Sentences Generator
And
Your saved sentences

No sentences have been saved yet

128 Sentences With "untag"

How to use untag in a sentence? Find typical usage patterns (collocations)/phrases/context for "untag" and check conjugation/comparative form for "untag". Mastering all the usages of "untag" from sentence examples published by news publications.

" - Brad, 29 "Forgot to untag himself (Facebook photo).
Worse, it makes it very, very difficult to untag people.
You cannot untag someone from a Facebook photo directly from your timeline.
From there, you can untag people by hitting the "x" next to their name.
To untag someone from a post, select the "More" button and then select "Edit Post."
You can untag someone on Facebook from a photo or post in just a few steps.
So I decided this year to delete and untag myself in any Instagram or Facebook photos before bangs.
This allows you to add additional tags, or you can deselect the person that you would like to untag.5.
Still, next time maybe don't give your paranoid friends and family a hard time when they untag themselves from your photos.
If your immediate reaction is to untag yourself so no one will see you looking so god-awful, you're not alone.
I'd hide from the camera at all costs, spend countless hours attempting to photoshop pictures of myself, and constantly untag Facebook photos.
For instance, they'll reportedly be able to untag you from unflattering posts (because there's always that one binch in your friend group).
Go through and untag yourself from some photos, and delete a couple of shameful old comments and posts while you're at it.
There is also an option to go into settings and UNTAG the photo, so it no longer appears on your own page.
After all, dancing, drinking, and celebrating needs a style that is durable, cute, and won't make you want to untag yourself in Instagram photos.
And when she sees a not-so-great picture of herself online, she still has that human instinct to reach for the "untag" button.
"This is very sweet, but I won't be offended if you untag me when making plans for my death," Rowling alerted fans in a tweet.
I liked BIPODS, PIBB, KORN, UNTAG, RUM RAISIN, SPARE TIRE (perhaps from all the rum raisin), ABFAB, BEEF PATTY, ADOPT-A-PET, POLE DANCE (Yes, I did like that one.
Undoing the vacuum tool (to use Ms. Sokoloff's words for the engineering feat that harnesses what is known as distributed computing to untag hundreds or even thousands of images that no longer spark joy) is more laborious.
Clearly, we're all living in a brave new world when it comes to ending your relationship publicly on the internet — and the dynamic plays out on a grand scale when famous people unfollow one another, delete photos, or untag each other in old posts.
Still, I couldn't ignore the gnawing sense that something was wrong, and my gut feeling was confirmed when weeks went by and she seemed to still be in touch with other friends, and then weeks later, when she unfollowed me on Instagram, and proceeded to delete all the photos she had ever posted of me and untag herself from any photos I'd ever posted of her.
UNTAG was also charged with monitoring the SWAPO forces based in southern Angola and, despite numerous charges, mostly from the South Africans, that they were massing at the border or violating the border agreements, these allegations were denied by UNTAG. After the restriction of the SADF to base, the South West African Police (SWAPOL) were the only South African controlled force in Namibia and also the main forces maintaining law and order in the province. The UNTAG police forces were hard pressed to monitor all of the police forces, which were not always perfectly cooperative. There were numerous reports of police misbehavior, though they decreased over the course of the UNTAG deployment.
The force achieved its mission without sustaining any fatalities, making it one of the few military units in UNTAG to do so. Australia's contribution to UNTAG was a success and, as the first deployment of troops to a war zone since the Vietnam War, paved the way for future deployments.
UNTAG continued receiving complaints of violence and political intimidation being committed by ex-Koevoet elements in the civil police. UNTAG had initially included a small civil police contingent of 500, but this was increased to 1,000 in May 1989 and subsequently to 1,500 by September. The UNTAG police contingent, known as CIVPOL, was tasked with monitoring SWAPOL's activities and discouraging the further integration of Koevoet operators with the civil police. As part of its mandate, CIVPOL performed joint patrols with Koevoet and other SWAPOL units.
In February 1989 the United Nations Transition Assistance Group (UNTAG) was formed to monitor the South West African peace process.
UNTAG was considered very successful by the UN and its member states. Namibia became a democracy, without the racial segregation seen under the apartheid system. The security problems had decreased during the UNTAG deployment and the elections had gone off better than expected. Despite tensions, after the elections, the Namibian and South African governments had established formal diplomatic relations.
All Namibians over 18 were eligible to vote and registration exceeded expectations, illustrating enthusiasm across the country for the elections. UNTAG also registered ten political parties for the election. Over 350 polling stations were set up across the country and personnel from the police, military, civilian elements of UNTAG were set on election monitoring duty, along with hundreds of extra election specialists contributed from more than 25 member states. In the months leading up to the elections, complaints came from several quarters, including SWAPO, the US, NGOs, and UNTAG itself, of police intimidation practices and even preparation for vote rigging.
The UNTAG mandate under Resolution 435 was primarily to create an environment suitable for free and fair elections for a constituent assembly to draft a constitution for the nation. The entire mission was under the control of the Special Representative, Martti Ahtisaari. The military component was commanded by Lieutenant-General Dewan Prem Chand of India. UNTAG was based in Windhoek, Namibia's capital and largest city.
A number of uncertainties were resolved in the UNS-G's report (S/12827) including uniting the civilian and military components of UNTAG under one Special Representative. But many issues were unresolved.
Following a review in 2001, the ASM was upgraded to the Australian Active Service Medal (AASM) for recognition of service in a warlike operation. Personnel also received the United Nations UNTAG medal.
Australian engineers of the advance party board the United States C-5 Galaxy aircraft which will transport them to Namibia in March 1989. Farewell parade for the main body of the Australian contingent, UNTAG at Holsworthy Barracks on 5 April 1989. The parade was reviewed by Prime Minister Bob Hawke. Australian Army involvement in UNTAG was formalised in February 1979 by Cabinet, which approved the plan to commit the 17th Construction Squadron, Royal Australian Engineers and Workshop as the main force for deployment.
A number of governments linked the award of the Nobel Peace Prize to UN Peacekeepers in 1988 to the UNTAG operation, but the award was shared by peacekeepers and peacekeeping operations worldwide. Secretary-General Javier Pérez de Cuéllar mentioned a number of UN peacekeeping operations (including Namibia) in his Nobel lecture in Oslo on 9 January 1989. Senator Graham Richardson also made similar comments in the Australian Senate. The Australian UNTAG contingents were awarded a Chief of the General Staff Commendation.
He was appointed as a member of the People's Consultative Assembly and the People's Representative Council after his appointment as minister was not renewed for the next term. After his resignation from the former position, he became the rector of the Untag (17 August University), a private university in Indonesia. In 1989, seven years prior to his death, he was accused of being a communist by Soegiarso Soerojo, a book author, and Ruben Nalenan, a lecturer from Untag. He managed to prove his innocence of these accusations.
They were peaceful and declared free and fair; SWAPO won a majority of the seats. The new constitution was adopted four months later and it was followed by Namibia's official independence and the successful conclusion of UNTAG.
Cedric Thornberry joined the United Nations in 1978 and became involved in the internationally supervised settlement of the Namibia question. He became Chief of staff of the United Nations Transition Assistance Group (UNTAG). During UNTAG, he was the Director of the Office of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General in Namibia, Martti Ahtisaari, and responsible for co-ordination of the Mission’s day-to-day political operation. Thornberry also served as the Senior Political and Legal Adviser to UNFICYP and to UNTSO, and was Director of Administration and Management at UN headquarters for four years.
De Cuéllar agreed to work with the Angolan government and SWAPO president Sam Nujoma to ensure PLAN was properly demobilised. In late April, UNTAG again lifted all restrictions confining the SADF to its bases, allowing the security forces to remove arms caches from Ovamboland and verify the absence of any remaining insurgents. By the end of May, nearly all the PLAN insurgents were accounted for, and were confined to their bases in Angola above the 16th parallel south under close UNTAG and UNHCR supervision. Likewise, the SADF returned to its bases.
Rui, J. and M. A. Stefanone (2013). Strategic Management of Other-Provided Information Online: Personality and Network Variables. System Sciences (HICSS), 2013 46th Hawaii International Conference on. Subtractive strategy is used to untag an undesirable photo on Social Networking Sites.
The UN considered emergency airlifts to bring more peacekeepers into the territory, and the United States offered aid. On 9 April 1989 an agreement was reached at Mount Etjo (the Mount Etjo Declaration), calling for the rapid deployment of UNTAG forces and outlining a withdrawal procedure for PLAN soldiers (Operation Safe Passage) under which they would leave the country. Operation Piddock was the name for the Australian part of the operation. Horner wrote that if UNTAG were to play any role in ending the fighting, it was obvious that the Australians would be the key component.
From the 1990s the Kenya Army became involved in United Nations peacekeeping operations, which, Hornsby says, 'offered both experience and a source of income for the army and its soldiers.'Hornsby, 554. (The United Nations reimburses troop contributing countries for each soldier contributed.) Kenya's first peacekeeping deployment was to UNTAG in Namibia; from 1989 to 2001, Kenyan troops took part in UNTAG, UNOSOM, UNPROFOR, UNCRO (Croatia), UNTAES, UNOMIL, UNPREDEP in Macedonia (1996–1999), MONUA in Angola (1997–1999), and UNTAET in East Timor (1999–2001). In 2000, women were integrated into the regular units of the military, and the Women's Service Corps disbanded.
Many were airlifted into the country, registered, and given aid. The repatriation and resettlement of refugees was one of the most widely celebrated and successful functions of UNTAG, while the conflict over the release of prisoners was one of the most difficult. After rejecting the election law proposed by AG Pienaar as seriously flawed, UNTAG officials with the input of the leaders of the political parties drew up rules for political parties defining their role in the new democracy in Namibia. The UN Secretary- General also made a trip to Namibia, meeting with the political leaders encouraging national unity.
One of Pienaar's final acts was to amend the amnesty against future prosecution granted to Namibian exiles in June 1989 to cover anyone, including South African officials, militia, and the SADF for crimes committed in during the war. In the months after the election, UNTAG forces were slowly drawn down and the final SADF forces were withdrawn. By the independence day, all UNTAG forces had been left with the exception of some Kenyan troops who remained to train the new Namibian Army under an independent agreement. Several UN diplomatic personnel also stayed to assist the newly independent state.
Koevoet's continued presence in Ovamboland became a matter of serious contention as UNTAG began supervising the return of Namibian refugees to participate in the territory's upcoming elections, many of whom were SWAPO supporters. Koevoet operators, who continued to perceive SWAPO as their enemy, responded by breaking up political rallies held by the returnees. Within a few weeks of its deployment, UNTAG had received over fifty formal complaints from Ovamboland residents, alleging misconduct on the part of the security forces and Koevoet in particular. Koevoet was accused of assaulting SWAPO supporters and firing into crowds at rallies with live ammunition.
Military Balance 2013, p.406 Previous United Nations peacekeeping deployments for the Tunisian armed forces have included Cambodia (UNTAC), Namibia (UNTAG), Somalia, Rwanda, Burundi, Ethiopia/Eritrea (UNMEE), and the 1960s mission in the Congo, ONUC. The former minister of defence was Rachid Sabbagh.
In response, the UN increased the number of police and appointed Joseph Legwaila of Botswana to be Mr. Ahtisaari's Deputy. After the Etjo agreement, the withdrawal and verification passed without incident and by the end UNTAG was almost fully deployed, albeit a month behind schedule.
In 1978, the United Nations Security Council agreed to the basic principle of a UN-assisted Namibian independence process. But disputes remained over which group would determine Namibia's independence. Internationally, the division over Namibia was between, on the one hand, South Africa, Namibia's 'internal parties', the Western Contact Group (WCG), and on the other, SWAPO, the United Nations General Assembly, the Non-Aligned States in the Security Council, and the Frontline States (Tanzania, Zambia, Angola, Mozambique, Botswana, Zimbabwe - since its independence in 1980 - and Nigeria). The UN Secretariat's UNTAG mission was supposed to be impartial even though both South Africa and SWAPO accused UNTAG of favouring the other side.
UNTAG was a large operation, with nearly 8,000 men and women deployed to Namibia from more than 120 countries to assist the process. The military force numbered approximately 4,500, and was commanded by Lieutenant General Dewan Prem Chand of India; the main military UNTAG Headquarters was in Windhoek, Namibia's capital and largest city. The commanders of the Australian contingents were Colonels Richard D. Warren (1ASC) and John A. Crocker (2ASC). Other senior appointments included the contingent seconds-in-command, Lieutenant Colonels Kevin Pippard (1ASC) and Ken Gillespie (2ASC), and the officers commanding the 17th Construction Squadron, Majors David Crago (1ASC) and Brendan Sowry (2ASC).
UNTAG was tasked with assisting the SRSG in ensuring that all hostile acts ceased; South African troops were confined to base, and ultimately withdrawn; discriminatory laws were repealed, and political prisoners released; Namibian refugees were permitted to return (when they were known as returnees); intimidation was prevented, and law and order maintained. UNTAG was the first instance of a large-scale, multidimensional operation where the military element supported the work of other components concerned with border surveillance: monitoring the reduction and removal of the South African military presence; organising the return of Namibian exiles; supervising voter registration and preparing, observing, and certifying the results of national elections.
UNTAG members and the political parties met with political leaders at all levels, to ensure that intimidation, vote buying, and other irregularities were not encouraged and to communicate that they would not be tolerated by the election observers or the party leaders. The Group also sponsored television, radio, and print media in a number of local languages aimed at educating the people about their rights and responsibilities in the upcoming election and in democracy. UNTAG was also responsible for registering voters all over the vast and sparsely populated country. 70 registration centers were set up along with 110 mobile registration teams for the more remote areas.
During his time as the rector of the Untag, Sadjarwo was accused of being a communist by Soegiarso Soerojo, the author of the book Siapa Menabur Angin Akan Menuai Badai ("Those Who Sow the Wind Will Reap the Storm"). He was identified as the former leader of the Peasants Front of Indonesia. Ruben Nalenan, a lecturer from Untag, also pointed out several books that alleged Sadjarwo was formerly endorsed by the Communist Party of Indonesia as a minister during the first Ali Sastroamidjojo Cabinet. Nalenan reported this case to the Kopertis (coordinating institution for private universities), the Minister of Education and Culture, and also the Director General of Higher Education.
1 FD Hosp health service personnel were deployed to the then South West Africa in April 1989 until March 1990 as part of the Australian contingent of the United Nations Transition Assistance Group (UNTAG). UNTAG was deployed as a United Nations peacekeeping force to monitor the peace process, and ensure free and fair elections leading to Namibia's independence, and the ending of South Africa's occupation. The Australian contingent was largely made up of engineers from the 17th Construction Squadron. Australian military personnel deployed to Namibia were awarded the Australian Service Medal (ASM) with the Namibia clasp for recognition of service in peacekeeping and non-warlike operations.
15 Battalion Kenya Rifles (15 KR) is an infantry battalion of the Kenya Army. It was formed on 13 March 1989 as a infantry unit based in the outskirts of coastal Mombasa. The unit took part in the UNTAG peacekeeping mission in Namibia in 1990.; Kenya Yearbook 2010.
Indeed, PLAN did not possess many regular standing units and by the late 1980s many of its personnel followed cyclical patterns of fighting as insurgents before returning to refugee camps as civilians. On 31 March, Pik Botha complained to the JMMC that PLAN troops had advanced south of the 16th parallel and were massing less than eight kilometres from the border. He promptly intercepted UN Special Representative Martti Ahtisaari and UNTAG commander Dewan Prem Chand that evening and gave them the same information. On the morning of 1 April, the first PLAN cadres crossed into Ovamboland, unhindered by UNTAG, which had failed to monitor their activity in Angola due to the delays in its deployment.
South Africa accepted Namibian independence in exchange for Cuban military withdrawal from the region and an Angolan commitment to cease all aid to PLAN. PLAN and South Africa adopted an informal ceasefire in August 1988, and a United Nations Transition Assistance Group (UNTAG) was formed to monitor the Namibian peace process and supervise the return of refugees. The ceasefire was broken after PLAN made a final incursion into the territory, possibly as a result of misunderstanding UNTAG's directives, in March 1989. A new ceasefire was later imposed with the condition that the insurgents were to be confined to their external bases in Angola until they could be disarmed and demobilised by UNTAG.
Three days later, the Staff Intelligence Officer of the district commando, Captain Basiroen S., went to Sadjarwo's university, the Untag. Basiroen stated that "There was no unrest in the university and the lectures went as usual. The problem is solved, Sadjarwo has clarified in the newspaper and everything is clear".
Furthermore, worries about costs were proven unfounded as UNTAG was well under the original budget of US$700 million, and even well under the reduced budget passed by the Security Council of US$416 million, costing less than US$368.6 million. There were 19 fatalities to UN personnel in just over a year.
In his letter, Catchlove compared the UNTAG operation to two subsequent operations: the 1st Battalion, Royal Australian Regiment deployment to Somalia during Operation Solace and the deployment of service personnel as part of the International Force for East Timor: "both of those operations involved robust rules of engagement appropriate to the intervention of forces in UN-sanctioned, US or Australian-led multi-national coalitions. UNTAG by way of contrast was a classic peacekeeping operation led by the UN in a relatively benign environment where rules of engagement were focused only on force protection". Catchlove questioned the "half-hearted approach to implementing this appalling decision" in which eligible people must apply for the upgrade, saying this "failed the test of commonsense".
Martti Ahtisaari in 2007 On 1 April 1989—"D-Day" for the peace plan—UNTAG was still not fully deployed and the units that were deployed, mostly civilians and monitors, lacked equipment for both transportation and communication. Despite this, hopes were high, as the informal ceasefire had held for nearly seven months. However, in the early morning, SADF reported that heavily armed groups of PLAN fighters had begun crossing the border and establishing positions in northern Namibia in violations of the agreement that they should be confined to their Angolan bases. SWAPO initially denied that it had violated the terms of the agreement, and claimed that its fighters had been going to turn in weapons to UNTAG and had been attacked by the SADF.
The Australian Services Contingent was the Australian Army contribution to the United Nations Transition Assistance Group (UNTAG) peacekeeping mission to Namibia in 1989 and 1990. Australia sent two contingents of over 300 engineers each to assist the Special Representative of the Secretary General, Martti Ahtisaari, in overseeing free and fair elections in Namibia for a Constituent Assembly in what was the largest deployment of Australian troops since the Vietnam War. The Australian mission was widely reported as successful. Colonel John Crocker, commander of the second Australian contingent (2ASC), wrote that the November 1989 election was UNTAG's raison d'être and observed that "the Australian contingent's complete and wide-ranging support was critical to the success of that election and hence the mission – a fact that has been acknowledged at the highest level in UNTAG".
Javier Pérez de Cuéllar, Secretary-General of the United Nations, wrote to Gareth Evans (Australia's Foreign Minister) about the "remarkable contribution made by the Australian military and electoral personnel", saying that their "dedication and professionalism had been widely and deservedly praised". Although a total of 19 UN personnel lost their lives in Namibia, the two Australian contingents achieved their mission without sustaining any fatalities – one of the few military units in UNTAG to do so. Overall, the UNTAG mission assisted Namibia in transitioning to a democratic government after the racial segregation of the apartheid system. The military forces did not fire a shot during the operation, and Mays called it "possibly the most successful UN peacekeeping operation ever fielded"; Hearn called it "one of the major successes of the United Nations".
The settlement proposal contained a negotiated compromise. Described as a "working arrangement" which would "in no way constitute recognition of the legality of the South African presence in and administration of Namibia", it allowed South Africa, through an Administrator-General designated by it, to administer elections, but under United Nations supervision and control exercised through a Special Representative of the Secretary-General, who would be assisted by a "United Nations Transition Assistance Group" (UNTAG). Later in 1978, the UN Security Council approved a resolution with a specific, timetabled plan for SADF withdrawal and Namibian elections and authorized UNTAG, with a combined military and civilian force, to facilitate the transition to independence. The plan depended on an agreement on a so-called "D-Day" for the beginning of the ceasefire.
On 1 April 1989 — "D-Day" for the peace plan — UNTAG units had not been fully deployed and those that were (mostly civilians and monitors) lacked equipment for both transportation and communication. Despite this, hopes were high, as an informal ceasefire had held for nearly seven months. However, in the early morning, SADF reported that heavily armed groups of SWAPO militants of the People's Liberation Army of Namibia (PLAN) had begun crossing the border and establishing positions in northern Namibia which, if true, would have been a clear violation of the agreement that they should be confined to their Angolan bases. SWAPO denied that it had violated the terms of the agreement and claimed that its fighters had been going to turn in weapons to UNTAG and had been attacked by the SADF.
Kenya's relationship with Namibia goes as far back as Namibia's struggle for independence. SWAPO was then a struggling liberation movement. In 1964, Kenya donated a land rover to SWAPO to ease their transportation needs within some Southern Africa states. Kenya also assisted with the transition in Namibia that occurred between 1989 and 1990 through the United Nations Transition Assistance Group (UNTAG).
The 1978 Settlement Proposal in Namibia, devised by the Contact Group of Western States, mandated the United Nations Transition Assistance Group (UNTAG) under United Nations Security Council Resolution 435 to assist a UN Special Representative appointed by the UN Secretary-General 'to ensure the early independence of Namibia through free and fair elections under the supervision and control of the United Nations'.
Tunisia's military spending was 1.6% of GDP . The army is responsible for national defence and also internal security. Tunisia has participated in peacekeeping efforts in the DROC and Ethiopia/Eritrea. United Nations peacekeeping deployments for the Tunisian armed forces have been in Cambodia (UNTAC), Namibia (UNTAG), Somalia, Rwanda, Burundi, Western Sahara (MINURSO) and the 1960s mission in the Congo, ONUC.
UN Peacekeepers have also been used to oversee independence movements and the establishment of new states. Beginning in 1989, UNTAG in Namibia oversaw the withdrawal of South Africa and the election of a new government. In 1991, a ceasefire and referendum were planned by Morocco regarding the region of Western Sahara. Disagreements prevented the referendum, but the ceasefire continues to be monitored by MINURSO.
SWAPO was also required to release captured members of South African security forces. Both SWAPO and South Africa claimed that the other side continued to hold prisoners, accusations repeatedly denied by each. Alleged detention locations were searched by UNTAG personnel and the lists of missing persons were examined and eventually reduced to just over 300 unaccounted for individuals. Refugees were also assisted after the amnesty.
The bulk of PLAN's forces were disarmed and demobilized on its Angolan camps in late 1989 by the United Nations Transitional Assistance Group (UNTAG) and repatriated to South West Africa. A small number remained in reserve until after Namibian independence, when they were also repatriated. The last PLAN troops and equipment were returned to Namibia in mid-1990 for integration with the new Namibian Defence Force (NDF).
In a special castle-like variation, the people who are tagged are sent to a "shadowy area". When in this area, they can escape and become "untagged" if tagged by other people who have not been tagged. This "realm" is guarded by "the screamer", a single person who is allowed to run in the "shadow land" and tag people who try to untag other people.
The Security Council, in its resolution of 29 August, therefore demanded the disbanding of Koevoet and dismantling of its command structures. South African foreign minister, Pik Botha, announced on 28 September 1989 that 1,200 ex- Koevoet members would be demobilized with effect from the following day. A further 400 such personnel were demobilized on 30 October. These demobilizations were supervised by UNTAG military monitors.
The Koevoet issue had been one of the most difficult UNTAG faced. This counter-insurgency unit was formed by South Africa after the adoption of UNSCR 435, and was not, therefore, mentioned in the Settlement Proposal or related documents. The UN regarded Koevoet as a paramilitary unit which ought to be disbanded but the unit continued to deploy in the north in armoured and heavily armed convoys.
A. Y. B. I. Siddiqi, also known as Burhan Siddiqi, is a retired Bangladeshi diplomat and police officer who served as the 16th Inspector General of Police of Bangladesh Police during 1998-2000. He has also played active roles in diplomatic and UN missions, having served as the Chief Liaison Officer for UNTAG in Namibia (1989–1990) and the Acting High Commissioner of Bangladesh.
The initial terms of the Geneva Protocol and Security Council Resolution 435 provided the foundation from which a political settlement in South West Africa could proceed: holding of elections for a constitutional assembly, confinement of both PLAN and the SADF to their respective bases, the subsequent phased withdrawal of all but 1,500 SADF troops, demobilisation of all paramilitary forces that belonged to neither the SADF nor to the police, and the return of refugees via designated entry points to participate in elections. Responsibility for implementing these terms rested with UNTAG, which would assist in the SADF withdrawal, monitor the borders, and supervise the demobilisation of paramilitary units. UNTAG checkpoint at Ondangwa, June 1989. Controversy soon arose over the size of UNTAG's military component, as the member states of the Security Council expected to cover the majority of the costs were irritated by its relatively large size.
As a result of the Brazzaville Protocol and subsequent Tripartite Accord, South Africa agreed to grant Namibia independence in exchange for a parallel Cuban withdrawal from Angola and a commitment by the Angolan government to cease all assistance to PLAN. Under the terms of the agreement, both the Cuban withdrawal and the independence process in Namibia would be monitored by two multinational peacekeeping forces known as the United Nations Angola Verification Mission (UNAVEM) and the United Nations Transition Assistance Group (UNTAG), respectively. UNTAG planned to confine both PLAN and the SADF to their respective bases, demobilise all paramilitary forces that belonged to neither the SADF nor to the civil police, and supervise the return of refugees via designated entry points to participate in new elections. PLAN and the South African security forces began observing an informal truce which went into effect on 10 August 1988.
However, only in 1988 were the two parties able to agree to a ceasefire. As UNTAG began to deploy peacekeepers, military observers, police, and political workers, hostilities were briefly renewed on the day the transition process was supposed to begin. After a new round of negotiations, a second date was set and the elections process began in earnest. Elections for the constitutional assembly took place in November 1989.
After the 1971 People's Representative Council officially ended on 1 October 1977, Sadjarwo became the rector of the Untag (17 August 1945 University) beginning in 1986. He also was active in the 1945 Generation organization, which was a group of politicians and military figures that had participated in the Indonesian National Revolution. He served as head of social affairs, transmigration, and law for the organization between 1988 and 1993.
One of the few publicly reported military operations impacted was the Australian Army component of the United Nations (UN) peacekeeping force which was deployed to Namibia at the time. The storm occurred just as the advance elements of the contingent arrived in Namibia, but the effects were believed to last for weeks afterwards. The Australian contribution to UNTAG was heavily reliant on HF radio communications which were severely impacted.
SWAPO won the elections with 57% of the votes, short of the two-thirds majority needed to control the constitutional process entirely. A Constituent Assembly based on the results of the election met to consider a draft Constitution, which was adopted on 9 February 1990. The Assembly determined that 21 March 1990 would be Namibia's independence day.Independence celebrations in Namibia After the elections, AG Pienaar continued his role alongside UN Special Representative Ahtisaari and UNTAG.
Sadjarwo Djarwonagoro (3 August 1917 – 6 May 1996) was a Javanese politician who served as the Minister of Agriculture, Minister of Agrarian Affairs, and Member of the People's Representative Council and People's Consultative Assembly. He was also the rector of the Untag (17 August University) in Jakarta. Sadjarwo was educated in a Dutch school for indigenous people, and managed to continued his studies until high school. He participated in a nationalist organization during this time.
The decision was made after joint consultations with South African Foreign Minister Pik Botha and UNTAG commander Dewan Prem Chand. The number of Koevoet operators authorised for remobilisation was approximately the size of two battalions. Koevoet and other SWAPOL units were able to fight off PLAN in a series of chaotic delaying actions until the SADF's arrival. Combined SADF and SWAPOL forces proceeded to drive PLAN back across the border in a counteroffensive known as Operation Merlyn.
In 1999, in the Democratic Republic of the Congo MONUC was designed to monitor the ceasefire after the Second Congo War—it continues to operate due to continuing violence in parts of the DRC. In Cote d'Ivoire, UNOCI was dispatched to enforce a 2004 peace agreement ending the Ivorian Civil War, though the country remains divided. Following ceasefire agreements ending the Burundi Civil War, ONUB was authorized in 2004 to oversee the implementation of the Arusha Peace Accords. UNTAG being unloaded in Namibia.
Examples include UNAVEM III in Angola in 1994, and MINUGUA in Guatemala in 1996. # Multidimensional missions are carried out by military and police personnel in which they attempt to implement robust and comprehensive settlements. Not only do they act as observers, or in an interpositional role, but they also participate in more multidimensional tasks—such as electoral supervision, police and security forces reform, institution building, economic development and more. Examples include UNTAG in Namibia, ONUSAL in El Salvador, and ONUMOZ in Mozambique.
The United Nations Transitional Assistance Group (UNTAG)'s Kenyan infantry battalion remained in Namibia for three months after independence to help train the NDF and to stabilise the north. According to the Namibian Defence Ministry, enlistments of both men and women will number no more than 7,500. The chief of the Namibian Defence Force is Air Vice Marshal Martin Kambulu Pinehas (with effect from 1 April 2020). In 2017, Namibia signed the UN treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons.
PLAN interpreted a general directive by the UN for all Namibian exiles to return home as de facto approval for it to begin its deployment. The insurgent commanders assured their troops that sympathetic UN personnel would provide them secure passage once inside Namibia. On the morning of 1 April, the first PLAN cadres crossed into Ovamboland, unhindered by UNTAG, which had failed to monitor their activity in Angola due to the delays in its arrival. South Africa accused PLAN of violating the ceasefire.
UNTAG systematically disarmed the insurgents and repatriated them to Namibia as civilian refugees without differentiating between members of PLAN and SWAPO's political wing. In all, 43,400 SWAPO members were repatriated to Namibia, at least 32,000 of whom were former insurgents. SWAPOL responded to these overtures by reducing the size of Koevoet to about 1,600 personnel; the remaining operators were reassigned to other divisions. Prior to September 1989 between 1,200 and 2,000 Koevoet operators received new assignments and postings within SWAPOL.
As a result of its contributions to various UN peacekeeping operations, 130 Bangladesh peacekeepers have lost their lives, of which 84 belong to the Bangladesh Army, one to the Bangladesh Navy and three to the Bangladesh Air Force. The leader of the Bangladesh contingent to Namibia (UNTAG), Lieutenant Colonel Md. Faizul Karim, died in Windhoek, Namibia, in 1989. He was the first Bangladeshi officer who died on a peacekeeping mission abroad.128 Bangladeshi Peacekeepers were posthumously awarded Dag Hammarskjöld Medals.
Field engineers from the 14th Field Troop on patrol in Owamboland (near Ongwediva) in a Buffel mine-protected vehicle Land mines were used by the SADF and SWAPO and became a major feature of the war, triggering the development of mine- protected vehicles (MPV). The SADF typically laid marked, fenced, anti- personnel minefields as perimeter protection for bases and vital assets. It laid a reported 45,000 mines during the conflict, of which 3,000 were unaccounted-for when UNTAG arrived. SWAPO used mines for ambushing or intimidation.
Crocker wrote, "for the first time since the Vietnam War, Australian Sappers hand cleared their way into live minefields on seven separate occasions to destroy exposed mines. Similar mines killed several civilians and many animals during the mission. Field engineers of the contingent destroyed over 5,000 items of unexploded ordnance (UXO) ranging from artillery shells, through RPG rockets to grenades. UXO, a legacy of the 20-year Bush War, posed a major hazard to local inhabitants in the northern provinces and to UNTAG personnel in that area".
UNTAG was concerned by this draft, insisting that political party agents should be present at the polling stations and at the counting of the votes. In this way, the Namibian people could be reassured that the voting would be free and fair. The South African side opposed the idea, indicating their determination to dominate the constitution-making process and retain control for as long as possible. On 13 October, AG Pienaar proclaimed AG 49 of 1989: "The Holding of an Election for a Constituent Assembly".
Formal diplomatic relations began in 1990, the year in which Spain opened an Embassy in Windhoek, and they have been very good to date. Among the EU countries, Namibian authorities look to Spain with special affection. Spain was part of UNTAG (UN operation responsible for ensuring the transition from a situation of colonialism and "apartheid" to the holding of free elections), sending a detachment of the Air Force and eight aircraft to Namibia. Despite the years that have passed, this support has not been forgotten.
At a hastily arranged meeting of the Joint Monitoring Commission in Mount Etjo, a game park outside Otjiwarongo, it was agreed to confine the South African forces to base and return PLAN elements to Angola. While that problem was resolved, minor disturbances in the north continued throughout the transition period. In October 1989, under orders of the UN Security Council, Pretoria was forced to demobilize some 1,600 members of Koevoet (Afrikaans for crowbar). The Koevoet issue had been one of the most difficult UNTAG faced.
The squadron was to be supplemented by a Field Troop and by members posted from other units throughout the Army, bringing the squadron to a deployment strength of 275. A headquarters was to be formed, supporting the Chief Engineer at the UNTAG Military Headquarters. The total strength of the force was to be over 300 of all ranks, in what was known as Plan Witan. The unit had been placed on eight weeks' notice in July 1978, which was reduced to a week's notice to move in February 1979.
Nevertheless, PLAN took advantage of the political uncertainty in the weeks following the UNTAG budget debate to begin moving its forces in Angola closer to the border. Since the early 1980s PLAN had consistently stated its intention to establish camps inside South West Africa during any future political transition, a notion rejected with equal consistency by the South African government. Compounding this fact was that PLAN insurgents also identified themselves as refugees without making any distinction between their civilian or military background, and the UN had explicitly invited refugees to return home.
David Horner has noted that the pattern changed with the deployment of 600 engineers to Namibia in 1989–90 as the Australian contribution to UNTAG. From the mid-1990s, Australia has been involved in a series of high-profile operations, deploying significantly large units of combat troops in support of a number of missions including those in Cambodia, Rwanda, Somalia and later in East Timor. Australia has been involved in close to 100 separate missions, involving more than 30,000 personnel and 10 Australians have died during these operations.
Pienaar refused to do so, citing the April incursion. De Cuéllar approached SWAPO officials and insisted they refrain from undertaking further military operations, which South Africa could use as a pretext to justify the continued deployment of Koevoet. He also flew to Pretoria to meet with Pik Botha and South African Minister of Law and Order Adriaan Vlok. During the meeting, the South African officials offered to take steps towards demobilising Koevoet in exchange for UNTAG sharing intelligence it possessed on PLAN movements and activities, as well as taking steps to demobilise PLAN.
Bangladesh's first deployments came in 1988, when it participated in two operations - UNIIMOG in Iraq and UNTAG in Namibia. The then former President of Bangladesh Lieutenant General Hussain Muhammad Ershad initiated these deployments in 1988 for the first time with UNIIMOG with 15 military observers. Later, as part of the UNIKOM force deployed to Kuwait following the Gulf War, the Bangladesh Army sent a mechanized infantry brigade of approximately 2,193 personnel. In 1994, 1200 Bangladeshi peacekeepers were besieged by Bosnian Serbs in the Bosnia after replacing a French contingent during UNPROFOR operations.
In Namibia he joined Kerry McNamara and Associates as partner, a move that cost his senior partner Kerry McNamara, a White Namibian, several contracts from the state and from private individuals. Bessinger joined SWAPO in 1972 and became treasurer of the Windhoek office in 1976. He became national treasurer a year later. He was the Joint Secretary for Foreign Affairs on the SWAPO National Executive within Namibia from 1981 until 1989 and served as the designated principal liaison officer with UNTAG until the return of the external leadership in 1989.
UNTAG's mission was to monitor the ceasefire and troop withdrawals, to preserve law and order in Namibia and to supervise elections for the new government. In the Official History, Horner described it as "an extremely complex mission". The role of UNTAG was to assist the Special Representative of the Secretary General (SRSG), Martti Ahtisaari, in overseeing free and fair elections in Namibia for a Constituent Assembly. The elections were to be carried out by the South African Administrator General, under UN supervision and control, and this Assembly would then draw up a constitution for an independent Namibia.
The UN initially estimated the cost of the entire operation at $US1 billion, equivalent to its own budget. The reluctance to commit funds ultimately reduced training of the deployed forces; Senator Jo Vallentine said in Parliament that the Namibia operation nearly fell apart due to a lack of advance funding, and Senator Jocelyn Newman called it disgraceful. The UN General Assembly did not approve the UNTAG budget until 1 March 1989, less than two weeks before the advance party deployed and after the deployment of the start-up team. Gration authorised Operation Picaresque on 3 March 1989.
It also ordered all PLAN insurgents remaining in Ovamboland to surrender at UNTAG-supervised assembly points. Sam Nujoma denied any incursion had taken place on 1 April, claiming that he had only ordered PLAN insurgents already inside South West Africa to begin establishing base camps. He also pointed out that SWAPO had never been a signatory to the Tripartite Accord, and therefore the cessation of hostilities as dictated by its terms was non-binding. This drew some ire from Angola, which had given guarantees to the UN that PLAN would remain north of the 16th parallel.
On 7 April, AG Pienaar announced that he was unilaterally suspending the independence process, but his decision was quickly repudiated by Pik Botha.Difficult start in Namibia's transition to independence On 11 April, he stated that, contrary to previous undertakings, UNTAG and the South African security forces had "agreed that PLAN soldiers would be interrogated in order to verify the suspected number of infiltrators". Botha overruled AG Pienaar's statement saying "there is no question of interrogation". On 22 May, AG Pienaar proclaimed AG 11 of 1989: "Establishment and Powers of the Commission for the Prevention and Combatting of Intimidation and Electoral Malpractices".
This proved nearly impossible because Ovamboland was still inundated with land mines planted by PLAN insurgents and CIVPOL lacked mine-protected vehicles like the Koevoet Casspirs. The CIVPOL vehicles also possessed inferior off-road performance compared to the Casspirs and would often be left behind during the joint patrols. UNTAG initially rejected CIVPOL's requests for its own Casspirs due to the claims touted by PLAN that these vehicles were associated with repression of the Namibian people. This reasoning was later abandoned due to the practical difficulties of the joint patrols, and CIVPOL was finally permitted to acquire several Casspirs from South Africa.
It was not until 1988 that South Africa agreed to implement the resolution, signing the Tripartite Accord (an agreement between Angola, Cuba and South Africa) at UN headquarters in New York City. The accord recommended that 1 April 1989 be set as the date for implementation of Resolution 435, and was affirmed by the Security Council on 16 January 1989. As Hearn noted, "The first characteristic of peacekeeping is that the consent of the disputants must be secured before a force is deployed". With the accord in place (principally with South Africa), UNTAG was then formally established in accordance with Resolution 632 on 16 February 1989.
Security, services and logistics at the reception centres were provided by the military component of UNTAG, and a number of secondary reception centres were also established. The movement of returnees through the centres was quick, and the repatriation programme was very successful; a UN official report stated that the psychological impact of the return of so many exiles was perceptible throughout the country. There were some problems reported in the north, where ex-Koevoet elements searched villages for SWAPO returnees; however, the UN reported that this was kept under constant surveillance by UNTAG's police monitors. By the end of the process, 42,736 Namibians had been returned from exile.
Soon, in 2005, they became the writers for the first TV show of Rajshri Productions - Woh Rehne Waali Mehlon Ki. They had also written two film scripts for them. One was a love story named Meri Prem Kahani, and the other was an untitled project. Unfortunately, both were shelved Then was founded Shashi Sumeet Productions by Shashi Mittal and Sumeet Hukamchand Mittal in 2009. In 2016, it featured in the ‘Limca Book of Records’ for its expertise in having back-to-back shows on Prime Time Television across leading General Entertainment Channels. In 2016, they also commissioned to helm an eight episodes web series named Untag on Viacom’s Voot.
The United Nations Transition Assistance Group (UNTAG) was a United Nations (UN) peacekeeping force deployed from April 1989 to March 1990 in Namibia to monitor the peace process and elections there. Namibia had been occupied by South Africa since 1915, first under a League of Nations mandate and later illegally. Since 1966, South African forces had been combating an insurgency by the People's Liberation Army of Namibia (PLAN), the military wing of the Namibian-nationalist South West African People's Organization (SWAPO). The UN Security Council passed Resolution 435 in 1978, which set out a plan for elections administered by South Africa but under UN supervision and control after a ceasefire.
Finally, on 9 February 1989, the Secretary General presented the Security Council with a resolution along with a statement of urgency, saying that everything must be done quickly if all the plans in Resolution 435 were to be carried out on schedule. The Security Council approved the mission on 16 February 1989 in United Nations Security Council Resolution 632. The General Assembly however did not approve the budget for the mission until 1 March 1989 and, due to continuing financial problems, even then the UN did not have reserve funds to begin making requests to member states. Full deployment of UNTAG was delayed by nearly a full month.
Despite the delay caused by the fighting of early April, the withdrawal of South African military personnel continued on schedule, with troops confined to base by 13 May and reduced to the agreed upon 1500 by 24 June 1989. UNTAG also confirmed a second disarmament of sizable militia, primarily the 22,000 strong South West African Territorial Force and the 11,000 local "citizen forces". These were made up of South African-paid and controlled militia, who had been disarmed and disbanded before 1 April, but were called up again to fight in the early April clashes. By 1 June, they had been demobilized once again.
"Canadian Forces" Calgary Herald. September 19, 1969 From 1983 to 1995, the regiment was operationally tasked to provide an airborne company to the Canadian Airborne Regiment. Members of The Queen's Own Rifles of Canada have served on recent overseas deployments including: UNTAG (United Nations Transition Assistance Group) Namibia 1989–1990, Cambodia, Cyprus, Somalia (for Operation Deliverance 1992–1993 members were attached to 1, 2 and 3 Commando of the Canadian Airborne Regiment), Sierra Leone, Bosnia, Kosovo, Afghanistan, Darfur and the Sudan. The unit played a large role in the purchase of the Victoria Cross of Corporal Frederick George Topham in 2005 and its subsequent donation to the Canadian War Museum.
United Nations Security Council Resolution 435, adopted on September 29, 1978, put forward proposals for a cease-fire and UN-supervised elections in South African-controlled South West Africa which ultimately led to the independence of Namibia. Importantly, it established the United Nations Transition Assistance Group (UNTAG) which oversaw the election and the South African withdrawal. 1989 Namibian election The resolution was adopted by 12 votes to none; Czechoslovakia and the Soviet Union abstained while the People's Republic of China did not participate in the vote. On December 22, 1988, South Africa agreed to implement the resolution upon its signature of the Tripartite Accord at the United Nations in New York.
Anbu was commissioned into 14th Sikh Light Infantry on 7 June 1980. He has vast experience and has served in all types of operational environments ranging including Siachen Glacier; Counter-Insurgency Operations in Kashmir and Manipur; Operation Pawan in Sri Lanka. He has commanded a unit during Operation Parakram; a 53 Infantry brigade on the Line Of Control; 17 Mountain Division in Sikkim; Indian Military Training Team in Bhutan; IV Corps (Tezpur). He has held staff appointments which include General Staff Operation at the Division level in North-East India, General Staff Operation at Corps Level in Kashmir, and Military observer with UN peacekeeping mission in Namibia (UNTAG).
A number of observers noted that the UNTAG soldiers were not particularly popular with Namibia's 80,000 white residents. Shortly after the Australian advance party arrived in Namibia a pro-Pretoria newspaper accused Australian officers of breaching UN impartiality by attending a cocktail party at which leading members of SWAPO were present, and the incident was widely reported in the international press. Soon afterwards, four Australian and four British soldiers were beaten by a large crowd in Tsumeb, about from squadron headquarters in Grootfontein. During the first few weeks of the deployment, on a number of occasions SADF soldiers discharged firearms in the direction of the Australian contingent or pointed firearms at Australians as a means of intimidation.
In 1989, 7 Fd Sqn consisted of a Headquarters, 13th and 14th Field Troops and 24th Support Troop. In March that year, the United Nations acting under UN Resolution 435, formed a military force—United Nations Transitional Assistance Group (UNTAG)—for deployment to the war torn country of Namibia (formerly South West Africa) a protectorate of South Africa. The mission was to supervise the withdrawal of the South African Defence Force (SADF), assist those displaced by the war to return home, and to pave the way for the first 'free and fair' elections ever held in that country. The 17th Construction Squadron was mobilised for deployment and augmented by the 14th Field Troop.
Proclamations by the Administrator General On 8 June, AG 14 of 1989 was proclaimed: "First Law amendment (Abolition of Discriminatory or Restrictive Laws for purposes of Free and Fair Elections)". On 12 June, AG Pienaar declared a general amnesty against prosecution for all Namibians living abroad and repealed or amended 46 discriminatory laws. (He extended the amnesty eight months later to South African officials and security personnel including the South African Defence Force.) Following complex negotiations with UNTAG concerning electoral voting procedures, AG Pienaar proclaimed AG 19 of 1989: "Registration of Voters (Constituency Assembly Proclamation)" on 30 June. Registration of voters began on 4 July, and AG Pienaar published a draft proclamation on the election process on 21 July.
At the end of August, the UN Security Council called for the immediate demobilization of all paramilitary groups in Namibia (UNSCR 640 of 1989)Text of UNSCR 640 of 1989 and a week later AG Pienaar announced he was suspending the activities of the Koevoet paramilitary force. The Koevoet issue had been one of the most difficult UNTAG faced.UNTAG report on Namibia This counter-insurgency unit was formed by South Africa after the adoption of UNSCR 435, and was not, therefore, mentioned in the settlement proposal or related documents. The UN regarded Koevoet as a paramilitary unit which ought to be disbanded but the unit continued to deploy in the north in armoured and heavily armed convoys.
Australian Army Land Rover series-2 anti-tank "gunbuggy" with a 106mm recoilless rifle Australian Army Land Rover deployed to Namibia during UNTAG on display at the Australian War Memorial. The Australian-made series 1, 2, 2A and 3 were widely used by the Australian Army, Royal Australian Navy and Royal Australian Air Force. Most were GS (General Service) mobility vehicles with variants built as Long Range Patrol Vehicles, ambulances, command reconnaissance cars, fire tenders and ceremonial vehicles. The first was delivered to the Army in 1948 and the series 1 gradually replaced the World War II era Austin Champs and Jeeps. The series 2 was introduced in 1958, the 2a in 1963 and series 3 in 1973.
This was scheduled to become a permanent ceasefire on 1 April 1989, at which time UNTAG was supposed to arrive in force and monitor the belligerent parties. However, UNTAG's deployment was beset with delays, and PLAN was able to begin covertly moving its forces in Angola to the border. UN Secretary-General Javier Pérez de Cuéllar declared that Koevoet was considered a paramilitary force not part of the SADF or the civil police, and should therefore be disbanded. The continued existence of that unit, he claimed, contravened the spirit of the independence process and their use of heavy weapons violated specific provisions concerning what equipment SWAPOL was permitted to carry to maintain basic law and order.
In December 1978, in what was known as the Brazzaville Protocol, South Africa, Cuba and Angola formally accepted UN Security Council Resolution 435 outlining a blueprint for Namibian independence. The protocol envisioned a phased withdrawal of Cuban forces from Angola over a two-year period, set 1 April 1989 as the date for the resolution's implementation and planned to reduce South African forces in Namibia to 1,500 by June 1989. The resolution established UNTAG, approving a report by the Secretary-General and outlining its objective: "the withdrawal of South Africa's illegal administration from Namibia and the transfer of power to the people of Namibia with the assistance of the United Nations". Resolution 435 authorised a total of 7,500 military personnel as UNTAG's upper limit.
The key participants in the UN process were the South African government (represented in Namibia by the Administrator General) and the UN. Hearn wrote that South Africa had a "desire for a smooth transition"; this resulted in negotiations occurring locally (between the Special Representative and the Administrator General), directly with the South African government in Pretoria and at the UN (via the Secretary General and Security Council). The outcome of these negotiations with South Africa included draft electoral laws (enabling free and fair elections) and the disbanding of the Koevoet force. The elections were carried out by the South African Administrator General, under UN supervision. The UNTAG operation ultimately involved over 100 countries, the highest ever for a UN operation.
Fraser also co-chaired the Commonwealth Eminent Persons Group from 1985 to 1986, campaigning for an end to apartheid in South Africa. Bob Hawke's government continued the policy of the Fraser and Whitlam governments to support independence for Namibia. In the Official History, Horner stated that Australian peacekeeping "blossomed" after Gareth Evans was appointed Foreign Minister in September 1988; Evans reconfirmed Australia's willingness to participate in UNTAG in October 1988, a month after his appointment. Horner also said that the commitment was "unusual" because it occurred a decade after the government's initial decision to participate in February 1979. After more than 10 years of consideration, the government reconfirmed its commitment of a force of 300 engineers to Namibia on 2 March 1989.
However, by that point, South Africa had been drawn into the conflict in Angola in an attempt to crack down on the SWAPO insurgency and made a new demand: the so-called "linkage" of the withdrawal of Cuban troops from Angola and their withdrawal from Namibia. Other issues, such as the composition of the UNTAG forces and the status of Namibia's important port Walvis Bay also kept the parties from reaching an agreement on a ceasefire date. Talks stagnated during the following decade as the civil war in Angola continued. It was not until 1988 that Cuba, Angola, and South Africa came to an agreement, called the "Tripartite Accord" or the "New York Accords," mediated by US Assistant Secretary of State Chester Crocker.
Ahtisaari spent several years as a diplomatic representative from Finland. He served as Finland's Ambassador to Tanzania from 1973 to 1977. As UN Deputy Secretary-General 1977–1981 and as United Nations Commissioner for Namibia from 1976 to 1981, working to secure the independence of Namibia from the Republic of South Africa. Between 1987–1991 Ahtisaari was the Under-Secretary-General of the United Nations for administration and management. Following the death of a later UN Commissioner for Namibia, Bernt Carlsson, on Pan Am Flight 103 on 21 December 1988 – on the eve of the signing of the Tripartite Accord at UN Headquarters – Ahtisaari was sent to Namibia in April 1989 as the UN Special Representative to head the United Nations Transition Assistance Group (UNTAG).
Mayanja joined the United Nations, soon after the First World Conference on Women, held in Mexico City from 19 June 1975 until 2 July 1975. She first worked in the Division for Equal Rights for Women in the United Nations' Centre for Social Development and Humanitarian Affairs. As the Special Assistant to the Assistant Secretary-General for Social Development and Humanitarian Affairs, she was an active participant in the development of policies and attended conferences at the non-governmental and intergovernmental levels on topics dealing with gender, family, the disabled, the youth and the aged. From 1989 to 1990, Mayanja served on the United Nations peacekeeping missions to Namibia (UNTAG), where she worked with the United Nations civilian police to oversee the elections leading to independence.
After a short period as a soldier apprentice, Jeffery was commissioned into the Royal Regiment of Canadian Artillery in 1967,Canadian Defence and Foreign Affairs Institute rising over his career to be the Commanding Officer of the Third Regiment Royal Canadian Horse Artillery. In 1989 he was selected to be Canadian Contingent Commander to the United Nations Transition Assistance Group (UNTAG) in Namibia. He was subsequently Commandant of the Canadian Land Forces Command and Staff College and then Commander of the 1st Canadian Infantry Division. He served as Chief of the Land Staff from August 2000 to May 2003. In that role he expressed concerns that the commitment of two six-month rotations of about 1,800 soldiers to Afghanistan meant about a third of the army’s deployable forces were committed internationally.
The Security Council expressed concern about the cost of implementing the resolution, as the UN had been suffering from a severe financial crisis in the late 1980s. However, several groups, including the Organization for African Unity (OAU), the Non-Aligned Movement, and SWAPO objected to a reduction in the size of the force from the number set in 1978. As a compromise, United Nations Secretary General, Javier Pérez de Cuéllar, decided to decrease the initial deployment from 7000 to 4650, leaving the additional 2350 stationed in their home countries to be deployed if requested by the commanding officer and approved by the head of UNTAG, the Secretary-General, and the Security Council. In place of these soldiers extra police observers and military observers were added to the mission.
Former members of the Koevoet, a paramilitary counter-insurgency group that was disbanded in 1989 and incorporated into SWAPOL, proved to be the most problematic. According to the UN report, for the first several months, the former Koevoet units travelled heavily armed and were often reported to have behaved violently and engaged in intimidation, just as they had during the insurgency. As these reports came in, UNTAG began negotiations with AG Pienaar and the South African Government, demanding that all South African forces in Namibia be lightly armed and that the former Koevoet forces and command structures be done away with, since most of the Koevoet personnel were not trained as police. South Africa claimed, however, that the massing of SWAPO forces at the border demanded the former Koevoet forces.
Hurried negotiations took place and a new agreement was reached on 20 April 1989 when SADF forces withdrew to base for 60 hours, allowing SWAPO militants to withdraw peacefully. The SADF were then given two weeks to confirm that SWAPO had indeed left Namibia and also to capture any weapons caches discovered. This agreement was stuck to by both sides, though Ahtisaari and the UN Secretary-General were nervous about the length of time the SADF were out of their bases, and pushed hard to get them back to barracks. Despite these reservations, the withdrawal and verification passed without incident and by the end UNTAG was almost fully deployed, albeit a month behind schedule. In October 1989, under orders of the UN Security Council, Pretoria was forced to demobilise some 1,600 members of Koevoet (Afrikaans for crowbar).
Their booking on Pan Am 103 was cancelled at the last minute and Pik Botha, together with a smaller delegation, caught the earlier Pan Am 101 flight to New York.) Within a month of the signing of the New York Accords, South African president P. W. Botha suffered a mild stroke, which prevented him from attending a meeting with Namibian leaders on 20 January 1989. His place was taken by acting president J. Christiaan Heunis.The New York Times, 22 January 1989 "Botha suffers mild stroke January 18, 1989" Botha had fully recuperated by 1 April 1989 when implementation of UNSCR 435 officially started and the South African–appointed Administrator- General, Louis Pienaar, began the territory's transition to independence. Former UN Commissioner N°2 and now UN Special Representative Martti Ahtisaari arrived in Windhoek in April 1989 to head the UN Transition Assistance Group's (UNTAG) mission.
Dr. Luise Druke was born in Hannover on May 17, 1948. She received a DPhil in political science from the University of Hannover while Fellow at Harvard’s Center for International Affairs and Visiting Researcher at the Harvard Law School Human Rights Program (1987–88). She also received an honorary doctorate in political science and law from Shumen University, a Master in Public Administration (MPA) from Harvard University, an LL.M. from Brussels University and a M.A. in Economics, Finance and Management from Webster University, St. Louis, a Diploma from Sorbonne, License d'enseignement from Paris VIII University and a M.A. from the European Institute of High International Studies, University of Nice in European Studies. Since 1977, Dr. Druke has headed offices and missions of the UNHCR (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees) in Europe, South East Asia and Central Asia, Latin America, and Africa, including the Namibian Operation as part of UNTAG, the country operation in Honduras with refugees from El Salvador, Nicaragua and Guatemala in the midst of armed conflicts during the late 1980s, and the operations in Kazakhstan/Central Asia.

No results under this filter, show 128 sentences.

Copyright © 2024 RandomSentenceGen.com All rights reserved.