BECKY QUICK: Was it redistrict, I mean, how would you— CHARLIE MUNGER: There's redistrict – redistricting as part of it.
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You take a Census and then Congress reapportions and states redistrict.
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Such a position allows Republicans to redistrict congressional maps without too much Democratic interference.
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"I don't see how any legislature would ever be able to redistrict," Alito said.
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After all, state legislators are not apt to redistrict themselves out of a job.
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More lawsuits are likely, as Republicans say the court isn't authorised to redistrict all by itself.
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But Justice Samuel Alito questioned how any legislature will be able to redistrict under that theory.
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More lawsuits are likely, as Republicans say the court is not authorised to redistrict all by itself.
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If North Carolina were required to redistrict, would be worth another ~2 seats or so for Democrats.
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"The governors and the legislatures in most of the states that have partisan forms of redistricting will redistrict every single U.S. House seat except in those states that have only one representative, and will also redistrict all of the state Senate seats and State House of Representative seats," Sabato said.
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North Carolina was forced to redistrict in 2016 because the Supreme Court found its earlier congressional map to be a racial gerrymander.
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In the case of Bdistricting and Auto-Redistrict, these programs belong to a class of algorithms that seek to automate the redistricting process entirely.
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Abbott, argued that Texas should not use total population numbers in determining how to redistrict the state, and instead count only citizens of voting age.
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"Both Bdistricing and Auto-Redistrict appear to be great tools, incorporate a variety of objectives, and can create fair districts," Jacobson told me in an email.
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If states use citizenship data provided by the federal government to redistrict, it would likely shift power toward Republicans, as Reuters reported in April reut.rs/2G9v8to.
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Take, for example, Bdistricting or Auto-Redistrict, two free open source programs that can be used to generate ostensibly fair, unbiased congressional districts without requiring a supercomputer.
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Or they could even redistrict Meehan's home into another Republican district, pressuring him to save face and retire instead of running against a fellow Republican House member.
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Holder called his group a "partisan attempt at good government," saying he isn't seeking to redistrict in favor of Democrats, but rather to make elections battles between ideas.
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Tom DeLay saw advantage in doing a second redistricting in Texas in 2003 to pick up extra GOP seats, even though states normally redistrict every 10 years; he succeeded.
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The court ruled that states couldn't be forced to redistrict based on the citizen population, but it didn't rule on whether a state could make such a switch voluntarily.
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Alternatively, if the Republicans were in control of the legislature, they could redistrict the state so that it has the convoluted boundaries seen in the figure on the far right.
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So the best solution has seemed to be independent redistricting commissions, which typically put the power to redistrict into the hands of a diverse group of citizens who are political outsiders.
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"The citizenship question is about fundamentally reimagining the way the GOP can redistrict state legislatures," explains David Daley, author of Ratf**ked: Why Your Vote Doesn't Count and an expert on gerrymandering.
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On the blocking and tackling of politics, information on citizenship collected by the decennial census can be used by states to redistrict electoral seats on the basis of citizenship or voter eligibility.
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After the 2010 census coincided with a wave election for the GOP, Republicans used their control of state legislatures to aggressively redistrict themselves into even more seats, especially in a handful of states.
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But many states, including most east of the Mississippi River, do not provide for such a process, and it is distinctly unlikely that state legislatures would vote to strip themselves of the power to redistrict.
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In another volunteer-led effort, residents in Michigan have gotten over 350,000 signatures in three months to get a 2018 anti-gerrymandering initiative on the ballot that would create a new nonpartisan way for the state to redistrict itself.
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"The fact that the Texas court on its own initiative told the state to confer with their clients about whether to surrender and voluntarily redistrict is a pretty good indicator of where the court's thinking is in light of the Cooper decision," Elias said.
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It provides easy alibis for "compassionate conservatives" who do not want to redistrict, downplays the material reality of being working class in order to put personal responsibility at the forefront, and offers intellectual soap for those who want to wash their hands of the whole thing.
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Nationally, Republicans have denounced attacks on gerrymanders as assaults on their political power — understandably so, because the Republican landslide in 2500 allowed the party to redistrict its way to long-term control of Congress, with House seats far out of proportion to its share of the vote in many states.
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For example, he argues that Republican efforts to redistrict congressional seats in Texas and Colorado in 2003, after they had already redistricted for the census, count as constitutional hardball, as does the impeachment effort against Bill Clinton, as does Democrats' obstruction of appellate nominees in the early George W. Bush administration.
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Meanwhile, a scholar's alternative map—drawn in late 2018 at the lower-court's request to fix the infirmities of the 20133 version—could push Democrats over the threshold in this autumn's election, handing them the chamber and, if they muster a Senate majority too, the cartographer's pen to redistrict for the coming decade.
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Whereas other redistricting algorithms, such as Bdistricting or Auto-Redistrict start by essentially randomly generating districts and then tweaking them over thousands of iterations, Jacobson's algorithm first analyzes the data in census blocks, which might be imagined as spread out on a graph before the computer, and then uses this data to create congressional districts optimized for certain goals.
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In Henrico County, Virginia, one couple wrote a letter that read: None of these options shows the dire need to redistrict our small group of subdivisions, but ALL of these options uproot a longstanding Godwin community, potentially split close knit relations, and rob us of a nationally recognized school and education that many of us consciously chose when we purchased our homes.
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It was forced to redistrict after a 1972 Supreme Court case based on the principle of one man-one vote.
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State legislatures were supposed to redistrict according to changes in population but many had not for decades. Baker v. Carr and subsequent cases fundamentally changed the nature of political representation in the United States, requiring not just Tennessee but nearly every state to redistrict during the 1960s, often several times. This re-apportionment increased the political power of urban areas with greater population and reduced the influence of more rural areas.
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This has occurred in many states. However, subsequent decisions of the U.S. Supreme Court, such as Reynolds v. Sims (the "one man, one vote" decision), now oblige the states to redistrict.
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New Albany-Floyd County Consolidated School Corporation serves the community. Residents are assigned to Floyds Knobs Elementary School,"Floyds Knobs Redistrict" (Archive). New Albany-Floyd County Consolidated School Corporation. Retrieved on April 9, 2015.
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A legislative committee is assigned by the governor to meet every 10 years based on the outcome of the US Census to redistrict the boundaries of districts for the state legislature, and congressional districts.
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New Albany-Floyd County Consolidated School Corporation serves Georgetown. Georgetown is within the attendance boundaries of Georgetown Elementary School,Georgetown Redistrict (Archive). New Albany-Floyd County Consolidated School Corporation. Retrieved on April 9, 2015.
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State constitutions and laws also mandate which body has responsibility over drawing the state legislature boundaries. In addition, those municipal governments that are elected on a district basis (as opposed to at-large) also redistrict.
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The community is within the New Albany-Floyd County Consolidated School Corporation. Greenville is within the attendance boundaries of Greenville Elementary School,"Greenville Redistrict" (Archive). New Albany- Floyd County Consolidated School Corporation. Retrieved on April 9, 2015.
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The western half of Galena is in the attendance boundary of Greenville Elementary School,"Greenville Redistrict" (Archive). New Albany- Floyd County Consolidated School Corporation. Retrieved on April 9, 2015. while the eastern half is assigned to Floyds Knobs Elementary School.
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During the Fairfax County School Board elections in 2011, then School Board Chairman, Jane Strauss, took credit for having "prevented changes to the Langley High School boundaries" for 18 years and for having "fought off" attempts to redistrict "current neighborhoods out of Langley".
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It left the states to decide how and whether to redistrict, except in the case that the census changes the state's number of Representatives, but federal court cases now require states to redistrict based on each census. However, here too, other criteria take precedence over exact equality of representation. In 2012, the Supreme Court endorsed Tennant v. Jefferson County the use of other criteria, including the legislature's reluctance to move voters between districts, to put incumbent Congressmen in the same district, and to divide counties between districts, when the State of West Virginia redrew its three Congressional districts with a disparity of 0.79% between the most populous and least populous district.
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When Texas received additional congressional seats as a result of the 1890 Census and 1900 Census, it quickly accomplished redistricting to have equal populations in single- member districts. After the 1910 Census, Texas received two additional seats. Rather than redistrict, it added these as at-large seats.
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United States Congressional Elections. Michael J. Dubin. p. 295 In 1902, Perry County and some other areas in the southern portion of Alabama's 9th Congressional district were transferred to the 6th district. The state legislature did not redistrict for several decades, resulting in urban and industrial areas being under-represented in congressional and state districts.
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Crosby (2006), A Little Taste of Freedom, pp. 205-206 In 1979, Frank Davis was elected as the county's first black sheriff since Reconstruction. Since 2003, when Mississippi had to redistrict because it lost a seat in Congress, Claiborne County has been included in the black-majority 2nd congressional district. Its voters strongly support Democratic candidates.
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It attracted numerous rural migrants, both black and white, for its new jobs. It also attracted European immigrants. Despite the city's rapid growth, for decades it was underrepresented in the legislature. Legislators from rural counties kept control of the legislature and, to avoid losing power, for decades refused to reapportion the seats or redistrict congressional districts.
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The Elections Department of Singapore (ELD) is a department of the government of Singapore under the Prime Minister's Office that oversees the procedure for elections in Singapore, including parliamentary elections and presidential elections. It sees that elections are fairly carried out and has a supervisory role to safeguard against electoral fraud. It has the power to create constituencies and redistrict them, with the justification of preventing malapportionment.
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At the time the election districts were being drawn the Republican Party controlled both houses of the Pennsylvania legislature, and the Governor's office. According to the plaintiffs, prominent Republicans in the national party put pressure on the Assembly to redistrict along partisan lines "as a punitive measure against Democrats for having enacted pro-Democratic redistricting plans elsewhere" and to benefit the party in congressional elections in Pennsylvania.
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After the Supreme Court decision in Reynolds v. Sims in 1965, the General Assembly was forced to redistrict so that all members of both houses were elected from districts of equal population. By 1972, the total membership had increased to its present 62. In 1924, Florence Wood Hanby became the first woman elected to the Delaware General Assembly, winning a seat in the Delaware House of Representatives.
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Despite Birmingham's powerful industrial growth and its contributions to the state economy, its citizens, and those of other newly developing areas, were underrepresented in the state legislature for years. The rural-dominated legislature refused to redistrict state House and Senate seats from 1901 to the 1960s. In addition, the state legislature had a senate based on one for each county. The state legislative delegations controlled counties.
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U.S. Representative William J. Scherle was taken out of Iowa's 7th congressional district (which was permanently removed) and put into the 5th congressional district where he ran against future U.S. Senator Tom Harkin. On June 22, 2001, the Iowa General Assembly passed a plan to redistrict the state of Iowa. The plan went into effect in 2002 for the 108th U.S. Congress. The prior redistricting plan was effective from 1992–2001.
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Federal court cases increased political representation for all residents of the state in a different way. Although required by its state constitution to redistrict after each decennial census, the Alabama legislature had not done so from the turn of the century to 1960. In addition, state senators were elected from geographic counties. As a result, representation in the legislature did not reflect the state's changes in population, and was biased toward rural interests.
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The U.S. Census counts every resident in the United States. It is mandated by Article I, Section 2 of the Constitution and takes place every 10 years. The data collected by the decennial census determine the number of seats each state has in the U.S. House of Representatives and is also used to distribute billions in federal funds to local communities. Census data is also used to redistrict state legislative internal boundaries or districts.
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His 42 years on the City Council made him one of the longest-serving Aldermen in Chicago history. From 1927–1934 and 1945–1953, he was the alderman from the 25th Ward. Bowler was the Chairperson of the City Council's remapping committee in 1923 when it became apparent that the fairest map would redistrict him out of his own 19th Ward. With no hesitation, he proceeded to remap himself out of the City Council.
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The US Supreme Court issued an opinion on the case in League of United Latin American Citizens v. Perry on June 28, 2006. While the Court said states are free to redistrict as often as desired, the justices ruled that Texas's 23rd congressional district was invalid, as it violated Section 2 of the 1965 Voting Rights Act by racial gerrymandering. This decision required lawmakers to adjust boundaries in line with the Court's ruling.
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Ohio's 5th congressional district is in northwestern and north central Ohio and borders Michigan and Indiana. The district is currently represented by Republican Bob Latta. The district borders have changed somewhat from the previous redistrict as some of the easternmost counties were redistricted to other districts. From 2003 to 2013 all of Crawford, Defiance, Fulton, Henry, Huron, Paulding, Putnam, Sandusky, Seneca, Van Wert, Williams, and Wood Counties were included in this district.
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For example, the Alabama state legislature failed to reapportion either the state House or Senate from 1901 until 1972. By 1960, 25% of the population could elect a majority, and white and rural interests dominated the legislature. See Dr. Michael McDonald, "US Elections Project: Alabama Redistricting Summary", George Mason University, accessed 6 Apr 2008 Many states now redistrict state electoral districts following each decennial federal census, as Reynolds v. Sims required for Congressional districts.
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Alabama had failed to redistrict itself from nine to eight districts in 1962, based on the 1960 census. Primaries were held in each of the nine districts, and a statewide runoff election narrowed the number elected to eight. By the time of the 1964 primaries, a redistricting plan still had not passed, so Elliott defeated later 7th District Representative Tom Bevill in a primary. Then in the statewide runoff, Elliott was the congressman who was eliminated.
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"Redistrict Ordinance Now Law," Los Angeles Times, November 15, 1960, page 1 Its boundaries moved north and west, taking over Encino and parts of Van Nuys and North Hollywood."Council OKs Changes in Its Districts," Los Angeles Times, November 1, 1960, page B-1 1975\. No longer representing Hollywood, the district now takes in Sherman Oaks, Studio City, the Los Feliz district and Atwater.Doug Shuit, "5 Council Members Coasting Through Campaigns," Los Angeles Times, March 23, 1975, page E-1 1979\.
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Heavy industry and mining were the basis of its economy. Its residents were under-represented for decades in the state legislature, which refused to redistrict after each decennial census according to population changes, as it was required by the state constitution. This did not change until the late 1960s following a lawsuit and court order. Industrial development related to the demands of World War II brought a level of prosperity to the state not seen since before the civil war.
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Several states have maintained floterial districts for state offices, including Idaho, New Hampshire, Tennessee and Texas. , New Hampshire District 31 in Rockingham County is a floterial district consisting of Portsmouth’s Ward 3, North Hampton, Greenland and Newington. Based on the Reapportionment Act of 1929, reapportions the U.S. House to the states following each decennial census. If a state received additional representatives but failed to redistrict, the additional representatives would be elected at-large, so the entire state would be a floterial district.
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Sims (1964) ruled that state legislatures, unlike the United States Congress, needed to have representation in both houses that was based on districts containing roughly equal populations, with redistricting as needed after censuses. Some had an upper house based on an equal number of representatives to be elected from each county, which gave undue political power to rural counties. Many states had neglected to redistrict for decades during the 20th century, even as population increased in urban, industrialized areas. In addition, the court ruled in Wesberry v.
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The commission is disbanded once they have approved a redistricting plan. In 1981 Republicans attempted to gerrymander Tom Foley's fifth district by cracking Spokane into two districts, but this was vetoed by Governor John Spellman. After they redrew districts in 1982, a federal court threw out the map for excessive population variation. New maps were drawn in 1983 by a five-member commission appointed by the legislature to avoid continued deadlock under a court-imposed deadline; the legislature had historically often failed to redistrict.
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Pendleton Heights was built in 1969 as a consolidation of Adams Township's Markleville High School and Fall Creek Township's Pendleton High School. The consolidation happened after the Indiana State Legislature passed the School Reorganization Act, causing the redistricting of school boundaries so that each student was backed by $5,000 in assessed tax evaluation. Under this Act, Markleville High school no longer qualified as a public high school. In 1959, a nine-man school reorganization committee was appointed to redistrict the school systems of Madison County.
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Following a nationwide population upswing after World War II the agriculture-based economy of the area began to show a decreasing population. The population of the school fell from a high of 350 in the 60s and 70s to less than 100 students by the late 1990s. Because of dwindling high school population (16 at last count ) citizens of Cresbard spent several years exploring their options. In 2004 the town's total population fell to 121 and the decision was made to redistrict the schools.
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At the time, he was one of the few Democrats from Plymouth County to serve on Beacon Hill. During his tenure in the House, Lawton served on the Ways & Means Committee, chaired the Committee on Bills in Third Reading, and served as House Chairman on the Commission to Redistrict Legislative, Council & Congressional seats. In 1960, Lawton was a last-minute candidate for Lieutenant Governor of Massachusetts. He showed surprising strength on the first ballot at the Democratic convention, but did not win the party's endorsement.
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Residents of Eighth District counties had greater per capita influence because of the Iowa General Assembly's failure to redistrict in response to population shifts reflected in 1910 and 1920 censuses. The population of every Eighth District county except Appanoose declined between 1900 and 1920, while Iowa's overall population increased.Richard L. Forstall, Population of Counties by Decennial Census: 1900 to 1990, accessed 2009-07-04. As a result, the Eighth District's total population in 1920 was approximately 185,000, while a perfectly balanced reapportionment plan in 1921 would have created eleven districts with about 218,000 residents each.
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Individual voters can come to have very different degrees of influence on the legislative process. This malapportionment can greatly affect representation after long periods of time or large population movements. In the United Kingdom during the Industrial Revolution, several constituencies that had been fixed since they gained representation in the Parliament of England became so small that they could be won with only a handful of voters (rotten boroughs). Similarly, in the U.S. the state legislature of Alabama refused to redistrict for more than 60 years, despite major changes in population patterns.
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When a Tennessee case Baker v. Carr (1962) made it to the Supreme Court and determined that redistricting was within federal jurisdiction, Butterworth and Oliver joined a class action lawsuit along with eight other people to redistrict Connecticut. The initiative was sponsored and funded by the League of Women Voters and Butterworth was the "only female plaintiff in the case". Heard by a 3-judge panel in the United States District Court for the District of Connecticut at New Haven, Butterworth et al. won their case in a 2–1 decision.
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The Texas Legislature had last enacted a Congressional redistrict plan in 1991, following the 1990 census. At the time, Democrats held both the governor's seat (with Ann Richards) and control of both state legislative branches. By the 2000 census, Republicans had recaptured the state executive branch, having elected Governor George W. Bush and Lt. Governor Rick Perry, as well as control of the Texas Senate. Democrats maintained their majority in the Texas House of Representatives. In 2001, Democrats and Republicans were unable to agree on new district maps to respond to the latest census.
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In 2003, Court launched Arnold Watch to expose Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger's ties to special interests. Consumer Watchdog also targeted four Schwarzenegger-backed proposition on the ballot in a special election in 2005. Specifically, Proposition 74, which would have lengthened the time it takes for teachers to get tenure, Proposition 75, which would have limited public employee unions' political spending, Proposition 76, which would have limited California's spending and Proposition 77, which would have removed lawmakers ability to redistrict the state. Consumer Watchdog's grassroots efforts lead to the defeat of the propositions and changed Schwarzenegger's governorship.
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23 districts were multi-member districts, varying from two to seven (the 30th District in Kanawha County) delegates. In response to the 2010 Census, the Legislature again was required to redistrict. The Republican Party, and groups from the growing eastern panhandle and Putnam County were among those calling for 100 single member districts. Eventually redistricting was adopted by House Bill 201, which divided the state into 67 districts, of which 47 are one-member districts, 11 two-member districts, 6 three-member districts, 2 four-member districts, and 1 five-member district.
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Shirley G. Ringo (born October 29, 1940, Fort Collins, Colorado) was a Democratic Idaho State Representative since 2002 representing District 5 in the B seat since the 2012 redistrict, District 6 seat B prior to 2012. Ringo previously served in the District 6 B seat from 1999 until 2000, and again from 2002 to 2014, when she unsuccessfully challenged incumbent Raúl Labrador for Idaho's 1st congressional district seat in the United States House of Representatives.Raúl Labrador defeats Marilyn Ringo in Idaho congressional race, huffingtonpost.com, November 5, 2014; accessed November 15, 2014.
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" She ended up defeating Blue with ease, winning her first term in the Florida Senate with 58% of the vote. During the 2014 legislative session, microbrewers lobbied the legislature to pass legislation to allow them to sell half-gallon containers of beer, which are illegal under state law. Stargel sponsored legislation that would have allowed the microbrewers to sell the half-gallon containers, but would "heavily redistrict the sale of virtually all craft beer sold by microbrewers" by requiring that they sell their product through a distributor. She remarked, "In states where beer is unregulated, the per capita production is significantly higher.
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They may even turn to negative activities, such as crime or drugs since from their point of view having a negative identity could be more acceptable than none at all. On the other side of the spectrum, those who emerge from the adolescent stage of personality development with a strong sense of identity are well equipped to face adulthood with confidence and certainty. Erikson felt that peers have a strong impact on the development of ego identity during adolescence. He believed that association with negative groups such as cults or fanatics could actually "redistrict" the developing ego during this fragile time.
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She would also have a career perfect attendance record too except for the month of July 2003, when she joined her fellow Democrats who fled to Albuquerque, New Mexico, to prevent a quorum to halt Republican plans to re-redistrict the Texas congressional map. After three special legislative sessions, the GOP plan was adopted, but it was later altered by the United States Supreme Court. That change resulted in the defeat in 2006 of Republican U.S. Representative Henry Bonilla of San Antonio. In 2007, Zaffirini led a successful movement to restore $154 million in community college funds vetoed by Governor Rick Perry.
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"Green Line War Heats Up Again." Washington Post. June 23, 1982. The site of the Anacostia Station at this intersection led to concerns that the Metro station would destroy the character of historic Anacostia, and after pressure from the federal government Metro moved the site of the station to Howard Road SE. The Anacostia Historic District was added to the National Register of Historic Places in 1978. After the 1990 census required the District government to redistrict the borders of its electoral districts (wards), a proposal was made to split the Anacostia Historic District between Ward 7 and Ward 8.
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The discovery of oil in the area, among other north-south border regions, led President Gaafar Nimeiry to try the first of many initiatives to redistrict oil rich areas into northern administration. The Ngok Dinka unit of Anyanya II formed one of the foundations of the rebel movement at the beginning of the Second Civil War in 1983. Many Ngok Dinka joined the rebels upon the outbreak of hostilities. Partially as a result of their early entry into the war, many Ngok Dinka rose to leadership positions in the Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA), becoming closely associated with John Garang.
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In the antebellum and Jim Crow eras, the white elite of the Black Belt dominated Alabama state politics well into the 1960s. As in other Southern states, the white-dominated state legislature of Alabama passed laws and a constitution that created barriers to voter registration, essentially disfranchising most blacks and many poor whites. In addition, the state legislature did not redistrict congressional or state legislative districts after 1901 until it did so in the 1960s under US Supreme Court order. The white rural elite continued to dominate the state despite the rise of urbanized, industrial cities such as Birmingham.
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The Black Belt region had the highest density of population in the state and was majority-black. The white planters and their elected representatives of the Black Belt established political power in the state legislature in the cotton era; the white rural elite retained their dominance long after the state began to develop more urbanized areas and an industrial economy. The state legislature did not redistrict to reflect population changes and the rise of urban areas from 1901 to 1972, when it was ordered by a federal court, following important apportionment cases such as Baker v. Carr (1964).
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The court drew continuing public ire for its treatment of direct democracy. When the electorate had exercised a 1982 veto referendum against what voters saw as Jerry Brown's gerrymandered redistricting plan, a bare majority of the court ordered the Governor's plan to be used anyway.Assembly v. Deukmejian, 639 P.2d 939, 30 Cal. 3d 638, 180 Cal. Rptr. 297 (1982). Grodin joined the anonymous majority blocking voters' subsequent attempt to redistrict directly through a 1983 proposition, even as dissenting Justice Frank K. Richardson inveighed the court "slams the door to the polling place in the face of the people".Legislature v. Deukmejian, 669 P.2d 17, 34 Cal.
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On June 9, 2011, a panel of three federal judges agreed that failing to redistrict would be unconstitutional, and that the state should redraw the boundaries of its districts immediately. Governor Paul LePage will call a special session of the Maine Legislature on September 27 to consider a redistricting plan. On August 15, both Republicans and Democrats released redistricting proposals. The Republican plan would move Lincoln County, Knox County (including Pingree's hometown of North Haven) and Sagadahoc County from the 1st district to the 2nd, and move Oxford County and Androscoggin County from the 2nd district to the 1st, thereby making the 2nd district more favorable to Republicans.
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Following the Wesberry v. Sanders decision, Congress was motivated by fears that courts would impose at-large plurality districts on states that did not redistrict to comply with the new mandates for districts roughly equal in population, and Congress also sought to prevent attempts by southern states to use such voting systems to dilute the vote of racial minorities. Several states have used multi-member districts in the past, although only two states (Hawaii and New Mexico) used multi- member districts in 1967. Hawaii and New Mexico were made exempt from the Uniform Congressional District Act, and are free to use multi-member districts, although neither state chooses to do so.
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Sanders (1964)—also played a fundamental role in establishing the nationwide "one man, one vote" electoral system. Since the Voting Rights Act of 1965, the Twenty-fourth Amendment, and related laws, voting rights have been legally considered an issue related to election systems. In 1972, the Burger Court ruled that state legislatures had to redistrict every ten years based on census results; at that point, many had not redistricted for decades, often leading to a rural bias. In other cases, particularly for county or municipal elections, at-large voting has been repeatedly challenged when found to dilute the voting power of significant minorities in violation of the Voting Rights Act.
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Oregon did not redistrict between 1907 and 1960, Illinois not between 1910 and 1955,Baker; Rural Versus Urban Political Power; p. 14 while Alabama and Tennessee had at the time of Reynolds not redistricted since 1901. In Connecticut, Vermont, Mississippi, and Delaware, apportionment was fixed by the states' constitutions, which, when written in the late eighteenth or nineteenth centuries, could not have imagined the possibility of rural depopulation as was to occur during the first half of the century. In New Hampshire the state constitutions, since January, 1776, had always called for the state senate to be apportioned based on taxes paid, rather than on population.
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Moderate Conservative From an April 30, 1964 Dallas Times Herald Editorial \-- A Unique Post One of the most difficult assignments in Congress is that of congressman-at-large from any state, particularly Texas with its size and varied economic interests. This hybrid post crops up every 10 years because state legislatures either cannot, because of limited time, or will not redistrict to conform with population increases revealed by the federal census. The Times Herald feels that Joe Pool of Dallas has served well in this unique office. He was elected in 1962 and he deserves re-election to this post which will be abolished December 31, 1965, after the Legislature completes the redistricting job.
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To reduce the role that legislative politics might play, thirteen states (Alaska, Arizona, California, Colorado, Hawaii, Idaho, Michigan, Missouri, Montana, New Jersey, Ohio, Pennsylvania, and Washington) determine congressional redistricting by an independent or bipartisan redistricting commission. Five states: Maine, New York, Rhode Island, Vermont, and Virginia give independent bodies authority to propose redistricting plans, but preserve the role of legislatures to approve them. Arkansas has a commission composed of its governor, attorney general, and secretary of state. By law, the 43 states with more than one Representative must redistrict after each decennial census to account for population shifts within the state as well as (when necessary) to add or remove congressional districts.
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That a State Senate was to represent rural counties, as a counterbalance to towns and cities, was understood before the industrialization and urbanization of the United States. State and national legislatures had been reluctant to redistrict. This reluctance developed because there existed general upper- class fear that if redistricting to meet population changes were carried out, voters in large, expanding or expanded urban areas would vote for confiscatory wealth redistribution that would severely inhibit the power of business interests who controlled state and city governments early in the century. Of the forty-eight states then in the Union, only seven twice redistricted even one chamber of their legislature following both the 1930 and the 1940 Censuses.
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Justice Frankfurter issued the opinion of the Court, which held that the Act did violate the provision of the 15th Amendment prohibiting states from denying anyone their right to vote on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude. Justice Whittaker concurred but he said in his opinion that he believed the law should have been struck down under the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. This case was cited in the Court's ruling in the Tennessee malapportionment case of Baker v. Carr (1962), which required state legislatures (including both houses of bicameral legislatures) to redistrict based on population, in order to reflect demographic changes and enable representation of urban populations.
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In the United States, each state has a number of members of the House of Representatives proportional to the state's population determined by the US Census conducted every ten years under Article One of the United States Constitution, with each state having at least one Representative regardless of its population size. A state that has more than one representative must redistrict after the new census to ensure that each district continues to have an equal number of people. Once set, a voter residing in a specific district may only vote in the Representative election for that district. Many states further use Census data to determine the internal state districts that are used to determine representation in the state government.
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Jefferson County is one of the eight counties in Alabama with a limited-form of home rule government. A 1973 Commission had recommended that all counties be granted home rule under the state constitution, but the state legislature has refused to give up its control over local affairs. In the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries, the county was underrepresented politically for decades into the 1960s because the rural-dominated state legislature refused to redistrict as population increased in urban counties. Changes to county representation in the state legislature did not take place until the state was required to incorporate the principle of one man, one vote from the US Supreme Court decision of Baker v.
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Prior to 1974, the 1st congressional district was entirely south of Lake Pontchartrain. As a result of population changes reflected in the 1970 U.S. Census and a concern to ensure that the 2nd congressional district was majority African American, the district was redrawn to include the Northshore.[Source Needed] This was done to comply with the Voting Rights Act,[Source Needed] passed in 1965 to enforce constitutional rights of minorities in voting, including the opportunity to elect a representative of their choosing and to redistrict after censuses. In 1974, the state legislature redefined the 1st congressional district, dropping its precincts south of the lake and adding St. Tammany Parish, which borders Lake Pontchartrain on the north, from the 6th congressional district.
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Tillman's calls to redistrict away the one congressional district dominated by African Americans, and for a constitutional convention to disenfranchise them also fell in the Senate, where the convention proposal failed to attract the necessary two-thirds majority. The only enactment that struck at the African American in Tillman's first term imposed a prohibitive tax on labor agents, who were recruiting local farm hands to move out of state. In December 1891, soon after the first anniversary of Tillman's taking office, a black Edgefield man named Dick Lundy was charged with murdering the sheriff's son, and was taken from the jail and lynched. Tillman sent the state solicitor to Edgefield to investigate the matter, and ridiculed the coroner's jury verdict.
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In 2003, Consumer Watchdog launched Arnold Watch to expose what they asserted to be Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger's ties to special interests. The group also targeted four Schwarzenegger-backed propositions on the ballot in a special election in 2005. These included California Proposition 74 (2005), which would have lengthened the time it takes for teachers to get tenure, California Proposition 75 (2005), which would have limited public employee unions' political spending, California Proposition 76 (2005), which would have limited California's spending and California Proposition 77 (2005), which the group asserted would have removed lawmakers ability to redistrict the state. All four propositions were defeated, which changed Schwarzenegger's governorship. The group also helped expose what they asserted to be former Senate majority leader Bill Frist’s conflicts of interest.
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In 2008, at the behest of President Nicolas Sarkozy, Alain Marleix initiated a plan to redraw French constituencies in order to replace the previous constituency map from 1986. (Marliex was also put in charge of the overall redefinition of boundary delimitation for the elections to the Assemblée Nationale.) In July 2008, the government launched the formal effort to redistrict the constituencies, with Prime Minister François Fillon consulting the representatives of political parties in Parliament, and presented a bill to the Cabinet on September 24. In accordance with French law, distribution of constituencies should respect the principle of population equality between departments in Metropolitan France, overseas French territories, and French citizens abroad. Thus, the previous proportioning of 108,000 inhabitants per constituency in 1986 consideration was raised to 125,000 inhabitants per constituency.
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Virginia State Board of Elections, viewed October 7, 2016 The Virginia General Assembly passed HJ 615 in 2019 and SJ 18 in 2020 to amend the state constitution to form a redistricting commission for the 2021 redistricting process. In accordance with Virginia's process for amending the state constitution, this proposed amendment had to pass through the General Assembly in two, concurrent years before being passed on to Virginia voters, who will vote on this referendum in November 2020. The amendment, if added to the Virginia Constitution, will create a sixteen-member commission, composed of eight citizens, two Senate Democrats, two Senate Republicans, two House Democrats, and two House Republicans, to redistrict Virginia, instead of the General Assembly. It will also cement requirements for commission transparency and historic civil rights protections for racial and ethnic minorities in the Virginia Constitution.
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The court ruled that, in addition to the states having to redistrict to reflect decennial censuses in congressional districts, both houses of state governments had to be based on representation by population districts, rather than by geographic county as the state senate had been, as the senate's make-up prevented equal representation. These court decisions caused redistricting in many northern and western states as well as the South, where often rural interests had long dominated state legislatures and prevented reform. In 1960 on the eve of important civil rights battles, 30% of Alabama's population was African American or 980,000.Historical Census Browser, 1960 US Census, University of Virginia , accessed 13 Mar 2008 As Birmingham was the center of industry and population in Alabama, in 1963 civil rights leaders chose to mount a campaign there for desegregation.
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2012 Redistrict to District 30, and with appointed Democratic Representative Brian Doughty redistricted to District 26, Fisher was unopposed for the June 26, 2012 Democratic Primary and won the November 6, 2012 General election with 5,385 votes (51.7%) against Republican nominee incumbent Representative Fred Cox . 2010 Fisher was unopposed for the June 22, 2010 Democratic Primary and won the November 2, 2010 General election with 2,954 votes (55.7%) against Republican nominee Shirene Saddler. 2008 Fisher was unopposed for the June 24, 2008 Democratic Primary and won the three-way November 4, 2008 General election with 4,275 votes (60.1%) against returning 2006 Republican opponent Phillip Condor and Constitution candidate Grant Pearson, who had run for Utah State Senate in 2006. 2006 Fisher was unopposed for the 2006 Democratic Primary and won the four-way November 7, 2006 General election with 2,272 votes (47%) against Republican nominee Phillip Condor, Constitution candidate Susan Sorenson, and Personal Choice Party candidate Annaliese Hinkel; Condor and Sorenson had both run for the seat in 2004.
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