That was the joy about being a skinhead, the misconstruction.
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It is possible to imagine a version of the letter Comey wrote to Republican congressional investigators that wasn't open to such easy and devious misconstruction.
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Pushed on his failure to increase police numbers back in 2013, Boris claimed that any suggestion he had actually promised 1,000 additional police officers was a "wilful misconstruction".
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Pushed on his failure to increase police numbers back in 2013, Boris claimed that any suggestion he had actually promised 1,000 additional police officers was a "willful misconstruction."Heathrow
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This misconstruction enables conservatives to label proposals such as Medicare for All as socialist projects, and results from the erroneous assumption that if socialists support a particular program, that means the program is ipso facto socialist.
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From 1848 he sought to undermine Henry Phillpotts, the bishop of Exeter, attacking William Maskell, domestic chaplain to Phillpotts and involved in the Gorham case. The effect was to suggest Phillpotts was a supporter of the Tractarians. That was a misconstruction of the bishop's wish to stay within a strict interpretation of the rubrics in liturgical matters.
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He wrote also three biographies: his 1792 An Essay on the Life and Genius of Samuel Johnson, his 1762 Fielding's Works and his 1801 Life of David Garrick. Murphy is thought to have coined the legal term "wilful misconstruction" whilst representing the Donaldson v. Becket appeal to the House of Lords in 1774 against the perpetual possession of copyright. He died at Knightsbridge, London, and was buried at Hammersmith, London.
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The range of ideological disparities within anarchism is often paradoxical and never fully coherent. In general, anarchists are opposed to hierarchy and capitalism but differ in how they believe that change should be made. Other complicating factors in defining "anarchism" include disagreement over its status as a political ideology and contention over the term's historical usage. Anarchism's rejection of the state and state policy largely sits outside the purview of political scientists and in some formulations, its misconstruction as the antithesis of politics contributes to its marginalization as a political ideology.
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Pierre Bayle recounts the title-pages of no fewer than thirty-two books of which Amyraut was the author. These show that he took part in all the great controversies on predestination and Arminianism which then so agitated and harassed all Europe. Substantially he held fast the Calvinism of his preceptor Cameron; but, like Richard Baxter in England, by his breadth and charity he exposed himself to all manner of misconstruction. In 1634 he published his Traité de la predestination, in which he tried to mitigate the harsh features of predestination by his Universalismus hypotheticus.
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The Foreign Compensation Commission had misinterpreted certain subsidiary legislation, with the effect that almost all claims for foreign compensation would be defeated. Their Lordships held that this misconstruction of the legislation rendered the decision ultra vires, and since the Parliament could not have intended for the ouster clause to protect an ultra vires determination, judicial review was not precluded. Though Anisminic did not expressly abolish the distinction between jurisdictional and non- jurisdictional errors of law, in R v Lord President of the Privy Council, ex parte Page (1992). the House of Lords noted that:Ex parte Page, p. 701.
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However, as noted above, there are several different manuscript traditions, including one that gives "demoirgon", which has been taken by most critical editors to indicate some form of misconstruction of the Greek dēmiourgon. Jahnke thus restores the text to read "He is speaking of the Demiurge, whose name it is not permitted to know". However, this phantom word in one of the manuscript traditions took on a life of its own among later scholars. In the Early Middle Ages, Demogorgon is mentioned in the tenth-century Adnotationes super Lucanum, a series of short notes to Lucan's Pharsalia that are included in the Commenta Bernensia, the "Berne Scholia on Lucan".
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These unaccounted children skew the population statistics and therefore, the death toll as well. Additionally, since these children were born pardo, it can be assumed if they reached adulthood, they did not hold high socioeconomic status, signifying a higher susceptibility to the disastrous effects of the drought. Furthermore, the children of the unaccounted pardo population were also disadvantaged; with a higher susceptibility to disease, the president of Ceará remarked the “sad truth” of the disproportionate death rate of malnourished children. Another misconstruction is apparent through analyzation of the emigration statistics. Although the vast majority of the population, “an estimated 90 percent,” emigrated Ceará during the drought, it is debatable how many citizens survived their journey.
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In 1915, Slaton commuted the sentence for Leo Frank from death to life imprisonment. "I can endure misconstruction, abuse and condemnation,... but I cannot stand the constant companionship, of an accusing conscience which would remind me that I, as governor of Georgia, failed to do what I thought to be right.... It means that I must live in obscurity the rest of my days, but I would rather be plowing in a field than to feel that I had that blood on my hands." Because of the almost universal hostility toward Leo Frank among the general public in Georgia, Governor Slaton's decision to commute his death sentence was widely condemned as interference. Public disapproval of Slaton persisted, long afterwards.
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The original data simply showed the frequency with which certain derogatory words were used in tweets on certain college campuses or places nearby these campuses, and it did not consider the context within these derogatory words were used. To say that some colleges are more "hate-filled" than others due to College Stats' data is a misconstruction. Numerous news sources, including Inside Higher Ed and Southern Poverty Law Center, and the Brookings Institution, reported that there was a spike in racial hate crimes and harassment following the election of Donald Trump as President of the United States. Although each case has not been verified, the SPLC claimed to have counted 201 racial incidents in less than a week.
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During the First World War, the Allied governments had decided to try defeated leaders whom they considered responsible for violations of international law and the laws of war. For that purpose, it was decided to establish an expert committee to make recommendations to that effect. Following the conclusion of the Armistice in November 1918, preparations began. The defeated German government officially concurred with the initiative on grounds that: > A complete truthful account of the world conditions and of the negotiations > among the powers in July 1914 and of the steps taken at that time by the > several governments could and would go far toward demolishing the walls of > hatred and misconstruction erected by the long war to separate the > peoples.
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As Audley's career advanced in the early 1530s, so did Rich's, through a variety of legal posts, before he became truly prominent in the mid-1530s. Other preferments followed, and in 1533 Rich was knighted and became the Solicitor General for England and Wales in which capacity he was to act under Thomas Cromwell as a "lesser hammer" for the demolition of the monasteries, and to secure the operation of Henry VIII's Act of Supremacy. Rich had a share in the trials of Thomas More and Bishop John Fisher. In both cases his evidence against the prisoner included admissions made in friendly conversation, and in More's case the words were given a misconstruction that could hardly be other than wilful.
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As a corollary, the government argued that the restrictions imposed by the FISC below were a misconstruction of the FISA provisions and "an end run around" the amendments added by the Patriot Act. The American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) and the National Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers (NACDL) submitted amicus curiae briefs in support of the restrictions. The briefs argued primarily that the FISA statute (and the amendments of the Patriot Act) are unconstitutional under the Fourth Amendment unless they are construed to prohibit the government from obtaining a FISA surveillance order if its "primary purpose" is criminal prosecution. Among other things, the Court of Review found that FISA is constitutional, that the minimization requirements of FISA are not grounds to limit the purpose of the FISA application, and that FISA may be used to collect evidence for criminal prosecution. The Court also noted (but made no judgment regarding) "the President’s inherent constitutional authority to conduct warrantless foreign intelligence surveillance" which relates to part of the government justification in the NSA warrantless surveillance controversy.
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