The results will be used, among other useful things, to reapportion parliamentary districts.
|
|
This was the only time in history that the House did not reapportion.
|
|
He plans to introduce legislation to reapportion these proposed incentives for exactly that purpose.
|
|
Breaking with the Constitution, Congress did not use the 28500 census to reapportion its seats.
|
|
The Supreme Court ruled that states had to regularly reapportion legislative seats to maintain districts of equal size.
|
|
After the 2900 census revealed a major and continuing shift in the population from rural to urban areas, conservatives refused to reapportion House seats.
|
|
Even if the census' integrity is preserved, some Republican-led states may be tempted to try abandoning total population when they reapportion their state legislatures.
|
|
Since many states use federal data to reapportion their own legislatures every ten years, the impact would also be felt in state and local politics.
|
|
He had the choice to release his delegates or to let the party reapportion them based on the percentage the remaining candidates won in the state.
|
|
Reapportion Congress by citizens rather than population -- This is another King proposal, which would presumably mean fewer lawmakers in places with fewer non-citizens living there.
|
|
Congress also refused to reapportion the House until the end of the decade because traditionally white rural regions didn't want to cede power to increasingly diverse urban centers.
|
|
The census tally, which includes everyone living in the United States regardless of immigration status, is used to reapportion political boundaries every 10 years to account for population changes.
|
|
The Constitution requires the census in order to reapportion the US House of Representatives, so 435 congressional seats are apportioned to the 50 states based on the population each state has.
|
|
After the Supreme Court required states to reapportion their legislatures in the 85033s, for example, 33 of the necessary 34 state legislatures filed applications demanding a convention to propose an amendment reversing the court's rulings.
|
|
The compromise, reached in 1929, entailed adding 50 house seats (but permanently capping the House at 435 members) and transferring the power to reapportion the House after each Census from Congress to the Secretary of Commerce.
|
|
The formula is complicated, but it will basically reapportion funding based on the proportion of each state's population with incomes between 50% and 138% of the federal poverty level of the country's total population in this income range.
|
|
In separate telephone conversations, Fournier and his wife, Lori, told me that they doubted that their own fathers would have been able to drop their guards, dig into their hearts and reapportion their time the way that Fournier did for Tyler.
|
|
After all, if the freedom to define oneself is limited by pervasive privilege (related to one's race, sex, gender, ethnicity, etc.), this fact, on its face, seems to favor not further limitations on that freedom—in some abortive attempt to police or reapportion privilege—but rather the abolition of the subject privilege altogether and the expansion of the liberty and agency of the individual to self-define in any way she sees as authentic.
|
|
Cebra was appointed to the Commission to Reapportion Maine's Congressional Districts in 2011.
|
|
Hoover's victory was positively received by newspapers; one wrote that Hoover would "drive so forcefully at the tasks now before the nation that the end of his eight years as president will find us looking back on an era of prodigious achievement." Hoover's detractors wondered why he did not do anything to reapportion congress after the 1920 United States Census which saw an increase in urban and immigrant populations. The 1920 Census was the first and only Decennial Census where the results were not used to reapportion Congress, which ultimately influenced the 1928 Electoral College and impacted the Presidential Election.
|
|
White rural interests dominated the state's politics by disenfranchisement of African Americans and by refusal to reapportion the legislature. It was not until after the civil rights movement and federal intervention that more African Americans were able to vote. The Supreme Court overturned rural domination in the South and other states that had refused to reapportion their state legislatures, or retained rules based on geographic districts. In the landmark ruling of one man, one vote, it ruled that states had to organize both houses of their legislatures by districts that held approximately equal populations, and that these had to be redefined as necessary after each decade's census.
|
|
As Governor of New York, Roosevelt had called on the New York legislature to provide aid for the needy, establishing Roosevelt's reputation for being more favorable toward government interventionism during the economic crisis. The Democratic Party, including Al Smith and other national leaders, coalesced behind Roosevelt, while progressive Republicans like George Norris and Robert La Follette Jr. deserted Hoover. Hoover's detractors wondered why he did not do anything to reapportion congress after the 1920 United States Census which saw an increase in urban and immigrant populations. The 1920 Census was the first and only Decennial Census where the results were not used to reapportion Congress; which ultimately influenced the 1928 Electoral College and impacted the Presidential Election.
|
|
It attracted numerous rural migrants, both black and white, for its new jobs. It also attracted European immigrants. Despite the city's rapid growth, for decades it was underrepresented in the legislature. Legislators from rural counties kept control of the legislature and, to avoid losing power, for decades refused to reapportion the seats or redistrict congressional districts.
|
|
Wright, George Cable. "New Jersey High Court Orders Reapportionment of Legislature; Says Present Body Violates 'One Man, One Vote' Edict -- Urges New Law for '65 JERSEY ORDERED TO REAPPORTION", The New York Times, November 26, 1964. Accessed July 7, 2009. In a decision issued on December 15, 1964, the Supreme Court ruled unanimously that the weighted voting system as adopted was unconstitutional.
|
|
Democrats dominate every level of government, and routinely win elections with well over 70% of the vote. Al Gore won the 7th in 2000 with 72% of the vote while John Kerry won 79% in 2004. Barack Obama took 84% of the vote in 2008. Washington's seventh seat in the U.S. House was added after the 1950 census, but the state did not immediately reapportion.
|
|
From 1886 until 1933, the district was made up of Boone, Calhoun, Carroll, Crawford, Emmet, Greene, Hamilton, Humboldt, Kossuth, Palo Alto, Pocahontas, Winnebago, and Webster counties. After 1886, the boundaries of the district never changed;Iowa Official Register 1929-30 at p. 3. the Iowa General Assembly refused to reapportion its districts until the loss of two seats following the 1930 census left the State with no other choice.
|
|
He also offered to introduce Lake County candidates to Deschutes County voters during the next election cycle."Short Will Not Seek Reelection", Bend Bulletin, Bend, Oregon, 7 May 1949, p. 7. Short also expressed his support for a plan to reapportion state House and Senate seats to ensure rural counties had local representation in the legislature."Deschutes Farm Bureau Plans Action", Bend Bulletin, Bend, Oregon, 22 February 1950, p. 1.
|
|
The Apportionment Act of 1911 (Public Law 62-5) raised the membership of the U.S. House to 433 and provided for an apportionment. It also provided for additional seats upon the admissions of Arizona and New Mexico as states, increasing the number to 435 in 1912. In 1921, Congress failed to reapportion the House membership as required by the United States Constitution. This failure to reapportion may have been politically motivated, as the newly elected Republican majority may have feared the effect such a reapportionment would have on their future electoral prospects."Fair Representation, Meeting The Ideal of One Man One vote" - Michel Balinski and H. Peyton Young -- Page 51 A reapportionment in 1921 in the traditional fashion would have increased the size of the House to 483 seats, but many members would have lost their seats due to the population shifts, and the House chamber did not have adequate seats for 483 members.
|
|
"The Congressional Districts," Waterloo Courier, 1886-04-14. No new counties were added, and Emmet, Palo Alto, Pocahontas, Calhoun, Greene, and Carroll counties were moved to the 10th district. After 1886, the boundaries of the district never changed;Iowa Official Register 1929-30 at p. 3. the Iowa General Assembly refused to reapportion its districts until the loss of two seats following the 1930 census left the State with no other choice.
|
|
For example, the Alabama state legislature failed to reapportion either the state House or Senate from 1901 until 1972. By 1960, 25% of the population could elect a majority, and white and rural interests dominated the legislature. See Dr. Michael McDonald, "US Elections Project: Alabama Redistricting Summary", George Mason University, accessed 6 Apr 2008 Many states now redistrict state electoral districts following each decennial federal census, as Reynolds v. Sims required for Congressional districts.
|
|
All were Republican lawyers except Bowman, a Democratic newspaperman. All were from Council Bluffs except Hager (from Adair County), McPherson (from Montgomery County), Green (from Audubon County), and Vincent (from Guthrie County). The General Assembly's 45-year failure to reapportion congressional districts resulted in malapportionment, which was particularly severe in certain districts in Iowa. Residents of three other southern Iowa districts (the 1st, 6th, and 8th) gained in per capita influence as the districts' population growth slowed or reversed.
|
|
To avoid suspicion, he used as a pretext the occasion of a religious festival, at which time the assembled leaders would discuss the need to reapportion taxes among the khoshuuns. The meeting occurred on July 10 and the Mongolians discussed whether it would be better to submit to or resist the will of the Qings. The assembly became deadlocked, some arguing for complete, others for partial, resistance. Eighteen nobles decided to take matters into their hands.
|
|
In 1912, Cruce vetoed a bill to reapportion the state into eight congressional districts designed to minimize Republican voting strength. This veto as well as the Governor's attempts to abolish some public institutions for economic reasons, led the legislature to investigate the executive branch. As a result, the State Auditor, State Insurance Commissioner, and State Printer were impeached. Cruce himself escaped impeachment in the Oklahoma House of Representatives by a single vote, similar to U.S. President Andrew Johnson.
|
|
The boundaries of the District are open for reconsideration in light of population shifts revealed by the decennial US Census. Until 2011, Maine's constitution provided for the state to reapportion the Congressional districts based on census data every ten years beginning in 1983, which would have meant that the state was next due to consider redistricting in 2013. However, a federal lawsuit filed in March 2011 led to a requirement that Maine speed up its redistricting process. Maine state legislators approved new boundaries on September 27, 2011.
|
|
Reporter Frederick William Wile made the oft-repeated observation that Smith was defeated by "the three P's: Prohibition, Prejudice and Prosperity".reprinted 1977, John A. Ryan, "Religion in the Election of 1928," Current History, December 1928; reprinted in Ryan, Questions of the Day (Ayer Publishing, 1977) p.91 The Republican Party was still benefiting from an economic boom, as well as a failure to reapportion Congress and the electoral college following the 1920 census, which had registered a 15 percent increase in the urban population. The party was biased toward small-town and rural areas.
|
|
Representation in the house of delegates was apportioned on the basis of the census of 1850, counting Whites only. The Senate representation was arbitrarily fixed at 50 seats, with the west receiving twenty, and the east thirty senators. This was made acceptable to the west by a provision that required the General Assembly to reapportion representation on the basis of White population in 1865, or else put the matter to a public referendum. But the east also gave itself a tax advantage in requiring a property tax at true and actual value, except for slaves.
|
|
Prince Namnansüren By the spring of 1911, some prominent Mongolian nobles including Prince Tögs-Ochiryn Namnansüren persuaded the Jebstundamba Khutukhtu to convene a meeting of nobles and ecclesiastical officials to discuss independence. The Khutukhtu consented. To avoid suspicion, he used as a pretext the occasion of a religious festival, at which time the assembled leaders would discuss the need to reapportion taxes among the khoshuuns. The meeting occurred on July 10 and the Mongolians discussed whether it would be better to submit to or resist the will of the Qings.
|
|
He was re-elected two years later. Iowa lost two seats in Congress due to the 1930 census, which required the 1931 Iowa Legislature to reapportion the state's congressional districts for the first time in over four decades. However, the boundaries of the old 11th district were kept intact, and were renumbered as the 9th district, leading commentators to predict that Campbell's seat was "apparently safe." In the next election (in 1932), Campbell won the Republican nomination for that seat, but faced maverick Democrat Guy M. Gillette in the general election.
|
|
Marden was also a long-time advocate for court reform. In 1966, he was appointed by the New York State Court of Appeals to serve as chairman of the Judicial Commission to Reapportion New York State. From 1963 to 1970, as president of the National Defender Project, Marden also administered a six million dollar grant from the Ford Foundation to establish model public defender offices in several U.S. cities. He was a prominent advocate for an appointive judiciary and argued for the improvement of the quality of lawyers in the Federal Court system.
|
|
Representation in the house of delegates was apportioned on the basis of the census of 1850, counting whites only. The Senate representation was arbitrarily fixed at 50 seats, with the west receiving twenty, and the east thirty senators. This was made acceptable to the west by a provision that required the General Assembly to reapportion representation on the basis of white population in 1865, or else put the matter to a public referendum. But the east also gave itself a tax advantage in requiring a property tax at true and actual value, except for slaves.
|
|
Rural workers poured into the largest cities in the state for better jobs and a higher standard of living. One example of this massive influx of workers occurred in Mobile. Between 1940 and 1943, more than 89,000 people moved into the city to work for war-related industries. Cotton and other cash crops faded in importance as the state developed a manufacturing and service base. Despite massive population changes in the state from 1901 to 1961, the rural-dominated legislature refused to reapportion House and Senate seats based on population, as required by the state constitution to follow the results of decennial censuses.
|
|
Calcasieu Parish Police Jury building Calcasieu Parish is governed by an elected body known as the Police Jury. Some 15 single-member districts have been defined, with a population of approximately 12,200 persons per district (based on the 2000 Census). Each district elects one Juror for representation, in keeping with the ruling by the U.S. Supreme Court of the "one man, one vote" principle. The Court had found that Louisiana and a number of other states had failed to reapportion their state legislatures for decades, in many cases keeping representation based on geographic boundaries, such as counties or parishes, rather than population.
|
|
During the 1988 Democratic presidential primaries he supported Jesse Jackson and petitioned to serve as a Jackson delegate from the 29th congressional district. In 1989, he was selected to serve as the chairman of the state Legislative Commission on the Development of Rural Resources by Speaker Mel Miller. In 1990, he was selected by Miller to replace Angelo Del Toro, who was appointed as Chairman of the Education committee, as co-chairman of the joint Legislative Task Force on Demographic Research and Reapportionment committee, which would reapportion districts based upon the 1990 Census. In 1994, he was selected to replace Michael J. Bragman as chairman of the Transportation committee.
|
|
A 2009 lawsuit, Clemons v. Department of Commerce, sought a court order for Congress to increase the size of the House's voting membership and then reapportion the seats in accordance with the population figures of the 2010 Census. The intent of the plaintiff was to rectify the disparity of congressional district population sizes among the states that result from the present method of apportionment. Upon reaching the U.S. Supreme Court in December 2010, the holdings of the lower district and appellate courts were vacated and the case remanded to the U.S. District Court from which the case originated with instructions that the district court dismiss the case for lack of jurisdiction.
|
|
Election flyer from Minnesota Reporter Frederick William Wile made the oft-repeated observation that Smith was defeated by "the three P's: Prohibition, Prejudice and Prosperity".reprinted 1977, John A. Ryan, "Religion in the Election of 1928," Current History, December 1928; reprinted in Ryan, Questions of the Day (Ayer Publishing, 1977) p.91 The Republican Party was still benefiting from an economic boom, as well as a failure to reapportion Congress and the electoral college following the 1920 census, which had registered a 15 percent increase in the urban population. Smith's economic conservatism and anti-prohibition stance likely contributed to his inability to coalesce support amongst rural progressives.
|
|
In a general election in which Ronald Reagan and Grassley won landslide victories, Evans won a narrow victory in his historically Republican district, defeating Democrat Lynn Cutler by only four percentage points."Evans Squeaks by Cutler," Oelwein Daily Register, 1980-11-04 at p. 6. In Evans' first year in Congress, the Iowa Legislature was required to reapportion Iowa's congressional districts. The state's non-partisan Legislative Service Bureau produced two plans that were rejected by legislators, but its third plan removed six traditionally Republican counties from Evans' district while adding historically Democratic Johnson County, home of the University of Iowa."Reapportionment goes to Governor," Oelwein Daily Register, 1980-08-13 at p.1.
|
|
The French plan called for its two armies to press against the flanks of the Coalition's northern armies in the German states while simultaneously a third army approached Vienna through Italy. Specifically, Jean-Baptiste Jourdan's army would push south from Düsseldorf, hopefully drawing troops and attention toward themselves, which would allow Moreau’s army an easier crossing of the Rhine and Huningen and Kehl. If all went according to plan, Jourdan’s army could feint toward Mannheim, which would force Charles to reapportion his troops. Once Charles moved the mass of his army to the north, Moreau’s army, which early in the year had been stationed by Speyer, would move swiftly south to Strasbourg.
|
|
The French plan called for its two armies to press against the flanks of the Coalition's northern armies in the German states while simultaneously a third army approached Vienna through Italy. Specifically, Jean-Baptiste Jourdan's army would push south from Düsseldorf, hopefully drawing troops and attention toward themselves, which would allow Moreau’s army an easier crossing of the Rhine and Huningen and Kehl. If all went according to plan, Jourdan’s army could feint toward Mannheim, which would force Charles to reapportion his troops. Once Charles moved the mass of his army to the north, Moreau’s army, which early in the year had been stationed by Speyer, would move swiftly south to Strasbourg.
|
|
Based on the 1870 census, Iowa's U.S. House delegation increased from six to nine members, requiring the Iowa General Assembly to reapportion the districts. The Assembly divided the Fifth District into two districts – the relocated Sixth District (which included the easternmost ten counties in the old Fifth, with the capital city of Des Moines) and the new Eighth District (including the remaining thirteen counties, with Council Bluffs its largest city). In this phase, the Eighth District included Union, Ringgold, Audubon, Cass, Adams, Taylor, Shelby, Pottawattamie, Montgomery, Page, Harrison, Mills, and Fremont counties. During this period, the district was represented by Republican lawyers James W. McDill (of Union County), William Fletcher Sapp (of Pottawattamie County) and William P. Hepburn (of Page County).
|
|
Nevada Legislature: Forced to reapportion based on population due to arguments by attorney Myron Leavitt Myron E. Leavitt (October 27, 1930 – January 9, 2004) was an American politician who was the 27th Lieutenant Governor of Nevada from 1979 to 1983. He was a native of Las Vegas, Nevada, and served in many political positions, including the Clark County Commission from 1971 to 1974, and the Las Vegas City Council from 1975 to 1978. He was a member of the Democratic Party. Leavitt was born in 1930 in Las Vegas to Myron 'Mike' Leavitt, a county highway department worker, and his wife Estella, a maid. Following graduation from Las Vegas High School in 1948, Myron E. Leavitt won an athletics scholarship to the University of Nevada, Reno.
|
|
In May he was a member of a four person delegation supported a bill in the state legislature that would reapportion the state house to 150 seats which was successfully passed. Following his defeat for reelection as mayor he led a successful write-in campaign for the Republican nomination, placing second out of eleven candidates, as one of six candidates for state senate seats. Keenan was unable to campaign for state senate due to being hospitalized and the initial results of the election showed him losing by one vote. Later recounts found an error in the vote totals that under-reported Hector Marcoux's total by 100 votes and after it was included gave him a lead of 101 votes against Keenan.
|
|
His first term passed with little advancement on the internal improvement front because the representatives from southern part of the state blocked any large-scale plans on the grounds that such projects would have little value for their constituents since most of the projects would be in the central part of the state. Noble had a census conducted and recommended that the legislature reapportion representation to grant more seats to the central counties. The legislature approved the plan, and expanded the Senate and House of Representatives to their present sizes of 50 and 100 seats, respectively. The change gave the central and northern parts of the state more representatives than the south for the first time, despite the fact that the south was still significantly more populous.
|
|
Based on the 1870 census, Iowa's U.S. House delegation increased from six to nine members, requiring the Iowa General Assembly to reapportion the districts. Because the northwestern area of the state was relatively less populous, its congressional district (the ninth) was by far the largest, encompassing more than a quarter of the state's 99 counties, and running from the Minnesota border on the north and the Missouri River on the west to Story County, location of the state's geographic center. In this phase, the Ninth District included Hamilton, Story, Boone, Webster, Humboldt, Kossuth, Emmet, Palo Alto, Pocahontas, Calhoun, Greene, Carroll, Sac, Buena Vista, Clay, Dickinson, Osceola, O'Brien, Cherokee, Ida, Crawford, Monona, Woodbury, Plymouth, Sioux, and Lyon counties. It included the growing cities of Sioux City, Fort Dodge, and Ames.
|
|
Congressman Struble As a result of the 1880 census, Iowa's delegation in the U.S. House increased from nine to eleven members, causing the 1881 Iowa General Assembly (where George R. Struble was midway through his term as speaker of the House of Representatives) to reapportion the state's nine- district map into an eleven-district map. Plymouth County and much of northwestern Iowa was included in a new Eleventh District. In 1882, Isaac Struble won the Republican nomination to become the Eleventh District's first representative, then won the general election, becoming a member of the Forty- eighth United States Congress. Struble entered the U.S. House as a member of a freshman class so large that it made up a majority of the House membership, something that has never recurred.
|
|
In most states, the legislature draws the boundaries of electoral districts, including its own; and even court decisions that set aside malapportionment acknowledge that political self-interest plays a role in decisions of the legislature.For example, in Burling v. Chandler, 148 NH 143 the New Hampshire supreme court had no problem that various redistricting proposals had partisan motives, though this observation prompted it to mandate its own redistricting map rather than endorse any of the submissions. Legislatures and the majority party can pursue self-interest by gerrymandering—contriving legislative districts to promote the election of specific individuals or to concentrate the opposition party's core constituencies in a small number of districts—or by simply declining to reapportion at all, so that the make-up of a legislature fails to track the evolving demographics of the state.
|
|
In 1957, Proxmire won a special election to the United States Senate and named Day as his legal counsel in Washington, D.C. Upon returning to Madison, in 1958, Day resumed his law practice until 1974. During this period, he was chair of the Madison Public Housing Authority, which during his tenure built the first public housing units in Madison; served as special counsel to Governor John W. Reynolds in the reapportionment case before the Wisconsin Supreme Court, which became the first state court in the nation to reapportion legislative districts on the basis of one person, one vote. He also represented the mayor of Madison in a civil action challenging his right to go forward with the building of the Monona Terrace and served on the Board of Regents of the University of Wisconsin system from 1972 to 1974.
|
|
A 2009 lawsuit, Clemons v. Department of Commerce (see also controversy and history of United States congressional apportionment), sought a court order for Congress to reapportion the House of Representatives with a greater number of members following the census, to rectify under- and over- representation of some states under the so-called 435 rule established by the Apportionment Act of 1911, which limits the number of U.S. Representatives to that number, meaning that some states are slightly underrepresented proportionate to their true population and that others are slightly overrepresented by the same standard. Had this occurred, it would have also affected Electoral College apportionment for the 2012–2020 presidential elections. After the court order was not granted, the plaintiffs appealed the case to the United States Supreme Court, and on December 13, 2010, the Supreme Court vacated and remanded with instructions to dismiss the complaint for lack of jurisdiction.
|
|
As was the case in other states where rural legislators hung on to power despite changes in state demographics, North Carolina eventually had to redefine its method of electing house members and to reapportion congressional seats, which was supposed to be done after every decennial census. At a time of civil rights legislation to end segregation (Civil Rights Act of 1964) and enforce the constitutional right to vote for African Americans and other minorities (Voting Rights Act of 1965), the US Supreme Court made rulings that resulted in corrections to state legislature representation and apportionment in several states. Starting in 1966 (in the wake of Reynolds v. Sims, a US Supreme Court case establishing the principle of one man, one vote), members of the North Carolina State House were required to be elected from districts defined on the basis of roughly equal population, rather than from geographic counties.
|
|
Fair-share scheduling is a scheduling algorithm for computer operating systems in which the CPU usage is equally distributed among system users or groups, as opposed to equal distribution among processes. One common method of logically implementing the fair-share scheduling strategy is to recursively apply the round-robin scheduling strategy at each level of abstraction (processes, users, groups, etc.) The time quantum required by round-robin is arbitrary, as any equal division of time will produce the same results. This was first developed by Judy Kay and Piers Lauder through their research at Sydney University in the 1980s. For example, if four users (A,B,C,D) are concurrently executing one process each, the scheduler will logically divide the available CPU cycles such that each user gets 25% of the whole (100% / 4 = 25%). If user B starts a second process, each user will still receive 25% of the total cycles, but each of user B's processes will now be attributed 12.5% of the total CPU cycles each, totalling user B's fair share of 25%. On the other hand, if a new user starts a process on the system, the scheduler will reapportion the available CPU cycles such that each user gets 20% of the whole (100% / 5 = 20%).
|
|