in an Imperial Royal Mineralogical-Petrographical Department and an Imperial Royal Geologic- Paleontologic Department. The petrologist and meteorite specialist Aristides Brezina became director of the former and was supported by scientific colleagues: Friedrich Berwerth, with Felix Karrer and Rudolf Koechlin providing voluntary unpaid services. Felix Karrer became Secretary of the Wissenschaftlicher Club (Science Club) and founder of the Mineralogy collection of the department. By 1886, Rudolf Köchlin became scientific assistant and, later, maintained an inventory of the collection and even kept a diary. Hochstetter died on July 18, 1884, and did not live to see the completion of the building for whose founding he had been so actively engaged.
In fact, Barbarossa showed a strong aversion to municipal autonomies: his will was to restore effective power over Northern Italy. The Milanese in the presence of Frederick Barbarossa ask for clemency after the surrender of the city (1162) The second descent, which began in June 1158, was originated by the rebelliousness of Milan and the allied municipalities to accept imperial power. This long expedition began with the attack of Frederick Barbarossa in Milan and his allies of the Milanese countryside: after defeating Brescia, which was a Milanese company, and having freed Lodi from the Milanese yoke, Barbarossa directed the attack to the Milanese capital, who agreed to surrender (8 September 1158) to avoid a long and bloody siege. Milan again lost the conquests made in previous years (Como, Pavia, Seprio and Brianza), but it was not razed.
Eleven member organizations announced they would each send 10 representatives to Sucre to watch over the progress of their proposals. In July 2010, CIDOB led its seventh national march--Seventh Great Indigenous March for Territory, Autonomies, and the Rights of Indigenous Peoples ()--demanding greater indigenous autonomy. This march made a 13-point set of demands (full translated text on WikiSource): # Titling and respect for Indigenous Communal Territories (TCOs) # (same subject as 1) # Return of lands # Annulling of mining and forest concessions that affect indigenous territories # Territorial integrity of TCOs # Autonomy with resources # Autonomy without a minimum number of inhabitants required # The right to consultation # Development projects # Economic resources # Consultation on projects # Additional seats in the Plurinational Legislative Assembly # The presence of indigenous authorities within the Government"Los indígenas reinician marcha por autonomía," El Día (Santa Cruz de la Sierra), 13 July 2010.
The Kabardino-Balkar ASSR and the Checheno- Ingush ASSR were restored on 9 January 1957 while the Kalmyk ASSR was restored on 29 July 1958. The government, however, refused to restore the Volga German ASSR and the Crimean ASSR, the latter of which was transferred to the Ukrainian SSR on 19 February 1954. The autonomies of the ASSRs varied greatly throughout the history of the Soviet Union but Russification would nevertheless continue unabated and internal Russian migration to the ASSRs would result in various indigenous people becoming minorities in their own republics. At the same time, the number of ASSRs grew; the Karelian ASSR was formed on 6 July 1956 after being a union republic from 1940 while the partially recognized state of Tuva was annexed by the Soviets on 11 October 1944 and became the Tuvan ASSR on 10 October 1961.
Pteleos alone remained in Venetian hands until 1470. The newly conquered region was initially the patrimonial domain of the powerful marcher-lord Turahan Bey (died 1456) and of his son Ömer Bey (died 1484) rather than a regular province. Turahan and his heirs brought in settlers from Anatolia (the so-called "Konyalis" or "Koniarides" since most were from the region around Konya) to repopulate the sparsely inhabited area, and soon, Muslim settlers or converts dominated the lowlands, while the Christians held the mountains around the Thessalian plain. The area was generally peaceful, but banditry was endemic, and led to the creation of the first state-sanctioned Christian autonomies known as armatoliks, the earliest and most notable of which was that of Agrafa. Failed Greek uprisings occurred in 1600/1 and 1612, and during the Morean War and the Orlov Revolt.
It determined that multidisciplinary teams should assess children's needs on a case-by-case basis. The (now defunct) Intersex Society of North America stated that the Court decisions "significantly restrict the ability of parents and doctors to resort to the scalpel when children are born with atypical genitals", in a case that was "the first time that a high court anywhere has considered whether [Intersex Genital Mutilation] is a violation of human rights." Morgan Holmes states that, while children who reach the same age and circumstances will be in the same position, then they will "be permitted access to the conditions that protect their autonomies". Other intersex children will not benefit, in particular at the point they are born: "In its worst potential implications and uses, the court's decision may simply amplify the need to expedite procedures".
In 1899, Ekiti and Ilesha formed the north-eastern division of the protectorate. In 1915, Ekiti, Owo and Ondo were combined to form the Ondo Province with headquarters at Akure. In looking at the creation of Native Authorities at Oke-Imo, Ilesa in 1900 by Major Reeve Tucker and the re-organization of North East District in December, 1912; the separation of Ijesa, Ekiti and other areas on 1 January 1913, and the creation of Ekiti Native Authority with its headquarters at Ado-Ekiti, conflicts and agitations for local autonomy had pervaded politics of traditional institutions in Ekitiland. When the British moved their administrative centre for Ekiti District to Ado-Ekiti in 1913 where the Ewi holds sway, the change in political status of Ado-Ekiti spurred a desire in other traditional authorities across Ekitiland to further demand for local autonomies.
The War of Argentine Independence had strongly upset the region for several reasons: trade with Upper Peru had been cut off, the workforce was drafted into the military, and the market of the coastal provinces had been lost due to the competition from the English. Economically, artisan production was maintained and its profits were used to purchase large pieces of land to be used for Plantations. In the shadows, the caudillos and governors of the Interior wanted to organize a national organization to manage provincial economic relations while respecting the provincial autonomies. It is because of these proceedings these that the governor of Córdoba, Juan Bautista Bustos, had promoted for years the organization of a Congress that would definitively organize the provinces in a Federal Republic; but their initiatives abandoned due to the successive authorities from Buenos Aires.
The FLI group chose to abstain from the vote along with the Union of the Centre, Alliance for Italy and the Movement for the Autonomies, forming the so-called "area of responsibility". The motion was voted down, but it was a blow for the Berlusconi IV Cabinet, which retained its majority only through FLI's support. During the vote on Caliendo, Chiara Moroni, a social democrat formerly of the New Italian Socialist Party and Forza Italia, announced that she was leaving the PdL group in order to join Fini's outfit. In a touching speech dedicated to her father Sergio Moroni, a Socialist who committed suicide during Tangentopoli, she explained that she was leaving the PdL in the name of garantismo (an Italian word for "protection of civil liberties" used in relation to the right to a fair trial).
The Liberal Popular Alliance (), whose full name was Liberal Popular Alliance – Autonomies (Alleanza Liberalpopolare – Autonomie, ALA), was a centrist and liberal political party in Italy. ALA members were known as Verdiniani, from the name of their leader Denis Verdini, who was formerly a long-time member and national coordinator of three successive centre-right parties led by Silvio Berlusconi (Forza Italia, The People of Freedom and Forza Italia) until July 2015, when he broke with Berlusconi in order to support the government led by Matteo Renzi, leader of the centre-left Democratic Party. Verdini aimed at launching the "Moderates for Renzi", that would eventually include the other centrist parties supporting the government. After Renzi's resignation as Prime Minister in December 2016 the party lost relevance and after the 2018 general election it was deprived of its parliamentary representation.
Since the beginning of the transition to democracy in Spain and the creation of the Spanish autonomous communities, after Francoist Spain, there have been many movements towards more autonomy (delegation of powers) in certain territories of the country, some with the aim of achieving full independence and others with the goal of improving the system of devolution and the state of the autonomies (or self-government entities) . The existence of multiple distinct cultures in Spain allows an analogy to be drawn to the United Kingdom. Using the term Spanish for someone of Spanish descent would then be expected to be equivalent to using Briton to describe someone descending from some part of the United Kingdom. Cultures within the United Kingdom, such as English, Irish, Scottish, and Welsh, would then correspond in this analogy to cultures within Spain such as Castilian, Catalan, Galician and Basque among others.
Raffaele Lombardo ; (born on 29 October 1950 in Catania) is a convicted criminal, formerly an Italian politician who was President of Sicily and former Member of the European Parliament for Islands with the Movement for the Autonomies and has sat on the European Parliament's Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs. In 2005 he split off from the Union of Christian and Centre Democrats (UDC) to form the autonomist Sicilian-based Movement for Autonomy, after he had accused the UDC leadership of being too centralist. On 2008 he was elected as President of Sicily, obtaining over 65% of the regional votes and defeating Anna Finocchiaro of the Democratic Party. On 31 July 2012 he resigned from the presidency because he was under investigation for external contribution with mafia and pork-barrelling, as it appears that he had relationships with some figure of Cosa Nostra.
Union, Progress and Democracy ( , UPyD ) is a Spanish political party founded in September 2007. It is a social-liberal party that rejects any form of nationalism, especially the separatist Basque and Catalan movements. The party is deeply pro-European and wants the European Union to adopt a federal system without overlap between the European, national and regional governments. Besides, the magenta party wants to replace the State of Autonomies with a symmetric and highly centralized, albeit still federal, system in Spain as well as substituting a more proportional election law for the current one. Mikel Buesa, at a 2007 party presentation, and Rosa Díez, in a 2007 interview for a magazine, explained the origin of the three concepts which make up the party's name: Union, because of their "unconditional defence of the union of Spain as a necessary condition for all Spaniards' equality before the law".
The party was founded on 30 April 2005 as the Movement for Autonomy (Movimento per l'Autonomia) by Sicilian splinters from the Union of Christian and Centre Democrats (UDC) led by Raffaele Lombardo, as well as people from other centre-right parties, notably including Forza Italia (FI), the Italian Republican Party (PRI) and New Italian Socialist Party (NPSI). At the 2006 general election the party joined the centre-right House of Freedoms coalition and formed a joint-list, the Pact for Autonomies, with Lega Nord (LN), a regionalist movement based in northern Italy, and the Sardinian Action Party (PSd'Az). The MpA elected five deputies (two in the lists of FI) and two senators (one in the lists of FI). Lombardo claimed to have discarded the possibility of an alliance with the centre-left coalition The Union mainly because of the latter's opposition to the building of the Strait of Messina Bridge and their support for civil unions.
In October 2006 Follini, a harsh critic of Berlusconi, finally left the party to form a new grouping, called Middle Italy, which was eventually merged into the centre-left Democratic Party (PD) upon its foundation in October 2007. This was the fourth split suffered by the UDC in two years after three much bigger splits: the first led by Sergio D'Antoni, who joined The Daisy (DL) in 2004; the second by Gianfranco Rotondi, who launched the Christian Democracy for the Autonomies (DCA) in 2005; the third by Raffaele Lombardo, who formed the Sicilian-based Movement for Autonomy (MpA) later that year. After the departure of Follini, however, Casini became highly critical of Berlusconi too and further distanced the UDC from him. A fifth major split happened at the end of January 2008 when Bruno Tabacci and Mario Baccini left the party because Casini seemed eager to re- join Berlusconi for the upcoming election, after that the Prodi II Cabinet had not passed through a vote of confidence.
The Fundamental Principles declare the foundations on which the Republic is established, starting with its democratic nature, in which the sovereignty belongs to the people and is exercised by the people in the forms and within the limits of the Constitution. The Principles recognise the dignity of the person, both as an individual and in social groups, expressing the notions of solidarity and equality without distinction of sex, race, language, religion, political opinion, personal and social conditions. For this purpose, the right to work is also recognized, with labour considered the foundation of the Republic and a mean to achieve individual and social development: every citizen has a duty to contribute to the development of the society, as much as they can, and the Government must ensure the freedom and equality of every citizen. While the Principles recognise the territorial integrity of the Republic, they also recognise and promote local autonomies and safeguard linguistic minorities.
Amparo was the first female member working in the Andalusian Government as the councilor of Presidency in the first Andalusian Government (1982-1984). She was named to take part in the Spanish Senate on 22 June 1986, when she belonged the Socialist Parliamentary Group. She was in the organs of the Permanent Deputation, as a deputy (from 15 June 1986 to 20 November 1989) and four times as a spokesperson in committees: in the Committee of Autonomies, Organization and Territorial Administration (from 16 September 1986 to 2 September 1989), the Justice Committee (from 17 September 1986 to 2 September 1989), the Committee of the Government Presidency and the Interior (from 17 September 1986 to 30 September 1989) and in the monitoring committee of the Interterritorial Compensation Fund (from 17 September 1986 to 2 September 1989). In 1991, Rubiales came back to Seville as a councilor and a spokesperson of the Socialist Municipal Group.
Flag of Sicilian Independence Movement Location of Sicily Graffito in Palermo, Sicily with the text "Self Determination, Autonomy, Independence" Sicilian nationalism is a movement in the autonomous Italian region of Sicily, as well as the Sicilian diaspora, which seeks greater autonomy or outright independence from Italy, and/or promotes further inclusion of the Sicilian identity, culture, history, and linguistic variety. Various separatist and autonomist movements in Sicily have received support from the political left, right, and centre. Historically, the most notable party with a Sicilian nationalist platform was the separatist Sicilian Independence Movement, which had four seats in the Italian Senate and nine seats in the Italian Chamber of Deputies at their peak in the mid-1940s. In contemporary Sicily, the largest regionalist party has been the autonomist Party of the Sicilians, part of the greater Movement for the Autonomies, which governed Sicily under the presidency of Raffaele Lombardo from 2008-2012.
While sovereignty is vested in the nation as a whole, represented in the central institutions of government, the nation has, in variable degrees, devolved power to the communities, which, in turn, exercise their right to self-government within the limits set forth in the constitution and their autonomous statutes. Each community has its own set of devolved powers; typically those communities with stronger local nationalism have more powers, and this type of devolution has been called asymmetrical. Some scholars have referred to the resulting system as a federal system in all but name, or a "federation without federalism".The Federal Option and Constitutional Management of Diversity in Spain Xavier Arbós Marín, page 375; included in 'The Ways of Federalism in Western Countries and the Horizons of Territorial Autonomy in Spain' (volume 2), edited by Alberto López-Eguren and Leire Escajedo San Epifanio; edited by Springer , (eBook) There are 17 autonomous communities and two autonomous cities that are collectively known as "autonomies".
"regionalist" or "peripheral nationalist") parties present there. On these occasions, no coalitions for government have been made, but instead a minority government has been formed that receives support from the "nationalist" parties to approve the budget and other laws. This has sometimes led to further concessions being made to the peripheral nationalities. The new framework of "autonomies" has served to legitimise the Spanish state even within the "nationalities", more so in Catalonia and Galicia than in the Basque Country. (Legitimacy is still a question amongst some Basque nationalists; the Basque Country was the only community where the Spanish Constitution in 1978 was not approved by the majority of its constituents in the national referendum.) In practical terms, the majority of the population has been satisfied with the framework of devolution since the restoration of democracy, even if some still aspire for further recognition of the distinctiveness of the nationalities or for the expansion of their self- government.
It was adopted as an official policy in the short-lived Ukrainian People's Republic (1917–1920) and in the interwar Estonian Republic (1925 Law on Personal Autonomy), and it was included in the Declaration Concerning the Protection of Minorities in Lithuania by the League of Nations in 1925. The autonomous representative structure of the Palestinian Jews between 1920 and 1949, the Asefat ha-Nivharim, can also be considered as an implementation of the national personal autonomy principle. Since the fall of the Soviet Union and its satellites regimes, the national personal autonomy is the principle on which legislation applying to ethnic minorities has been enacted such as Estonia's (1993 National Minorities Cultural Autonomy Act), Hungary's Act LXXVII of 1993 on the Rights of National and Ethnic Minorities, Latvia's 1991 Law on Unrestricted Development and Right to Cultural Autonomy of Latvia's Nationalities and Ethnic Groups, Lithuania's 1989 Law on Ethnic Minorities, Russia's 1996 Law on National-Cultural Autonomies, and Ukraine's 1992 Law on National Minorities.
When Adrian IV died, the 24 cardinals in favor of opposing the dominion of Frederick I in Italy chose Pope Alexander III, while the three that preferred to reconcile gave their vote to cardinal Octavian, who was titled Victor IV. The split allowed Frederick to attempt a conciliation in Pavia (January 1160), where Pope Victor IV was recognized, while Alexander III looked for support in the Norman kingdom of the south of Italy, whose kings were vassals of The Holy See, and in other European countries, to foment opposition against the emperor. Milan again revolted in 1161, but it was conquered by force of arms and devastated; shortly after, Alexander III was forced to divide for France. Frederick won, but Alexander was the Pope recognized by Europe, except for the Empire, and, even so, he counted within this one frightful allies, in particular in Italy, where the emperor and his chancellors, Rainaldo de Dassel and Christian de Bach, organized authoritarian government to counter the old local autonomies, that were not resigned to accept their new lot without resistance.
The Provisions call for the election of the Regional Councils and the elected bodies of provincial administration within one year of the implementation of the Constitution. The transfer of power from the State to the Regions, as established by the Constitution, as well as the transfer to the Regions of officials and employees of the State, must be regulated by law for every branch of the public administration. Until this process has been completed the Provinces and the Municipalities will retain those functions they presently exercise, as well as those which the Regions may delegate to them. Also, within three years of the implementation of the Constitution, the laws of the Republic must be adjusted to the needs of local autonomies and the legislative jurisdiction attributed to the Regions. Furthermore, up to five years after the implementation of the Constitution, other Regions can be established by constitutional laws, thus amending the list in Article 131, and without the conditions required under the first paragraph of Article 132, without prejudice, however, to the obligation to consult the peoples concerned.
To complete the picture of a highly fragmented centre-right, in the previous months there had already been two minor but significant splits from the PdL: on 3 October Giulio Tremonti left to form the Labour and Freedom List, while on 22 November a group of MPs, led by Isabella Bertolini, formed Free Italy. In early January 2013, after Berlusconi had announced his return as party leader and Monti had refused to join forces with the PdL, the bulk of the party rallied again behind Berlusconi and just a few leading members, notably including Mario Mauro, left to join Monti's Civic Choice party. Most of the centre-right was regrouped around the PdL, which took part to the February general election in coalition with Lega Nord (including the Labour and Freedom List), Brothers of Italy, The Right, Great South (including the Movement for the Autonomies), the Pensioners' Party, the Moderates in Revolution and Popular Agreement. In the election the PdL obtained 21.6% of the vote (–15.8% from 2008) and the coalition came just 0.3% short of the centre-left.
Frederick then exacerbated the grip of imperial power on Italian cities, going beyond the provisions decided during Roncaglia's second diet: he set up a bureaucratic structure run by officials who responded directly to the emperor instead of the municipal autonomies, which were virtually suppressed, and established an imperial- nominated podestà at the head of the rebel cities. Meanwhile, Pope Adrian IV died and his successor, Pope Alexander III, soon proved to be in solidarity with the Italian municipalities and particularly hostile to the emperor. In 1163 the rebellion of some cities in northeastern Italy forced Frederick Barbarossa to descend for the third time in Italy in a military campaign that ended up in a stalemate, above all against the Veronese League, which in the meantime had formed between some cities of the March of Verona. With pacific Lombardy, Frederick in fact preferred to postpone the clash with the other municipalities of Northern Italy due to the numerical scarcity of his troops and then, after having verified the situation, he returned to Germany.
Negotiations for a new statute of autonomy for Galicia had its roots in the 1936 Statute, voted in referendum and submitted to the Spanish parliament for ratification, but never implemented due to the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War. Galicia was granted a pre-autonomic regime after Francisco Franco's death in 1975 and during the Spanish transition to democracy, together with the Valencian Country, Aragon and the Canary Islands based on the examples of Catalonia and the Basque Country. The re-establishment of the Regional Government of Galicia () was formalized with its official approval on 18 March 1978 and the appointment of the first regional government in June that year. The subsequent Spanish Constitution of 1978 and the celebration in Spain of the first ordinary general election paved the way for the re-establishment of the "historical communities" of the Basque Country, Catalonia and Galicia under the "fast-track" procedure of Article 151 of the Constitution, setting the first steps for the institutionalization of the so-called "State of the Autonomies".
Until their split in June 2015, the CiU alliance would dominate Catalan regional politics from the 1980s to the early 2000s, providing for Jordi Pujol's long stay in the regional government for 23 consecutive years, until a left-wing alliance comprising the Socialists' Party of Catalonia (PSC), Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC) and Initiative for Catalonia Greens (ICV) was able to oust CiU from government and into opposition. It would not be until the 2010 Catalan regional election held seven years later that CiU, under Artur Mas's leadership, was returned to government. Beyond its dominance of Catalan politics, CDC sought to have influence in the Spanish parliament, collaborated with governments both under the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) (and more critically, in the 1993–1996 period when the PSOE was forced into a minority government) as well as under the People's Party (PP) (1996–2004), giving their support to both parties's attempts to form government, then maintaining confidence and supply agreements with them. CiU's support to Felipe González's government provided for the development of the "state of autonomies" the foundations for the financing of the autonomous communities.
With the implementation of the Autonomous Communities, Spain went from being one of the most centralized countries in the OECD to being one of the most decentralized; in particular, it has been the country where the incomes and outcomes of the decentralized bodies (the Autonomous Communities) has grown the most, leading this rank in Europe by 2015 and being fifth among OECD countries in tax devolution (after Canada, Switzerland, the United States and Austria). By means of the State of Autonomies implemented after the Spanish Constitution of 1978, Spain has been quoted to be "remarkable for the extent of the powers peacefully devolved over the past 30 years" and "an extraordinarily decentralized country", with the central government accounting for just 18% of public spending, 38% by the regional governments, 13% by the local councils, and the remaining 31% by the social security system. In terms of personnel, by 2010 almost 1,350,000 people or 50.3% of the total civil servants in Spain were employed by the autonomous communities; city and provincial councils accounted for 23.6% and those employees working for the central administration (police and military included) represented 22.2% of the total.
Flag of the Kingdom of Syria (1920) Flag of Syria under French mandate, 1920-1922 Flag of the Syrian Republic (1932-1958), and again from 1961-1963 Flag of the United Arab Republic (1958-1961) and again of the Arab Republic of Syria since 1980 Flag of the Syrian Arab Republic 1963-1972 Flag of the Syrian Arab Republic, 1972-1980 The modern history of Syria begins with the termination of Ottoman control of Syria by French forces and the establishment of the Occupied Enemy Territory Administration during World War I. The short- lived Arab Kingdom of Syria emerged in 1920, which was however soon committed under the French Mandate, which produced the short-lived autonomous State of Aleppo, State of Damascus (later State of Syria (1924–30)), Alawite State and Jabal al-Druze (state); the autonomies were transformed into the Mandatory Syrian Republic in 1930. Syrian Republic gained independence in April 1946. The Republic took part in the Arab-Israeli War and remained in a state of political instability during the 1950s and 1960s. The 8 March 1963 coup resulted in the installation of the National Council for the Revolutionary Command (NCRC), a group of military and civilian officials who assumed control of all executive and legislative authority.

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