125 Sentences With "absolutists" | Random Sentence Generator

Even many Second Amendment absolutists are untroubled by the new rules.

True, the Freedom Caucus are absolutists, but others also share blame.

They were "Second Amendment absolutists" on their way to O'Rourke's rally.

We aren't absolutists, and we don't claim to have all the answers.

The young — and the young at mind — tend to be uncompromising absolutists.

"Absolutists to their discredit mow the lines between these two," Mystal told me.

If numbness benefits gun-rights absolutists, uninformed numbness might serve them even better.

This is all compelling proof that absolutists may have to re-examine their arguments.

Bill Gates says there are no "absolutists" when it comes to data privacy and government searches.

Republicans created hard-line districts that produced hard-line congressmen: obstructionist absolutists are gerrymandering's political offspring.

It's hard to find too many First Amendment absolutists on either the left or the right these days.

But in the late 1970s, its moderate leadership fell to a cadre of absolutists opposed to any hint of regulation.

Pity that the right to life of their many victims is outweighed by the Second Amendment absolutists at the NRA.

Still, anti-Facebook absolutists will continue to fight the good fight against the platform, for reasons both painfully real and imagined.

Yet net neutrality absolutists, including the editorial board ofThe New York Times, fear they violate the spirit of an open Internet.

In the end, Facebook's solution seems to be a solid compromise that will leave both fact-checkers and free speech absolutists unsatisfied.

There are eco-absolutists, too, who call ranchers crony capitalists, exploiting too-cheap BLM grazing permits: some would ban cattle outright from public lands.

CDA 230 absolutists are lobbying feverishly to make this impossible by writing the current flawed version of the law into new U.S. free trade agreements.

Even onetime allies of the anti-Europe absolutists in Parliament now blame them for what could turn into a generational slump in support for Conservatives.

If the core of the GOP shows the moderates as much love as they do for gun absolutists or the religiously intransigent, then we stay put.

"I don't think there are any absolutists who think the government should be able to get everything or the government should be able to get nothing," Gates, 60, said.

Also potentially in the idea's favor are libertarian scholars who also support giving out prizes instead of patents, creating an odd-duck alliance of democratic socialists and free market absolutists.

All of this explains why some states sensibly and constitutionally reject the open-carry absolutists and prohibit open carry or regulate the carrying of guns at public demonstrations, or both.

Even though Trump campaigned against Tea Party absolutism on economics, his administration is, on a rank-and-file level, staffed with Tea Party absolutists and will probably default to those positions.

That this establishment candidate inspires vitriol from some of the dumbest people on earth—Skip Bayless, Michael Jordan fanatics, drunk college-basketball absolutists—lends them a sort of backhanded appeal, too.

" Such thinking is the direct lineage of dark interpretations of the Second Amendment proffered by gun rights absolutists and many elected Republicans -- that gun rights are meant as a "hedge against tyranny.

And when we tried to pass laws that curbed gun violence, we made incremental progress until, suddenly, a group of powerful absolutists refused to even consider it, and conjured history as their defense.

As opposed to Second Amendment absolutists, most Americans believe that gun ownership carries responsibilities and that it is not unreasonable to ask someone wanting to own a gun to commit to responsible stewardship.

The controversy that followed that campaign, which was led by a prominent conservative YouTuber, turned Mr. Maza into a YouTube mini-celebrity and made him a sworn enemy of the site's free-speech absolutists.

But the ensuing crackdown—as painfully slow and largely ineffective as is—has led to a concurrent rise in largely-unknown sites and services clamoring to be the Most Free for free speech absolutists.

Even with allies controlling Congress and the White House, there simply weren't enough votes for an amendment banning all abortions outright, and absolutists saw any other form of constitutional change as cowardly and counterproductive.

And while the NRA is no stranger to pivots — gun-rights absolutists wrested control of the group from the more sports-shooting enthusiast wing in 1977 — the latest NRA ad is more of a rebrand.

Rather, this is a film for proverbial undecided voters—those still willing to be swayed because they are convinced they entertain racial identity with "nuance," in contrast to the unwavering absolutists (as Black detractors are framed in the film).

Take the wilds of eastern Oregon, where ranchers spent the Obama era fearing that vast tracts of the Owyhee Canyonlands would be declared a national monument, exposing them to lawsuits from eco-absolutists bent on banning cattle from public lands.

By at least speaking the language of annexation, he could try to win the enduring support of the racists and the absolutists in a potential right-wing coalition, who might, in turn, quash the multiple corruption indictments that he faces.

Republicans paint themselves as moral absolutists in a relativistic world, but all the evidence of the last few years shows that most Republicans are actually tribalists who will resort to moral relativism to justify support for a vile public figure.

It raises doubts that there will ever be room for compromise between gun-control advocates and Second Amendment absolutists or whether the criminal justice reform both Republicans and Democrats say they support will ever transit a Congress consumed by its own rancor.

Though for much of his career his votes on the Senate floor were mostly along party lines, his periodic challenges to Republican orthodoxy made him more popular among independents, Democrats and the tattered remnants of his party's moderate wing than with the absolutists in the party's base.

Given how much space the report gives to the testimony of students who feel marginalized and targeted on campuses, the report will surely displease certain free speech absolutists, who might be inclined to argue that today's college students need to get over their addiction to hurt feelings.

But now that the FBI's litigation against Apple has been dropped, Comey hopes that there will be less emotion involved in the encryption conversation, which he said reminds him of the rhetoric often heard in the gun debate by "absolutists" and those arguing the "slippery slope"-angle on both sides.

The protesters were demonized (including in editorials published in The New York Times) as fractious, self-righteous radicals who resorted to militant disruption when other means of protest were still available and as absolutists, who often stifled dissent and fell short of reaching a consensus about what they stood for.

This shift has been institutionalized by developments like the Hastert rule (whereby the Republican House, when they have a majority, only bring up bills that have majority support within their own party) and the rise of right-wing absolutists (who threaten to primary any congressperson or senator who doesn't toe the ideological line).

False online personae, many of them traced back to the much-scrutinized Internet Research Agency in St. Petersburg, have posed as Second Amendment absolutists, LGBT rights activists, American Muslim community activists, American anti-Muslim activists, Texas and California secessionists, pro-Trump Floridians and Jill Stein supporters, of which there are evidently real-world specimens.

Linker's piece draws on his own religious psychology as a Catholic convert, and particularly a desire for authority and certainty that he's since outgrown or let subside, to portray conservative Catholics (myself among others) as order-obsessed absolutists desperate to believing in an unchanging, unchangeable Catholicism: I became a Catholic (from secular Judaism) in the midst of a personal crisis.

In defiance of antifa radicals who support "punching Nazis" to shut them up, and free-speech absolutists who think it's enough to ignore them and hope they'll go away, "formers," as many ex-white supremacists call themselves, teach us from their own experiences about the complicated roles empathy and exclusion play in conversion; about the addictive nature of hate; about how encounters with "others" can be transformative.

This only fueled the divisions between liberals and absolutists. Because of the independence of Brazil, Miguel's supporters considered Miguel to be the legitimate heir to the crown of Portugal.Neil Macaulay (1986), p.263-264 If, to liberals, the name of Miguel was despised, to the legitimists (the absolutists) it was venerated.

Both armies clashed at Cova da Piedade, near Cacilhas. The Liberal army was able to push back the Absolutists, which entrenched themselves in the Castle of Almada. The next day, the castle was taken by the Liberals and the leader of the Absolutists, General Teles Jordão, was killed. The way to Lisbon now lay open for the Liberal army and they occupied the city without any further opposition.

Individuals with stridently idealistic beliefs and little sense of relativism have been known as "absolutists" while those with principles seeking to synthesize those two concepts have been known as "situationists".

In June 1833, the Liberal forces had been bottled up and besieged in Porto for a year, while the Absolutists remained in control of the rest of Portugal. So it was decided to send a force commanded by the Duke of Terceira over the sea to the Algarve. This force was escorted by a naval squadron commanded by Charles Napier. The Duke of Terceira landed near Faro and marched north through the Alentejo The Absolutists hastily gathered some forces to stop his advance towards the capital.

The Constitution was not popular with the absolutists (who wanted Prince Miguel to govern as an absolute monarch), but the liberal Vintistas also did not support the Charter (which was imposed by the King); moderates bided their time as a counter- revolution was slowly building.

The Cortes of 1828 proclaiming him king as Miguel I of Portugal and he reigned from 1828 to 1834. But in the end (after the Liberal Wars) the Miguelists (absolutists) were defeated and the king was exiled.Jean Pailler; Maria Pia of Braganza: The Pretender. New York: ProjectedLetters, 2006.

Miguel was exiled. With the defeat of the rebellion, both liberals and absolutists came out into the streets to celebrate the survival of the legitimate government.Cardoso, pp. 269–271 On 14 May, the king returned to Bemposta, reconstituted the council of ministers and showed generosity to the others who had rebelled.

At Jaén, he defeated the final columns of Rafael Riego, who was captured by the Absolutists on 15 September and hanged in Madrid on 7 November, two days before the fall of Alicante. In Catalonia, Moncey managed to quell General Mina's regular and guerrilla forces, with Barcelona surrendering only on 2 November.

The Battle of Cape St. Vincent, between the Miguelite and the Liberal navies The death of King John VI in 1826, together with the disputes between the Absolutists and the Liberals, created a succession and political crisis. Being the heir of the Portuguese Crown, Emperor Peter I of Brazil briefly becomes also King of Portugal, as Peter IV, then abdicating in favor of his eldest daughter, who became Queen Mary II, although still a child. This succession was contested by the absolutists, that considered Peter I of Brazil a traitor and so defended that the crown should go to Michael, Peter's younger brother. After a period as Regent of Portugal in name of Mary II, Michael assumes the Crown himself and becomes King Michael I of Portugal in 1828.

Similarly, during the Liberal Wars Brigadier Manuel Cardoso de Faria Pinto, used this reside (where lived at that time) as base during the battles between absolutists and liberals. On 2 January 1997, from a dispatch of the Ministry of Culture (), the residence was classified as a Property of Public Interest (): since 1988, it had already been adapted as a tourist residence.

Much of the country was devastated after the Peninsular War, and government coffers were drained to fight against the independence movements in the Latin American colonies. Political conflict between liberals and royal absolutists further diverted energy and resources needed to rebuild the country. There were several attempts to install a liberal regime during the absolutist reign (1814–1820). In 1820, an expedition intended for the American colonies revolted in Cádiz.

Wolff, born in Berlin in 1811, the son of a Jewish banker, was a physician by training but soon ventured into journalism. At the beginning of his career, he had been editor of Vossische Zeitung, then one of the main newspapers in Prussia, created in 1721. When young, he adhered to liberalism, a “radical” ideology banned and little tolerated at the time. Monarchies predominated in Europe and absolutists were restored after Napoleon's defeat.

" James begins section VI with the following question: "But now, since we are all such absolutists by instinct, what in our quality of students of philosophy ought we to do about the fact? Shall we espouse and endorse it?" He then answers: "I sincerely believe that the latter course is the only one we can follow as reflective men. ... I am, therefore, myself a complete empiricist so far as my theory of human knowledge goes.

Vila Franca. The year 1823 gave the absolutists the opportunity they sought to end the liberal regime in Portugal. In that year the Holy Alliance authorised a French invasion of Spain to bring down the liberal government in Madrid and restore Fernando VII of Spain. This encouraged an absolutist uprising by the count of Amarante in the north of Portugal and led the party of the Queen to open revolt, confident of French support.

Jack W. Meiland (1934–1998) was an American philosopher and educator. As a philosopher, Meiland is best known for his analyses of relativism, particularly on cognitive relativism. Meiland is also known for a "salvage operation" from the "paradox of relativism", the claim that relativists are absolutists about relativism. From 1962 to 1997, Meiland taught at the Philosophy Department at the University of Michigan, where he was appointed Arthur F. Thurnau Professor in 1988.

The soundest concepts will survive the forum of competition as replacements or revisions of the traditional conceptions. From the absolutists' point of view, concepts are either valid or invalid regardless of contexts. From the relativists' perspective, one concept is neither better nor worse than a rival concept from a different cultural context. From Toulmin's perspective, the evaluation depends on a process of comparison, which determines whether or not one concept will improve explanatory power more than its rival concepts.

John Stuart Mill stated that despotism is a legitimate mode of government in dealing with barbarians, provided the end be their improvement. Enlightened absolutists' beliefs about royal power were typically similar to those of regular despots, both believing that they were destined to rule. Enlightened rulers may have played a part in the abolition of serfdom in Europe. The enlightened despotism of Emperor Joseph II of the Holy Roman Empire is summarized as, "Everything for the people, nothing by the people".

Bernard McGinn noted that complete denial of the Antichrist was rare until the Age of Enlightenment. Following frequent use of "Antichrist" laden rhetoric during religious controversies in the 17th century, the use of the concept declined during the 18th century due to the rule of enlightened absolutists, who as European rulers of the time wielded significant influence over official state churches. These efforts to cleanse Christianity of "legendary" or "folk" accretions effectively removed the Antichrist from discussion in mainstream Western churches.

Alternative service is often rejected by antimilitarist conscientious objectors, who still regard it as part of the military system. Many argue that it is not inconveniencing the military in any way, and in fact paints them in a good light. Moreover, in the past non-military service has often freed up people for work in the military, or enabled people to return to the military e.g. nursing. Those conscientious objectors who also reject alternative service are known as absolutists or total objectors.

Centuries later, at the start of the 18th century, King Philip V of Spain fought against Catalonia, as the region had decided to defend the Arch-duke Charles of Austria as pretender to the Spanish throne. This conflict, part of the War of the Spanish Succession, ended on September 11, 1714, when Barcelona fell into the hands of the absolutists of Philip V. The Generalitat and the Corts Catalanes were abolished and the Palau de la Generalitat became the King's Court in Barcelona.

Notwithstanding, the King never consented on the petition of the assembly to meet at will, and from 1637 he decreed that the meetings of the assembly can only take place when in presence of one representative of the monarch, with voice, usually the Governor-Captain General of the Kingdom, so trying to maintain a tighter grip on the institution and its agreements. From the 18th century, with the advent of the absolutists Bourbon monarchs, the Xunta was gradually deprived of its powers.

Defender of liberalism , he founded and wrote the newspaper The Constitutional Observer , which appeared in 1829, printed in the typography of The Paulistano Lighthouse , at first under the direction of Badarò and Luís Monteiro d'Ornelas and, after the mid-1830s, under the exclusive direction. of the first one. The liberal newspaper had a moderate feature, like the one that Evaristo da Veiga printed in Rio de Janeiro to Aurora Fluminense . Like this one, it had soon gained wide publicity, which guaranteed the malevolence of absolutists.

Prince Mihailo (1823–1868) was Prince of Serbia from 1839 to 1842 and again from 1860 to 1868. His rule began after the death of his elder brother until 1842, when he was ousted in a revolt led by Toma Vučić-Perišić. Prince Mihailo came to the throne a second time, after the death of his father, Miloš Obrenović I, in 1860. He ruled for eight years as the absolutists, making progress in Serbia, harmonized agreements with neighboring countries, for common action in the Balkans.

On 9 September 1836, the politicised population, many of them petty bourgeois and literary intellectuals, joined with the National Guard to drive the Cartistas (Chartists) from power and forced Queen Maria II to reinstate the 1822 Constitution. Members of the government installed following this revolution were called Setembristas, after their short-lived movement, the Setembrismo, which was launched in September. The absolutists attempted a coup in 1836, and again in 1837. The country was divided into two opposing radical groups that refused to engage in a dialogue.

He was followed by Rear-Admiral Sir George H. Parker from 1815 until 1834. In early 1837, the station was under the temporary command of Rear-Admiral John Ommanney, until he was relieved as commander in chief by Vice-Admiral Sir William Hall Gage. Gage was ordered, by the Admiralty, to undertake protection duties of Queen Maria II during the period known as the Liberal Wars, fought between progressive constitutionalists and authoritarian absolutists in Portugal over royal succession. The station ceased to be a command in 1841.

64 In terms of substance, there were three major issues which stood between the Traditionalists and the Absolutists. First, the former stood by the Spanish political tradition while the latter embraced 18th- century novelties imported from France. Second, the former rejected the principles of Enlightenment as ungodly human usurpation while the latter adopted them as theoretical foundation of absolutismo ilustrado. Third, the former considered the monarch entrusted with execution of powers, limited by natural order, tradition and divine rules, while the latter tended to see him as a source of public power.

Payne says Charles III "was probably the most successful European ruler of his generation. Stanley G. Payne, History of Spain and Portugal (1973) 2:71 The historian Jonathan Israel, however, argues that King Charles III cared little for the Enlightenment and his ministers paid little attention to the Enlightenment ideas influential elsewhere on the Continent. Israel says, "Only a few ministers and officials were seriously committed to enlightened aims. Most were first and foremost absolutists and their objective was always to reinforce monarchy, empire, aristocracy...and ecclesiastical control and authority over education.

The two were wed on 12 December 1829 at the Church of the Atocha. With her betrothal and then marriage to Ferdinand VII, Maria Christina became embroiled in the conflict between the Spanish Liberals and the Carlists. The former faction, and the Spanish people, greatly revered Maria Christina, and made her their champion; when she first arrived in Madrid in 1829, the blue of the cloak she wore became their official color. The latter were absolutists and highly conservative, and derived their name from the Carlos's, who they favored for the throne.

The peninsular deputies, for the most part, were also not inclined towards ideas of federalism promoted by many of the overseas deputies, which would have granted greater self-rule to the American and Asian territories. Most of the peninsulares, therefore, shared the absolutists' inclination towards centralized government.Chust, 53–68, 127–150. Another aspect of the treatment of the overseas territories in the constitution —one of the many that would prove not to be to the taste of Ferdinand VII— that by converting these territories to provinces, the king was deprived of a great economic resource.

Dom Pedro arrived in Terceira and assumed power that had until then been held by the Regency. He then appointed Mouzinho de Albuquerque to the post of captain- general of Madeira, even though the island was still in the hands of the absolutists. To take charge of his post, Mouzinho left from Terceira on board the frigate D. Maria II, as part of an expedition led by Admiral George Rose Sartorius intended to force the surrender of Funchal. Besides Mouzinho, Januário Vicente Camacho, the deacon of the See of Funchal and other constitutionalists took part.

Throughout many of his works, Toulmin pointed out that absolutism (represented by theoretical or analytic arguments) has limited practical value. Absolutism is derived from Plato's idealized formal logic, which advocates universal truth; accordingly, absolutists believe that moral issues can be resolved by adhering to a standard set of moral principles, regardless of context. By contrast, Toulmin contends that many of these so-called standard principles are irrelevant to real situations encountered by human beings in daily life. To develop his contention, Toulmin introduced the concept of argument fields.

Spain was already divided between the enlightenment and the absolutists, but the French invasion divided the ideas even more. The Enlightenment was based in the ideas of the French revolution, but it was the French themselves who were invading the country. The Spanish afrancesados supported the French invasion as a way to remove the absolutist Spanish monarchy and replace it with a liberal monarchy, even if a foreign one. A higher portion of the enlightened Spanish rejected such a perspective, and opposed both the French invasion and an absolutist restoration.

After the Portuguese civil war between liberals and absolutists had resulted in a liberal victory, Bomtempo became a music teacher to the young Queen Maria II of Portugal and first Director of the National Conservatory, created in 1835 to replace the old Patriarchal Seminary, which had been abolished by the new liberal regime. Bomtempo composed a vast number of concertos (many of them newly published by Soundpost.org), sonatas, variations and fantasies for the piano. His two known symphonies are the first to be produced by a Portuguese composer.

At the dawn of the 19th century, Valongo experiences the hardship of the presence of Napoleon's troops, during the French Invasions. A division settled in Valongo, turning the church into a stable and plundering values from individuals and the church. These lands, therefore, served as a stage for battles and military movements that took place between the two straying brothers: D. Pedro, on the side of the Liberals, D. Miguel, on the part of the Miguelists/Absolutists. During this period two important battles take place: the Battle of Ponte Ferreira and the Battle of the Ant.

During the Portuguese Liberal Revolution of 1820, he supported the constitutionalists, who advocated a national constitution to limit the powers of the Portuguese monarchy, against the absolutists, who preferred an absolute monarchy. It is unknown whether he actively took part in the uprising, however, and if so, to what degree. Honório Hermeto was a member of a secret society called A Gruta (The Den), founded by Brazilian students at Coimbra with the primary goal of changing Brazil from a monarchy into a republic. His republicanism would fade with time and eventually be replaced by staunch support for monarchism.

At the end of the Phillippian dynastic union, Francisco Ornelas da Câmara acclaimed D. John IV of Portugal as King of Portugal on 24 March 1641 in the courtyard of the parochial church. He was supported by the gathered populous, ending a period of Spanish occupation. During the Liberal Wars between Liberals and Absolutists (1828-1834) the citizens of Praia sided with Liberal faction, resulting in a battle on 11 August 1829. An Miguelist armada, that included 21 ships and military troops that landed, confronted the local population, who resisted heroically and defeated the powerful armada.

There were also many foreign volunteers : French, Belgian, Polish, Italian, German, Spanish and a British contingent under the command of Colonels George Lloyd Hodges and Charles Shaw. The Army was later called Os Bravos do Mindelo (The Braves of Mindelo). The Absolutist authorities were caught by surprise and were not able to oppose the landing, nor the occupation of Porto the next day. On 23 July the Liberal Army were able to repulse the Absolutists in the Battle of Ponte Ferreira, but had to fall back on Porto where they were besieged for an entire year.

Unlike most of his contemporaries, he was not interested in opera and, in 1801, instead of going to Italy, he travels to Paris, starting a virtuoso pianist career. He moves to London in 1810 and gets acquainted with the liberal circles. In 1822 he is back to Lisbon, and founds a Philharmonic Society to promote public concerts of the contemporary music. After the civil war between liberals and absolutists, Bomtempo becomes music teacher of Queen D. Maria II (1819–1853) and first Director of the National Conservatory, created in 1835 and which replaced the old Patriarchal Seminary, extinct by the liberal régime.

The settlement was destroyed during the 1614 Caída da Praia earthquake, with many of the residents along the coast lost to the sea. Along the 17th century, even as the community was being re-constructed, there were several seismic aftershocks. During the Liberal Wars, the harbour was the scene of a naval battle (in 1829) between the Liberals and the Absolutists, competing factions in support of King Pedro IV and King Miguel, respectively, during the Liberal Wars. The Battle of Praia ensued when a squadron of Miguelist troops attempted to disembark at Praia (11 August 1829).

Frederick explained: "My principal occupation is to combat ignorance and prejudice ... to enlighten minds, cultivate morality, and to make people as happy as it suits human nature, and as the means at my disposal permit."Giles MacDonogh, Frederick the Great: A Life in Deed and Letters (2001) p. 341 Enlightened absolutists held that royal power emanated not from divine right but from a social contract whereby a despot was entrusted with the power to govern through a social contract in lieu of any other governments. The monarchs of enlightened absolutism strengthened their authority by improving the lives of their subjects. The monarch’s taking responsibility for his subjects precluded their political participation.

Born on 8 September 1819 in Lisbon, António Maria de Fontes Pereira de Melo was the son of João de Fontes Pereira de Melo, a Portuguese Navy officer, later governor of Cape Verde and minister of State, and his wife Jacinta Venância Rosa da Cunha Matos. He was the fourth child of six. Having not yet reached the age of 14, Fontes joined the Portuguese Royal Naval Academy in the midst of the civil war between absolutists and liberals. Two months later, in October 1833, during the siege of Lisbon by absolutist forces, the young cadet took part in the successful defence of the city led by Napier.

From 1828 to 1834, occurred the Liberal Wars, a civil conflict that opposed the Miguelites (Absolutists) led by King Michael I to the Liberals led by his brother Peter (ex-Peter I of Brazil and ex-Peter IV of Portugal, defending the rights of his daughter, the Queen Mary II). The Portuguese Army divided itself by the two sides, although most of its units aligned on the side of Michael. The Miguelite forces were occasionally referred as the "Royalist Army". The Liberals raised the so-called "Liberator Army", made up mainly of newly raised units, but also incorporating some units of the regular Army that passed to their side.

Toulmin argumentation can be diagrammed as a conclusion established, more or less, on the basis of a fact supported by a warrant (with backing), and a possible rebuttal. Arguing that absolutism lacks practical value, Toulmin aimed to develop a different type of argument, called practical arguments (also known as substantial arguments). In contrast to absolutists' theoretical arguments, Toulmin's practical argument is intended to focus on the justificatory function of argumentation, as opposed to the inferential function of theoretical arguments. Whereas theoretical arguments make inferences based on a set of principles to arrive at a claim, practical arguments first find a claim of interest, and then provide justification for it.

Emperor Pedro I of Brazil, established the 1826 Portuguese Constitution, considered by some to be too pragmatic for the time Prince Miguel reclaimed the throne that was rightfully his, as his brother had lost his rights to it, and as such could not legally pass them over to his niece The death of King John VI sparked a constitutional crisis, as his rightful successor, Prince Pedro, was the Emperor of Brazil. To absolutists, the proclamation of Brazilian independence created a foreign nation, thus revoking Pedro's citizenship and his right of succession to the throne.José Hermano Saraiva, (2007), p.286 John had left his daughter Princess Isabel Maria as regent.

The liberals occupied Portugal's major cities, Lisbon and Porto, where they commanded a sizable following among the middle classes. Meanwhile, the absolutists controlled the rural areas, where they were supported by the aristocracy and the peasantry. Operations against the Miguelists recommenced in early 1834, and they were defeated at the Battle of Asseiceira. The Miguelite army, however, was still a force (about 18,000 men) to be reckoned with, but on May 24, 1834, at the Concession of Evoramonte, peace was declared under a convention by which Miguel formally consented to renounce all claims to the throne of Portugal, was guaranteed an annual pension, and was banished from Portugal, never to return.

Even before the Liberal Wars he fought alongside the constitutionalists against the absolutists and he was forced to flee when the constitution was revoked and returned to Brazil in 1829. He soon returned to Europe to the University of Paris to study medicine and received a degree in 1833 with a dissertation titled Essai sur les dangers de l'allaitement par les nourrices. In 1834 he became a member of the Academy of Medicine in Rio de Janeiro and was a full professor in the Colégio Pedro II. He became director of comparative anatomy and zoology at the National Museum in 1842. He also edited the Minerva Brasiliense periodical.

The creation of juntas in Spanish America, such as the Junta Suprema de Caracas on April 19, 1810, set the stage for the fighting that would afflict the region for the next decade and a half. Political fault lines appeared, and were often the causes of military conflict. On the one hand the juntas challenged the authority of all royal officials, whether they recognized the Regency or not. On the other hand, royal officials and Spanish Americans who desired to keep the empire together were split between liberals, who supported the efforts of the Cortes, and conservatives (often called "absolutists" in the historiography), who did not want to see any innovations in government.

The Battle of Praia Bay was fought by the coast of Terceira Island on August 11, 1829, between Portuguese loyalists and a Miguelite fleet as part of the Portuguese civil war. The Miguelites under command of José António Azevedo e Lemos attempted to disembark troops on Terceira island, but were defeated by the loyalist troops under command of the Duke of Terceira who controlled a dozen small forts and artillery batteries along five kilometers of the coast. The defeat of the absolutists in this battle was decisive for the affirmation and posterior victory of the liberal ideas in Portugal. After the war, the municipality of Praia was renamed as Praia da Vitória.

Three years earlier, because of the clashes between absolutists and liberals, the town hall of Tabeirós moved from Cereixo to the site of A Estrada, formed by four houses at a crossroads between the parishes of Figueroa, Ouzande and Guimarei. In the early 20th century, the town was described as follows: > [A Estrada] is the chief town of a densely populated mountainous district; > its industries are agriculture, stockbreeding, and the manufacture of linen > and woollen cloth. Timber from the mountain forests is conveyed from Estrada > to the Ulla River, 4 miles north, and thence floated down to the sea ports > on Arousa Bay. There are mineral springs at A Estrada and at Caldas de Reis, > 11 miles west-southwest.

After the succession of Adolf Frederick of Sweden to the throne in 1751, the royalist absolutists found a new leader in the new queen, Louisa Ulrika of Prussia, who wished to overthrow the Swedish constitution and reinstate absolute monarchy. Previously allied with the Hats (party), she broke her alliance with them in 1751 and formed a new Hovparti among her followers. The party consisted largely of members of the aristocracy and personal friends of the royal couple and did not have a broad support among the public. They had no specific policy other than their opposition to the constitutional monarchy of 1719 and the belief in the absolute monarchy of the 17th-century Swedish Empire.

Its members knew that regent Maria Christina would make liberal reforms, so they looked for another candidate for the throne; and their natural choice, with the background of the Salic Law, was Ferdinand's brother Carlos. The differing views on the influence of the army and the Church in governance, as well as the forthcoming administrative reforms paved the way for the expulsion of the ultra-Conservatives (absolutists advocating for Carlos) from the higher governmental circles, not that it opened the doors to the most progressives. Cea Bermudez's centrist government (October 1832-January 1834) inaugurated a period of opening and return to Spain of many exiles in London and Paris, e.g. Juan Álvarez Mendizabal (born Méndez).

Diégues 2004, pp. 168, 164, 178 The last Portuguese soldiers surrendered on 8 March 1824;Diégues 2004, pp. 179–80 Portugal officially recognized Brazil on 29 August 1825.Lustosa, p. 208 On 7 April 1831, worn down by years of administrative turmoil and political dissent with both liberal and conservative sides of politics, including an attempt of republican secession, and unreconciled to the way that absolutists in Portugal had given in the succession of King John VI, Pedro I went to Portugal to reclaim his daughter's crown, abdicating the Brazilian throne in favor of his five-year-old son and heir (who thus became the Empire's second monarch, with the royal title of Dom Pedro II).

Silveira realized, to the chagrin of other Portuguese politicians, that politics was an instrument dependent on socioeconomic conditions.José Hermano Saraiva, (2007), p.293 Marginalized at first by both absolutists and liberals, his ideas and solutions were later adopted by the new generation of liberal politicians in the post-War era. Among his many proposals, successive governments adopted his policies of disengaging the economy from social conditions, limiting taxes to 5%, ending tithes, abolishing seigniorial fees, reducing export taxes to 1%, terminating the regulation of inter-community commerce and government intervention in municipal affairs, as well as separating the judiciary and administrative offices, liberating general commerce and prohibiting some monopolies (such as the sale of soap and of Porto wines).

Hochschild, pp. 269–272 She maintained that "absolutists" like Stephen should either receive a King's Pardon or be released into civilian life. Margaret produced a pamphlet, I Appeal unto Caesar: the case of the conscientious objectors, with an introduction by the eminent classicist and public figure Gilbert Murray, publicising the plight of the conscientious objectors. The pamphlet sold over 18,000 copies.Hochschild, pp. 270–272 (Recent research by Jo Vellacott has revealed that the appeal's author was actually Bertrand Russell.)Hochschild, p. 329The Bat Segundo Show: Adam Hochschild This active public campaign was aided discreetly by the influential Alfred Milner, who was a family friend.digitalcommons: Russell as ghost- writer, a new discoveryHochschild, p.

In section V, James makes a distinction between a skepticism about truth and its attainment and what he calls "dogmatism": "that truth exists, and that our minds can find it". Concerning dogmatism, James states that it has two forms; that there is an "absolutist way" and an "empiricist way" of believing in truth. James states: "The absolutists in this matter say that we not only can attain to knowing truth, but we can know when we have attained to knowing it, while the empiricists think that although we may attain it, we cannot infallibly know when." James then goes on to state that "the empiricist tendency has largely prevailed in science, while in philosophy the absolutist tendency has had everything its own way".

Allegedly among her plans was to send armies to occupy Buenos Aires and northern Argentina and to style herself as Queen of La Plata. Brigadier García Carrasco was a man of crude and authoritarian manners, who managed in a very short time to alienate the criollo elites under his command. Already in Chile, as in most of Latin America, there had been some independence agitation but very minimal and concentrated in the very ineffectual Conspiracy of the Tres Antonios back in 1781. The majority of the people were fervent royalists but were divided into two groups: those who favored the status quo and the divine right of Ferdinand VII (known as absolutists) and those who wanted to proclaim Charlotte Joaquina as Queen (known as carlotistas).

In order to exclude absolute monarchists from government, power had alternated between two liberal parties: the centre-left Progressive Party, and the centre-right Moderate Party. But a decade of rule by the centre-right Moderates had recently produced a constitutional reform (1845), prompting fears that the Moderates sought to reach out to Absolutists and permanently exclude the Progressives. The left- wing of the Progressive Party, which had historical links to Jacobinism and Radicalism, began to push for root-and-branch reforms to the constitutional monarchy, notably universal male suffrage and parliamentary sovereignty. The European Revolutions of 1848 and particularly the French Second Republic prompted the Spanish radical movement to adopt positions incompatible with the existing constitutional regime, notably republicanism.

" In the basic situation, those surveyed were presented with "a two-state solution in which the Israelis would withdraw from 99 percent of the West Bank and Gaza but would not have to absorb Palestinian refugees"; the proposal "did not go over well." For the second group, the hypothetical deal "was sweetened with cash compensation from the United States and the European Union, such as a billion dollars a year for a hundred years, or a guarantee that the people would live in peace and prosperity. With these sweeteners on the table, the nonabsolutists, as expected, softened their opposition a bit. But the absolutists, forced to contemplate a taboo tradeoff, were even more disgusted, angry, and prepared to resort to violence.

The D. Maria II National Theatre Following the end of the wars and conflicts between absolutist conservatives and liberals, Lisbon was in a declining economic situation, having lost the gold and commodities monopoly of Brazil, the source of most of its wealth since the end of the 16th century. The northern European nations had prospered through industrialisation, and become rich through trade in the Americas (Great Britain would dominate the Brazilian market) and Asia. Portugal's downturn seemed irreversible. Unable to decisively defeat the Liberals, and frightened by the economic downturn that conservative policies had led Portugal into since the 16th century, in contrast to the success of liberal England, France and the Netherlands, the absolutists who dominated the country and the capital partially relented.

Allegedly among her plan was to send armies to occupy Buenos Aires and northern Argentina and to style herself as Queen of La Plata. Brigadier García Carrasco was a man of crude and authoritarian manners, who managed in a very short time to alienate the criollo elites under his command. Already in Chile, as in most of Latin America, there had been some independence agitation but minimal and concentrated in the very ineffectual Conspiracy of the Tres Antonios back in 1781. The majority of the people were fervent royalists but were divided into two groups: those who favored the status quo and the divine right of Ferdinand VII (known as absolutists) and those who wanted to proclaim Charlotte Joaquina as Queen (known as carlotists).

After the death of king Ferdinand VII of Spain, the nation was divided into two factions: the anti-liberal reactionaries who supported the legitimist aspirations of Don Carlos and the constitutionalists who defended Maria Christina's regency on behalf of Isabella II. The Holy Alliance of Russia, Austria, and Prussia supported Don Carlos; Great Britain, France and Portugal supported the constitutionalists. Charles Albert sides with the former group, but in the Carlist War of 1833–1840, the constitutionalists prevailed. Similarly, in the Portuguese Liberal Wars (1828–1834), which followed the death of John VI, Charles Albert sided with the absolutists under Dom Miguel, who spent time in Piedmont. In this case, too, the liberals, led by Dom Miguel's brother Dom Pedro, enjoyed the support of Great Britain and Louis-Philippe's France and were ultimately successful.

The 19th century was a turbulent time of political, economic and social crisis in Málaga. The War of the Third Coalition (1803–1806) fought against Great Britain decimated Spain's maritime commerce while the deadly 1803–1804 epidemic of Yellow Fever killed more than 26,000 people in Málaga alone. The city suffered the further ravages of the Peninsular War, conflicts between royal absolutists and liberals, the end of the transatlantic trade with the Americas, the collapse of its industry, and finally the phylloxera epidemic that destroyed the vineyards of the region. On 2 May 1808 the people of Madrid rebelled against the French occupation of their city; this event was followed by the abdication of the royal family in Bayonne and the proclamation of Napoleon's brother Joseph as king of Spain.

Trágala (Spanish: "swallow it") is a song the Spanish liberals used to humiliate the absolutists after the military pronunciamiento of Rafael del Riego in Cabezas de San Juan, at the beginning of the period known as Trienio Liberal (1820-1823). Particularly the satire is directed against Ferdinand VII, who in 1820 was forced to swear the Constitution of Cadiz when he pronounced his famous phrase "Let us march frankly, and I the first, by the constitutional path". It is said that Rafael de Riego himself ordered, upon entering Madrid, for this composition to be spread. After the intervention of the powers of the Holy Alliance (French expedition of the Hundred Thousand Sons of Saint Louis commanded by the Duke of Angoulême), it became a symbol of resistance against the political repression of the Ominous Decade.

After the full-scale introduction of Neo-Confucianism as a state philosophy by the Tokugawa shogunate, Kusunoki Masashige, once-called a traitor by the Northern Court, was resurrected with Emperor Go-Daigo as a precursor of Sinocentric absolutists, based upon the Neo-Confucian theories. During the Edo period, scholars and samurai who were influenced by the Neo-Confucian theories created the legend of Kusunoki and enshrined him as a patriotic hero, called Nankō (楠公) or Dai-Nankō (大楠公), who epitomized loyalty, courage, and devotion to the Emperor. In 1871 Minatogawa Shrine is established in order to enshrine the kami spirit of Kusunoki Masashige. Kusunoki later became a patron saint of sorts to World War II kamikaze, who saw themselves as his spiritual heirs in sacrificing their lives for the Emperor.

Rita de Morais Sarmento was born in the city of Porto in 1872, to an Aveiro family with liberal constitutionalist views who had suffered as a result of the Portuguese Liberal Wars (1828 to 1834), fought between constitutionalists and absolutists over the succession to the Portuguese throne. Rita was the youngest of five children of Anselmo Evaristo de Morais Sarmento, a journalist and graphic artist, and Rita de Cássia de Oliveira. Her father editied the liberal left wing periodicals "Gazeta Literária do Porto" and "A Actualidade" and later the "A Ideia Nova – diário democrático". The household was a gathering place for his friends and colleagues, who were part of the liberal cultural and political scene, including Oliveira Martins, Ramalho Ortigão, Camilo Castelo Branco, Antero de Quental and Teófilo Braga.

Bemposta Palace (residence of King John VI): where the monarch was held incommunicado during the Abrilada In Portugal, as in Spain, the adversaries of constitutionalism were divided into two factions: a radical and a more moderate group.José Hermano Saraiva, (2007), p.284 King John depended on the moderate faction; the ministers he selected after the Vilafrancada oscillated between conciliatory paternal absolutism and a timidly moderate liberalism. Queen Carlota was the principal supporter of the radical absolutists, who favored absolutism without concessions and the repression of new ideas filtering in from Europe. She gave no quarter, and in 1823, the police revealed a conspiracy led by her and Prince Miguel (who had been promoted to the post of commander-in-chief of the Army following the events of the Vilafrancada) to force the King to abdicate.

During the first half of the nineteenth century Íllora will live a stage of stability that will be interrupted by the Napoleonic invasion and the subsequent War of Independence. The French provoked the rejection of the people, who supported the Grenadian uprising against Godoy in April, and even enlisted many people as soldiers against the French takeover of Granada. The region was in a situation of decadence due to the looting that the Napoleonic troops carried out. With the return of King Fernando VII Íllora regained its economic and social impulse to be again altered negatively with the clashes between absolutists and realists, who will have in the passage of the General called Rafael Riego Montefrío and its support for certain sectors of the population of Íllora its contact element to subsequently suffer repression in the area.

Among many articles on revolution and current political events both in France and the USA, Déjacque attacked the hanging of John Brown after the raid on Harpers Ferry and propagandised for the abolitionist cause. As the American Civil War began, Déjacque published a last issue of "Libertaire" in with an urgent appeal: "The American Question: the irrepressible conflict" in which he exhorts the American people, whom he would like to be "less religious and more socialist", to defend freedom and the Republic against the "Jesuits, slavers, absolutists and authoritarians" who were at their door. His stay in New York ended when his work prospects ran out due to the economic slump caused by the civil war. Joseph Déjacque returned to London and then to Paris following the amnesty, where he died a few years later in extreme poverty.

Ahmet Tevfik Pasha's first period of office as grand vizier was one of the direct outcomes of the failed counterrevolutionary 31 March Incident (which actually occurred on 13 April) in 1909. When the absolutists declared the countercoup, they demanded and received the resignation of the previous grand vizier Hüseyin Hilmi Pasha. Although their preferred replacement was not Ahmet Tevfik Pasha, his appointment at least fulfilled their demands for the removal of Hüseyin Hilmi Pasha.Necati Çavdar, Siyasi Denge Unsuru Olarak 31 Mart Vakasında Ahmet Tevfik Paşa Hükümeti, History Studies, Samsun, Mart 2011 Ahmet Tevfik Pasha, who had only reluctantly taken up the post at the urging of the pro-absolutist sultan Abdul Hamid II, formed a government made up of mostly non-partisan and neutral members and took precautions to limit the growth of violence that had begun in Istanbul and Adana.

After the restoration of the Ottoman constitution in 1908, he was appointed as Minister of the Interior and then served as Grand Vizier, at first between February 14, 1909 and April 13, 1909 under Abdul Hamid II and then, reassuming the post from Ahmet Tevfik Pasha a month later, between May 5, 1909 and December 28, 1909. As such, in his first vizierate, he was the last grand vizier of Abdul Hamid II. His first term was suddenly interrupted because of the 31 March Incident (which actually occurred on April 13), when for a few days, reactionary absolutists and Islamic fundamentalists took back control of the Ottoman government in Constantinople until the arrival of an army from Salonica that suppressed the attempted countercoup. After his second term as grand vizier under Mehmed V, Hüseyin Hilmi Pasha served as the Minister of Justice in the succeeding Ahmed Muhtar Pasha cabinet.

Because Prince Pedro, who was heir to the throne, had just proclaimed the independence of Brazil, Prince Miguel was in Vienna, Queen Carlota Joaquina was exiled in Queluz and Isabel's older sisters (Maria Teresa and Maria Francisca of Assisi) had married to Spanish infantes (princes), Isabel Maria was chosen to be Regent of the Kingdom until the recently crowned Emperor of Brazil (Pedro I of Brazil and future Pedro IV of Portugal) returned. Pedro IV, however, immediately abdicated in favour of his daughter Maria da Glória (who became Maria II of Portugal), who was in London, with the condition that she should marry her uncle Miguel. Isabella Maria continued as regent until 1828, when a civil war started between absolutists, supporting Miguel, and liberals, supporting Maria II (called the Liberal War) that would end with a liberal victory and defeat and consequent exile of Miguel.

"Rexurdimento" (Resurgence) is the name by which the nineteenth century is known in the history of Galician language and expresses a clear path of recovery, not only literary, but also cultural, political and historical. Since the French invasion and the War of Independence in 1809, and later among the clashes between absolutists and liberals in the whole of Spain, texts written in Galician arose, in loose sheets or journals used for propaganda. Some called the peasants to defend the country, others defended liberal ideas. Throughout the century, after the end of absolutism and the start of a constitutional monarchy, various Galician movements were born, based in the defense of the uniqueness of the different personalities of Galicia. The first of them, emerged around the decade of the 1840s is called "Provincialism", which denounced the social marginalization of Galicia and looked for a social revaluation of its art, customs and history.

Brigadier García Carrasco turned out to be a man of crude and authoritarian manners, who managed in a very short time to alienate the criollo elites under his command. Already in Chile, as in most of Latin America, there had been some independence agitation but very minimal and concentrated in the very ineffectual Conspiracy of the Tres Antonios back in 1781. The majority of the people were fervent royalists but were divided into two groups: those who favored the status quo and the divine right of Ferdinand VII (known as absolutists) and those who wanted to proclaim Charlotte Joaquina as Queen (known as carlotists). A third group was composed of those who proposed the replacement of the Spanish authorities with a local junta of notable citizens, which would conform a provisional government to rule in the absence of the king and an independent Spain (known as juntistas).

Tirrell has written a large number of peer-reviewed papers, contributed to a number of anthologies, and written several encyclopedia articles. Much of the body of Tirrell's work focuses on hate speech, especially the practical effects of linguistic practices in shaping the social conditions that make genocide and other significant acts of oppression possible. Tirrell's hate speech research is distinctive in its emphasis on the inferential power of the racial epithet, holding that its power to license socially damaging inferences is more significant and more insidious) than the performative action of hurling it. Tirrell uses the tools of inferential role semantics to explain what is at issue between those who think certain deeply derogatory terms (especially racist derogations that enact oppression) should be banned (she calls them ‘Absolutists’), and those who think the terms can safely be used by members of the groups who are targeted by such words (she calls these ‘Reclaimers’).

In the midst of the blossoming of Liberalism, someone who was very convinced of the values of the revolution had the words "Et Pluribus Unum" - 1820 (one by one and all by one) engraved over the door of his house, a phrase that fits well with the motto Of the revolutions of the time, coined with the liberation trilogy based on Liberty - Equality - Fraternity. The Moors suffered at the beginning of the nineteenth century the entry of the Napoleonic troops, after they had occupied Freixo de Numão on January 26, 1811. The population unable to resist left the village sheltering in the hills near the Janvâo, with the exception of the parish priest P António de Almeida. The fratricidal struggles between liberals and absolutists also did not spare the Mós, who saw the death of the soldier Bernardo António Rolo in the siege of Oporto and later José Polido, assassinated by the partisans of the Marçais.

Jaime E. Rodríguez O. The Independence of Spanish America (1998), 231. The Viceroy de La Serna was forced to change his plans of going down to the coast to fight Bolívar and sent Jerónimo Valdés with a force of 5,000 veterans to cross the Desaguadero River, which took place on January 22, 1824, in order to drive them to Potosí against his former subordinate "because there are indications of a meditated treason, joining the dissidents of Buenos Aires". Memorias para la historia de las armas españolas en el Perú ("Memories for the history of the Spanish armies in Peru") by peninsular official Andrés García Camba (1846) detailed the radical change that the events in Upper Peru produced in the viceroy's defensive plans. After a long campaign in the battles of Tarabuquillo, Sala, Cotagaita, and finally La Lava on August 17, 1824, both royalists forces of Viceroyalty Peru (liberals) and of the provinces of Upper Peru (absolutists) were decimated.

The reign of Ferdinand VII (reigned 1808–33) saw several Catalan uprisings and after his death, the conflict over the succession between the absolutist "Carlist" partisans of Infante Carlos and the liberal partisans of Isabella II led to the First Carlist War, which lasted until 1840 and was especially virulent in the Catalan territory. Catalonia was divided. The most industrialized areas support liberalism and the Catalan bourgeoisie tries to contribute to the construction of the new liberal state. As with the Basques, many Catalans fought on the Carlist side, not necessarily because they supported absolute monarchy, but because some of them hoped that restoration of the Old Regime would mean restoration of their fueros and recovery of regional autonomy. Catalan uprising of 1842 Proclamation of the First Spanish Republic in Barcelona, 1873 The victory of the liberals over the absolutists led to a "bourgeois revolution" during the reign of Isabella II. In 1834, by decree of minister Javier de Burgos, Spain was organized into provinces, included Catalonia, which was divided in four provinces (Barcelona, Girona, Lleida and Tarragona) without a common administration.

After the revolution of 1820, in the civil war between Constitutionalists Liberals (the new parliamentary constitution was supported by King João VI) and Absolutists (supporting his younger son, the Infante – that is, royal prince – Miguel of Portugal, a sworn enemy of any form of democracy), Travassos Valdez was strongly on the Constitutionalist side and was engaged in suppressing Absolutist revolts. When Miguel became titular commander-in-chief of the army, he had Travassos Valdez removed from his post and sent into exile in Setúbal, where the 'Parc Bonfim' now commemorates his time there; but after the prince overreached himself in April 1825, with an attempted coup (known as the Abrilada) and was sent into exile, Travassos Valdez was reinstated. After the death of King João VI, a Spanish army invaded Portugal to restore Absolutist rule; Travassos Valdez, with just 900 men, opposed 6,000 Spaniards at Bragança, delaying their advance until the government was able to raise sufficient forces to oppose them. However, the Spaniards captured Travassos Valdez and sent him to Spain; but he escaped and returned to Portugal.

However, he claimed the Portuguese throne in his own right on the grounds that the "Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom" deprived his elder brother Pedro IV of his right to reign (and of any right of Pedro's daughter to inherit the kingdom from her father) when Pedro became sovereign of the former Portuguese colony of Brazil and launched war on Portugal to oust Miguel as a usurper. This overall led to a political crisis, during which many people were killed, imprisoned, persecuted or sent into exile, culminating in the Portuguese Liberal Wars between authoritarian Absolutists (led by Miguel) and progressive Constitutionalists (led by Pedro). In the end, Miguel was forced from the throne and lived the last 32 years of his life in exile. Miguelism is based not only on the premise that Miguel and his line have legitimate right to the Portuguese throne, but also on defense of the traditional principles of a conservative monarchy based in Roman Catholic values and in the absolute power of the king, in contrast to the Enlightenment values.

Dom Miguel I (; English: Michael I; 26 October 1802 – 14 November 1866), nicknamed The Absolutist (), The Traditionalist () and The Usurper (), was the King of Portugal between 1828 and 1834, the seventh child and third son of King João VI (John VI) and his queen, Carlota Joaquina of Spain. Following his exile as a result of his actions in support of absolutism in the April Revolt (Abrilada), Miguel returned to Portugal as regent and fiancé of his niece Queen Maria II. As regent, he claimed the Portuguese throne in his own right, since according to the so-called Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom his older brother Pedro IV and therefore the latter's daughter had lost their rights from the moment that Pedro had made war on Portugal and become the sovereign of a foreign state (Brazilian Empire). This led to a difficult political situation, during which many people were killed, imprisoned, persecuted or sent into exile, and which culminated in the Portuguese Liberal Wars between authoritarian absolutists and progressive constitutionalists. In the end Miguel was forced from the throne and lived the last 32 years of his life in exile.