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"centralism" Definitions
  1. a way of organizing something, such as government or education, that involves one central group of people controlling the whole system
"centralism" Antonyms

467 Sentences With "centralism"

How to use centralism in a sentence? Find typical usage patterns (collocations)/phrases/context for "centralism" and check conjugation/comparative form for "centralism". Mastering all the usages of "centralism" from sentence examples published by news publications.

He reorganised the KMT along Leninist lines, giving himself almost dictatorial powers (in Leninspeak: "democratic centralism").
However, it is the protocols of "centralism" — with the military at the center — that characterizes the Nigerian variant.
Democratic centralism still prevails—exemplified by the party's monopoly on power, Xi Jinping's autocratic rule and the suppression of dissent.
Many Catalans see the party as the embodiment of Castilian centralism, and feel marginalised by its drive to aggrandise Madrid.
Strongholds of political centralism (Castile in Spain), prosperous borderlands (Skane in Sweden) or regions with a self-sufficient spirit (Bavaria in Germany) leant right.
As a result of all this, centralism has not merely been imposed on Nigeria, but made to percolate throughout its governing structures, even affecting the nation's political consciousness.
Vox — nationalism at its purest — has clamored for the strongest possible repression of those seeking independence, and, more generally, for an end to federalism and a return to Castilian centralism.
The decision that elevated him to "core" also emphasized "democratic centralism" — giving all senior officials a say — and said they should come from the "five lakes and four seas," meaning from varied backgrounds.
The party under Xi's leadership has repeatedly warned that it will not tolerate dissenting voices, and the official People's Daily struck a firm note in pressing home that message against a phenomenon it termed "de-centralism".
"De-centralism is a way of thinking and behaving where each goes their own way, with only freedom and no discipline, only thinking of acting alone and ignoring everyone else," the paper wrote in a commentary.
Meant to lay the groundwork for "a society free from authoritarianism, militarism, centralism and the intervention of religious authority in public affairs," the charter established three autonomous cantons in Rojava, as the Kurdish region in northern Syria is known.
Wilson's administrative state transferred a great deal of power to the federal president and the unelected civil servants who reported to him, while Lenin's conception of "democratic centralism" concentrated power in the hands of an apparatus controlled by the elite of one party, the Communist Party.
Other campaigns have been more ideological: the "Eight Musts" of 2012 stressed the importance of the party's monopoly of power as well as of "reform and opening"; a campaign was launched in February requiring officials to bone up on Mao's essay, "Working Methods of Party Committees", and "improve their consciousness of democratic centralism".
Second, the principle of > democratic centralism was defined as democracy under the guidance (rather > than under the leadership) of centralism and the essence of democratic > centralism is democracy rather than centralism. Third, all the business of > the 8th Central Committee was made public. Fourth, there should be no > idolatry.
Democratic centralism is an organizational principle conceived by Lenin. According to Soviet pronouncements, democratic centralism was distinguished from "bureaucratic centralism", which referred to high-handed formulae without knowledge or discussion. In democratic centralism, decisions are taken after discussions, but once the general party line has been formed, discussion on the subject must cease. No member or organizational institution may dissent on a policy after it has been agreed upon by the party's governing body; to do so would lead to expulsion from the party (formalized at the 10th Congress).
The Communist Party of Vietnam is organized according to the Leninist principle of Democratic centralism.
Tourish, Dennis (2003). "Introduction to 'Ideological Intransigence, Democratic Centralism and Cultism." What Next?, vol. 27.
The organization of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is based upon the Leninist idea of democratic centralism.
Impossibilist movements are also associated with anti-Leninism in their opposition to both vanguardism and democratic centralism.
Marxists Internet Archive. Retrieved 14 February 2020. democratic centralism has also been practised by social democratic parties.Lih, Lars (2005).
In On Party Unity, Lenin argued that democratic centralism prevents factionalism. He argued that factionalism leads to less friendly relations among members and that it can be exploited by enemies of the party. By the Brezhnev period, democratic centralism was described in the 1977 Soviet Constitution as a principle for organizing the state: "The Soviet state is organized and functions on the principle of democratic centralism, namely the electiveness of all bodies of state authority from the lowest to the highest, their accountability to the people, and the obligation of lower bodies to observe the decisions of higher ones". Democratic centralism combines central leadership with local initiative and creative activity and with the responsibility of each state body and official for the work entrusted to them.
Retrieved 11 November 2019. and that a political vanguard organised by organic centralism was more effective than a vanguard organised by democratic centralism. For Bordiga and those left communists supporting his conception of Stalinism, Joseph Stalin and later Mao Zedong, Ho Chi Minh, Che Guevara and other anti-imperialist revolutionaries were great Romantic revolutionaries, i.e. bourgeois revolutionaries.
Like other Leninist and Trotskyist parties, it upholds the principles of democratic centralism in order to ensure "bottom-up democracy" among party members.
Trotsky and his supporters in the Left Opposition were joined by the Group of Democratic Centralism to form the United (or Joint) Opposition.
Democracy in any form, the CCP claims, needs centralism, since without centralism there will be no order. According to Mao, democratic centralism "is centralized on the basis of democracy and democratic under centralized guidance. This is the only system that can give full expression to democracy with full powers vested in the people's congresses at all levels and, at the same time, guarantee centralized administration with the governments at each level exercising centralized management of all the affairs entrusted to them by the people's congresses at the corresponding level and safeguarding whatever is essential to the democratic life of the people".
This was a thoroughgoing change, since the CPC had been accustomed (and still is to some degree) the "rule of man" rather than the "rule of law" (law in the sense of party by-laws). The main problem under Mao could be argued was democratic centralism and how it was interpreted. Democratic centralism was defined as "centralism on the basis of democracy and democracy under centralized guidance". In an environment in which formal definitions, institutional design and procedures were relegated to lesser importance, and those of subjective responsibility and personal ethics were emphasized, men dominated institutions.
Democratic centralism is also stated in Article 3 of the present Constitution of the People's Republic of China: > Article 3. The state organs of the People's Republic of China apply the > principle of democratic centralism. The National People's Congress and the > local people's congresses at different levels are instituted through > democratic election. They are responsible to the people and subject to their > supervision.
Italian left communist Amadeo Bordiga dismissed Marxism–Leninism as political opportunism that preserved capitalism because of the claim that the exchange of commodities would occur under socialism. He believed the use of popular front organisations by the Communist InternationalBordiga, Amadeo (1952). "Dialogue With Stalin". and a political vanguard organised by organic centralism were politically more effective than a vanguard organised by democratic centralism.
Thomas Gamaliel Bradford's map of Texas in 1835 In March 1833, the capital of the state was transferred from Saltillo to Monclova. The following year, centralists began urging Santa Anna to overturn the federal system and introduce centralism. Some legislators believed that centralism would be the only way to retain Texas, as newspapers in the United States continued to make statements about the forthcoming annexation of Texas.
Lenin described democratic centralism as consisting of "freedom of discussion, unity of action". The doctrine of democratic centralism served as one of the sources of the split between the Bolsheviks and the Mensheviks. The Mensheviks supported a looser party discipline within the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party in 1903 as did Leon Trotsky, in Our Political Tasks, although Trotsky joined ranks with the Bolsheviks in 1917. The Sixth Party Congress of the Russian Social-Democratic Labour Party (Bolsheviks) held at Petrograd between 26 July and 3 August 1917 defined democratic centralism as follows: # That all directing bodies of the Party, from top to bottom, shall be elected.
At the Second Congress of the Third International, the Sinistra opposed the Third International's structure, preferring an international party, as well as its requirement of democratic centralism.
The Pari people descend from the group that rejected Nyikango.Simon Simonse, Kings of Disaster: Dualism, Centralism, and the Scapegoat King in Southeastern Sudan, BRILL (1992), p. 53.
Nationalism and Culture is a nonfiction book by German anarcho-syndicalist writer Rudolf Rocker. In this book, he criticizes religion, statism, nationalism, and centralism from an anarchist perspective.
Communist states share similar institutions which are organized on the premise that the communist party is a vanguard of the proletariat and represents the long-term interests of the people. The doctrine of democratic centralism, developed by Vladimir Lenin as a set of principles to be used in the internal affairs of the communist party, is extended to society at large. According to democratic centralism, all leaders must be elected by the people and all proposals must be debated openly, but once a decision has been reached all people have a duty to account to that decision. When used within a political party, democratic centralism is meant to prevent factionalism and splits.
The text What Is to Be Done? from 1902 is popularly seen as the founding text of democratic centralism. At this time, democratic centralism was generally viewed as a set of principles for the organizing of a revolutionary workers' party. However, Vladimir Lenin's model for such a party, which he repeatedly discussed as being "democratic centralist", was the German Social Democratic Party, inspired by remarks made by the social democrat Jean Baptista von Schweitzer.
Yet another way of categorizing meta- ethical theories is to distinguish between centralist and non-centralist moral theories. The debate between centralism and non-centralism revolves around the relationship between the so-called "thin" and "thick" concepts of morality: thin moral concepts are those such as good, bad, right, and wrong; thick moral concepts are those such as courageous, inequitable, just, or dishonest.Jackson, Frank. 1992. "Critical Notice." Australasian Journal of Philosophy 70(4):475–88.
Because of this stance, Lenin initiated a ban on factions, which was approved at the 10th Congress. Lenin believed that democratic centralism safeguarded both party unity and ideological correctness. He conceived of the system after the events of 1917 when several socialist parties "deformed" themselves and actively began supporting nationalist sentiments. Lenin intended that the devotion to policy required by centralism would protect the parties from such revisionist ills and bourgeois defamation of socialism.
Beijing: Foreign Languages Press. Retrieved 27 December 2019. Other left communists such as the councilists explicitly reject the Leninist vanguard party and the organic centralism promoted by Bordigists.Rühle, Otto (2007) [1920].
1968 proved the start of a long decline in membership, characterised by competition between different tendencies. The leadership tended to be eurocommunist, but opposition was stronger than in the CPGB. In 1979, its congress adopted a new programme, Our Future, which did not commit the group to Marxism and removed the policy of democratic centralism. The new programme exacerbated divisions in the group, and in 1983, with membership down to 510, democratic centralism was re-imposed.
However, Communists retained key posts in the new party, and used the principle of democratic centralism to ensure that the Social Democratic part of the new party complied with the new order.
Will Partlett has written that the amendments "follow the recent 'populist' trend toward state-building grounded on constitutional centralism, anti- institutionalism, and protectionism".William Partlett, Russia's 2020 Constitutional Amendments: A Comparative Perspective.
She left the Socialist Party in 1998 in disputes over the Euro, trade unions, and the relevance of democratic centralism to modern socialist politics and became a supporter of the Socialist Solidarity Network.
The political and administrative controversy had to be transferred to the social and economic plane. 2\. Federalism does not appear in Peruvian history as popular demand but as demand for gamonalismo and its clientele. 3\. The centralism is based on the regional caciquismo and gamonalismo (willing, nevertheless, to claim federalism according to the circumstances), while federalism recruits its followers among caciques and gamonales in disgrace before the central power. 4\. One of the vices of political organization is certainly centralism.
In 1817, Belgrano was sent to fight the civil war that opposed Buenos Aires centralism. Paz was sent to fight Estanislao López, chief of the Federal forces, and beat him at La Herradura, Córdoba.
The principles of democratic centralism, combined with the legislature's infrequent sessions (it sat in full session only twice a year) meant that for all intents and purposes, his decisions had the force of law.
As part of the merger agreement, the party's ideology will consist of Marxism–Leninism and support for a multi-party system in Nepal, while the party itself will remain secular and governed by democratic centralism.
Mariano Salas took office as provisional president on August 6; on August 22, he reestablished the 1824 Constitution and called an election. With the constitution again in force, centralism ended and the federal system was restored.
Todish et al. (1998), p. 8. During the 1830s, the Mexican government wavered between federalist and centralist policies. As the pendulum swung sharply towards centralism in 1835, several Mexican states revolted.Todish et al. (1998), p. 6.
The Portuguese Communist Party (, , PCP) is a major political party in Portugal. It is a Marxist–Leninist party, and its organization is based upon democratic centralism. The party also considers itself patriotic and internationalist.Portuguese Communist Party (2005).
Centralism once again imposed its Civil Governors and Provincial Councils, and the Diputación de Barcelona was once again installed in this palace. The division of Catalonia into four provinces ignored the traditional division of Catalonia into comarques.
Anti-factionalist cartoon by the exile section of the Romanian Communist Party, December 1931 Democratic centralism is a practice in which political decisions reached by voting processes are binding upon all members of the political party. Although mainly associated with Leninism, wherein the party's political vanguard composed of professional revolutionaries practised democratic centralism to elect leaders and officers as well as to determine policy through free discussion, then decisively realised through united action,Lenin, Vladimir (1906). "Report on the Unity Congress of the R.S.D.L.P." "VIII. The Congress Summed Up".
Bureaucracy and centralism had been the ideal breeding ground for right-wing extremist attitudes. The GDR leadership had created an authoritarian state that made it easy for right-wing extremists to find social connections.Christoph Butterwegge: Rechtsextremismus. Herder Verlag, 2002, , .
He established a Supreme Council of France and contributed to the creation of a "General Scottish Grand Lodge of France", under the protection of Kellerman. State centralism demanded the merger of these two institutions, which happened some years later.
It has come to mean, for uninformed people, something entirely opposite to its original meaning". Taaffe argues that the "right-wing Labour leadership who usually hurl insults against the Marxists on the alleged undemocratic character of 'democratic centralism' themselves actually practice an extreme form of 'bureaucratic centralism', as the experience of the witch-hunt against Militant and others on the left in the Labour Party demonstrated". Discussing the perceived 'dangers' of democratic centralism, Taaffe has argued that according to Leon Trotsky there are no guarantees in any form of organisation which can guard against malpractice and the form of organisation that a party takes has a material origin that reflects the circumstances it finds itself in as well as how it orientates to them: "The regime of a party does not fall ready made from the sky but is formed gradually in the struggle. A political line predominates over the regime.
The Bureau meeting, which is convened by the Chairman of the Bureau, should be held at least once a year. The Bureau implements the Democratic Centralism . The Bureau is mainly responsible for personnel changes in the CDPF and supervision work.
While the idea of democratic centralism, newly accepted as the governing principle for the CPGB, would seem to suggest that she was in breach of discipline, Labour Monthly continued as the personal organ of R. P. Dutt and even received subsidies.
After a 50-year struggle between federalism and centralism, between confederation and central state, between conservative and liberal-radical vision, in 1848, today's federal government of Switzerland emerged. Zug was given its current cantonal structure, consisting of eleven local municipalities.
209–210 Despite endorsing the nation state, Transylvanian party members remained vexed about PNL centralism, and came to promote regionalism as the alternative. The slogan "Transylvania for the Transylvanians" was taken up by Vaida-Voevod during his early activism with the party; it was also a form of nativism, directed specifically against Old-Kingdom bureaucrats sent into the region. The party's very creation had blocked the PȚ's slow extension into Transylvania, which PNR leaders had found unpalatable.Nicolaescu, pp. 154–155 Historian Thomas Gerard Gallagher proposes that Maniu valued political liberties more than "national power", which implied that he resented centralism.
313 The party held its first congress in Amsterdam, January 23-24, 1960.Archief H.H. Drenth Ideologically SWP adhered to Marxism-Leninism, and the party was organized along the lines of democratic centralism. The party had a membership of around 500.Backes, Uwe.
Their desire for order required a certain respect for the fueros that granted special rights to some of the provinces. Nevertheless, some of the provinces were disgruntled with the increased centralism, as shown by events such as the Solís Uprising of 1846.
However, the military leaders remained in power. In September 1976, a new political party was established, the Democratic Union of the Malian People (UDPM), based on the concept of non-ideological democratic centralism. Single- party presidential and legislative elections were held in June 1979.
Bulgaria and Byzantium on the Lower Danube in the end of the 10th century, p. 125Stoimenov, D., Temporary Byzantine military administration in the Bulgarian lands 971-987/989, GSU NCSVP, v. 82 (2), 1988, pp. 40–43Nikolov, Centralism and regionalism in early medieval Bulgaria, pp.
The party was built with democratic centralism as its organizing principle. The primary organization of the party is the cell; then there is the section and the supreme organ is the party congress. Between congresses PCG is headed by Central Committee and Politburo Central Committee.
The issues discussed by the group included centralism in the Church, the role of the bishops' conferences, the role and position of priests, sexual morality, the nomination of bishops and collegiality. On all these issues, the Vatican had published documents which the participants found controversial.
The CPC argued that when Gorbachev came to power and introduced his economic reforms, they were "too little, too late, and too fast". While most CPC researchers criticize the CPSU's economic policies, many have criticized what they see as "Soviet totalitarianism". They accuse Joseph Stalin of creating a system of mass terror, intimidation, annulling the democracy component of democratic centralism and emphasizing centralism, which led to the creation of an inner- party dictatorship. Other points were Russian nationalism, a lack of separation between the Party and state bureaucracies, suppression of non- Russian ethnicities, distortion of the economy through the introduction of over-centralization and the collectivization of agriculture.
Simón Bolivar and Antonio Nariño were in favor of centralism, which was also becoming more popular in Santa Fe de Bogotá. This disagreement threw the United Provinces into an armed confrontation at the end of 1812, and a second one, without Nariño, in 1814.Hechos y Gentes de la primera Republica Colombiana (1810-1816) Luis Angel Arango Library – Virtual Library Federalists (partisans of Francisco de Paula Santander, who saw centralism as a restriction of freedom) would later evolve into the Liberal Party of Colombia. Centralists (partisans of Antonio Nariño and Simón Bolívar, who wanted to see the nation centralized) would evolve into the Colombian Conservative Party.
Nikolov, G., Centralism and regionalism in Bulgaria during the early Middle ages (end of the 7th— beginning of the 11th century, Централизъм и регионализъм в ранносредновековна България (края на VII— началото на ХІ в.), София 2005, стр. 195.Political geography of medieval Bulgaria. From 681 to 1018.
Mengistu became president, with sweeping executive and legislative powers. Due to the doctrine of democratic centralism, he was effectively a dictator. He and the other surviving members of the Derg all retired from the military. However, even as civilians, they dominated the Politburo of the WPE.
The CJB in organized in different regions and chapters. The highest membership body is the general meeting, which is held once every two years. The movement is organized along the lines of democratic centralism. Chapters are active in North Holland, Overijssel, West Brabant, Zuid Holland and Groningen.
On the other hand, many policies due to the political reforms launched by Deng in the early 1980s remain effective after 1989 (such as the new Constitution, term limits, and the democratic centralism), even though some of them have been reversed by Xi Jinping after 2012.
Apart from these books there were also innumerable newspaper articles on indigenous rights, decentralisation and university reform - Zulen himself had tried on two occasions to publish a selection of these in Spain (under the title of Gamonalismo y centralismo or Exploitation and Centralism), but without success.
Ill feelings towards the British persisted for some, as, on the one hand, the British administration gave hopes to the trusting Suvadive islanders, legitimally afflicted by centralism and neglect. On the other hand, the same British administration made a separate agreement with the government of the Maldive Islands.
Simon Simonse (2017): Kings of Disaster: Dualism, Centralism and the Scapegoat King in Southeastern Sudan, page 502. Fountain Publishers; 556 pages. Google Maps: "Jebel Lado". View of the CEDASS farm project with the Koda River, South Sudan and Mount Lado in the background. (Archived) Accessed on 2019-06-04.
The battle of Boyacá was the decisive battle which would ensure the success of the liberation campaign of New Granada. A movement initiated by Antonio Nariño, who opposed Spain's centralism and led the opposition against the viceroyalty, leading to the independence of Cartagena in November 1811, and the formation of two independent governments which fought a civil war – a period known as La Patria Boba. The following year Nariño proclaimed the United Provinces of New Granada, headed by Camilo Torres Tenorio. Despite the successes of the rebellion, the emergence of two distinct ideological currents among the liberators (federalism and centralism) gave rise to an internal clash which contributed to the reconquest of territory by the Spanish.
40–43Nikolov, Centralism and regionalism in early medieval Bulgaria, pp. 194–195Pirivatrić, Samuil's state, pp. 111, 113, 155 However, according to other sources, they were liberated ten years prior to the battle, in 976. The Bulgarians firmly took the initiative and launched continuous attacks towards Thessaloniki, Edessa, and the Adriatic coast.
Piñeiro considered it an error to label Moreno as federal or unitary, proving that this organization been prioritized over the secondary aspect of centralism or federalism, while Groussac similarly notes that Moreno devoted all his energies to the immediate problem of achieving independence without giving much thought to possible long-term scenarios.
The Socorro Province was the site of the genesis of the independence process. A movement was initiated by Antonio Nariño, who opposed Spanish centralism and led the opposition against the Viceroyalty. Cartagena became independent in November 1811. In 1811 the United Provinces of New Granada were proclaimed, headed by Camilo Torres Tenorio.
Kings of Disaster: Dualism, Centralism and the Scapegoat King in Southeastern Sudan. Brill. Lw A famous rain making monarch is the Rain Queen of Balobedu, South Africa. Tribal rain dances are done to ensure rain comes. Notable peoples known to have done rain dances are tribes on the Sahara Desert and Ethiopia.
Lorenzo, pp. 55-57 The Assembly asked the provinces to select the type of government. The support to republicanism was absolute, nobody desired a monarchy; but the dispute of centralism or federalism was still divisive. Some provinces selected the federal organization and others the centralist organization; most members of the Assembly were centralists.
95 The organizational structure of Perwamu was based on democratic centralism. Perwamu disappeared after the 1965 coup d'état.Société pour l'étude et la connaissance du monde insulindien, Association Archipel, Centre national de la recherche scientifique (France), Institut national des langues et civilisations orientales, and Ecole des hautes études en sciences sociales. Archipel. [Bandung]: SECMI.
The Liberal Party of Chile supports same-sex marriage, the legalisation of marijuana, the legalisation of abortion and the legalisation of euthanasia. Further, they support decentralization, which also opposes the heritage of Pinochet who implemented centralism in the country. Finally, the party supports changing the Chilean constitution implemented by Pinochet in 1980.
Bogdanov then wrote a report, which appeared in July 1909. This delineated Vpered's agenda: that Lenin and his allies had fundamentally deviated from "revolutionary Marxism" and the centrality of the hegemonic role of the proletariat in the coming democratic revolution.Waller M. "Democratic Centralism: An Historical Commentary." Manchester University Press, 1981 p28 , 9780719008023.
Uruguayan historians have two main visions about the treaty and the birth of Uruguay as an independent nation. The first group considers that an idea of Uruguayan nationhood existed before the treaty, and cites the rivalry of Montevideo with Buenos Aires, the weak links that united the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata, and the strong rejection of José Gervasio Artigas of the centralism of Buenos Aires. This vision is held by Francisco Bauzá, Juan Zorrilla de San Martín, Pablo Blanco Acevedo, Mario Falcao Espalter and Juan Pivel Devoto. The second group considers instead that the Uruguayans still wanted to be part of the United Provinces of the Río de la Plata, pointing that Artigas was against centralism but never held actual separatist ideas.
It ratified accession to the ISR with 139 votes for, 12 against and 8 abstention. The cohabitation of revolutionary syndicalists with supporters of unconditional international centralism did not last long. After resigning from their responsibilities within the CGTU in July 1923, Marie Guillot and her comrades arranged an Extraordinary Congress in Bourges in November 1923.
So, crazy chick that I was, I joined the Communist party to be with the poor'. Cited Eric Hobsbawm, Interesting Times,,2002 p.137 and began to develop her interest in Marxism. However, she felt that the Party was stifling the ability of its adherents to think freely due to its adherence to democratic centralism .
Page 47. The regime of the López family was characterized by a harsh centralism in the production and distribution of goods. There was no distinction between the public and the private sphere, and the López family ruled the country as it would a large estate."Carlos Antonio López", Library of Congress Country Studies, December 1988.
Beneš resigned on 2 June, and Gottwald became president twelve days later. Within the next few years, bureaucratic centralism under the direction of KSČ leadership was introduced. So-called "dissident" elements were purged from all levels of society, including the Catholic Church. The ideological principles of Marxism-Leninism and pervaded cultural and intellectual life.
The industrial growth rate was the lowest in Eastern Europe. As a result, in 1965, the party approved the New Economic Model, introducing free market elements into the economy. The KSČ "Theses" of December 1965 presented the party response to the call for political reform. Democratic centralism was redefined, placing a stronger emphasis on democracy.
It controls the Vietnam People's Armed Forces. The CPV is organized on the basis of democratic centralism, a principle conceived by Russian Marxist revolutionary Vladimir Lenin. The highest institution of CPV is the party's National Congress which elects the Central Committee. In between party congresses, the Central Committee is the supreme organ on party affairs.
Stevens, pp.219–221 What is clear is that Mexico's capacity for defense was seriously weakened by Apache and Comanche raids at the same time as Mexico was suffering from "centralism, clericalism, militarism, and American imperialism."Smith, Ralph A. "Indians in American- Mexican Relations Before the War of 1846." The Hispanic American Historical Review,Vol.
42–69, 91–95, 124–132; Puiu (2011), p. 102; Totu, pp. 239–244 Dreptatea condemned the "ridiculous rebellion", arguing that its instigators were inconsistent democrats, and dwelling on the older critique of Wallachian centralism; the "republic", Ionescu theorized, would only have reinforced the subjugation of Moldavian communes, while also imposing a one-party regime.
The Soviet Union was established in 1922. Following Lenin's democratic centralism, the Leninist parties were organized on a hierarchical basis, with active cells of members as the broad base. They were made up only of elite cadres approved by higher members of the party as being reliable and completely subject to party discipline.Norman Davies. "Communism".
Among the leadership this was also considered correct Leninist practice, since the Leninist organizational principle of democratic centralism provided "freedom of debate" but required "unity of action" after a decision had been reached. The minority felt it their duty to submit to the will of the majority and Stalin himself practiced this when losing a vote.
585–7; 1963 ed. 571–573. Trotskyists sometimes claim that this ban was intended to be temporary, but there is no language in the discussion at the 10th Party Congress suggesting such.Protokoly (1933) ed. 523–548. The Group of Democratic Centralism was a group in the Soviet Communist Party who advocated different concepts of party democracy.
He was wary of centralism—alien to the internal organization of the inhabitants of the Iberian peninsula and imposed on them according to Pi—, which he deemed to be along monarchy one of the root reasons behind the state of decadence of the Peninsular peoples. He showed a special and naive affection for the United States.
Prince Paul, far more than Alexander, was Yugoslav rather than Serb in outlook (Yugoslavism versus Serbian nationalism). However, unlike Alexander, he inclined much more toward democracy. In its broadest outline, his domestic policy worked to eliminate the heritage of Alexander's centralism, censorship, and military control and to pacify the country by solving the Serb-Croat problem.
In organization, the People's Will Party follows democratic centralism. Nonetheless, it has no assignment for a Secretary General; instead, a collective leadership of the members of the Central Council that are elected in the General Conference rules the party. The Central Council elects its members of the Presidium and members of the Secretariat to undertake daily tasks.
Procuratorial committees are created inside the people's procuratorates at different levels. According to Article 3 of the Organic Law, "the procuratorial committee shall apply the system of democratic centralism and, under the direction of the chief procurator, hold discussions on important cases and other major issues". The procuratorates are responsible for indict criminal suspects as public prosecutor.
Anarcho- Syndicalism versus political socialism; Political parties and labour unions; Federalism versus Centralism; Germany and Spain; The organisation of Anarcho- Syndicalism; The impotence of political parties for social reconstruction; The CNT in Spain: its aims and methods; Constructive work of the labour syndicates and peasant collectives in Spain; Anarcho-Syndicalism and national politics; Problems of our time.
The regime of the López family was characterized by pervasive and rigid centralism in production and distribution. There was no distinction between the public and the private spheres, and the López family ruled the country as it would a large estate."Carlos Antonio López" , Library of Congress Country Studies, December 1988. URL accessed 30 December 2005.
With order now restored throughout his Empire, Franz Joseph felt free to renege on the constitutional concessions he had made, especially as the Austrian parliament meeting at Kremsier had behaved—in the young Emperor's eyes—abominably. The 1849 constitution was suspended, and a policy of absolutist centralism was established, guided by the Minister of the Interior, Alexander Bach.
IEC Later on, it designated specifically to any Bourbon supporter because the latter were said to have also inflated cheeks. Nowadays, the term is used by Catalan and Valencian nationalists to refer pejoratively to who support House of Bourbon on the throne of Spain and defend centralism or whoever acts against Catalonian or Valencian nationalist interests.
Additionally, there is centralism in these two cities, so people from other provinces also tend to dislike its residents. Furthermore, due to the at times extreme cultural difference, between the Coast and the Sierra, there is a general dislike between those two regions that traces back to prehispanic times. > Religions of Ecuador: Roman Catholic 95%, other 5%.
It could also issue governmental regulations in lieu of law. If such regulation was not approved by the MAN at its next session, it was considered revoked. However, under the principles of democratic centralism, such approval was merely a formality. Combined with the MAN's infrequent sessions, this meant that State Council decisions de facto had the force of law.
Burundian delegates at the Soviet- sponsored 1973 World Festival of Youth and Students in East Germany. Micombero managed to navigate between communist and Western powers during the Cold War. As President of Burundi, Micombero ruled through UPRONA as a one-party state. His ideology of "democratic centralism" brought all the country's institutions and media under the regime's control.
In 1883, he was elected to the Carniolan provincial diet. Together with Fran Šuklje, He belonged to the moderate faction of the Slovene Liberals, and opposed both the conservatism of the Old Slovenes, the centralism of Austrian liberals, and the Slovene radical national liberalism, advocated by Ivan Hribar and Ivan Tavčar. He died in Ljubljana in 1897.
PSB opposed the centralism and authoritarianism of Vargas, as well as the rigid labour union structure supported by PTB. They opposed PCB's cult of personality and radical Marxism, which placed the PSB in the centre-left spectrum, between radical Marxism and social democracy. PSB proposed to be a party of "everyone who relies on their own work".
It has been the party's policy since the 8th Central Committee (1956–1969) to democratize the CCP, and by 1994 the goal was to promote people's democracy by developing inner-party democracy. The meaning of democracy in CCP parlance has its basis in Vladimir Lenin's concept of democratic centralism. From its establishment in 1921 to it seizing power in 1949, the CCP was in effect continuously at war, and the centralizing element of democratic centralism became the basis on how the party was ruled. However, with its rise to power, members began to demand the democratization of the party. The 8th Central Committee, elected by the 8th National Congress, promulgated an 8-point resolution in 1956; > First, the CCP must without exception implement the principle of collective > leadership and expand internal party democracy.
The reign of Isabella II was marked by corruption, administrative inefficiency, centralism, and political and social tensions. The liberals soon divided into "moderates" and "progressives", and in Catalonia a republican current began to develop; also, inevitably, Catalans generally favored a more federal Spain. During the second third of the century, there were various progressive uprisings in Barcelona and other places, known as bullangues.
If these decrees were not approved at the Congress's next session, they were considered revoked. In practice, due to the principles of democratic centralism, the Congress merely rubber-stamped these decrees at its next session. When the Soviet Union was established during December 1922, the USSR's Sovnarkom was modeled on the RSFSR's Sovnarkom. It was transformed during 1946 into the Council of Ministers.
The KMT was a nationalist revolutionary party which had been supported by the Soviet Union. It was organized on the Leninist principle of democratic centralism. The KMT had several influences upon its ideology by revolutionary thinking. The KMT and Chiang Kai-shek used the words feudal and counterrevolutionary as synonyms for evil and backwardness, and they proudly proclaimed themselves to be revolutionaries.
In his works, which include Estudios económicos y sociales (1876), El self-government y la Monarquía doctrinaria (1877), Estudios filosóficos y políticos (1877) and Concepto de la Sociología (1876), he opposed excessive political centralism, proposed privatisation of nonessential governmental functions and studied models of parliamentary and decentralised government. In 1912, he was the co- founder of the Reformist Republican Party.
For the Alsatian KPO, the rise of fascism in Europe would complicate its political development. The party conceptualized fascism as largely synonymous to centralism, and compared the 'Italization' of South Tyrol with 'Frenchification' by the French state in Alsace. KPO also criticized German Nazism. However, during the period of 1933-1936 the group around Hueber gradually moved towards pro-Nazi positions.
The organizational principle of the KBW was democratic centralism. Since 1977 the organization was divided into three regional (Nord, Mitte, Süd) and 40 district units. It had in the beginning a 13-member (later expanded) Central Committee and a five-member Standing Committee (Ständiger Ausschuss). The KBW had 900 members in 1973 and about 5,000 (with affiliated organizations) in 1977.
Consolidating "Socialist Cuba", Castro united the MR-26-7, Popular Socialist Party and Revolutionary Directorate into a governing party based on the Leninist principle of democratic centralism: the Integrated Revolutionary Organizations (Organizaciones Revolucionarias Integradas - ORI), renamed the United Party of the Cuban Socialist Revolution (PURSC) in 1962.; ; . Although the USSR was hesitant regarding Castro's embrace of socialism,. relations with the Soviets deepened.
The 1880 Austrian census gives the following data for Dalmatia: 371,565 Croats, 78,714 Serbs and 27,305 Italians. The Croatian faction won the elections in Dalmatia in 1870, but they couldn't go through with the merger with Croatia due to Austrian intervention. The political alliances in Dalmatia shifted over time. At the beginning, the unionists and autonomists were allied together, against centralism of Vienna.
The first violent incident occurred on October 2 at the battle of Gonzales. The Consultation met in November to discuss the reasons for the revolt. The Consultation denounced centralism and organized a provisional state government based "'on the principles of the 1824 Constitution'". The following month, San Antonio surrendered to the Anglos, giving the rebels a great deal of military equipment.
Revolutionary internationalism is a cardinal aspect of its policy principles. Democratic centralism is the guiding organizational principle of CPB. The Congress of the Party, which is convened every 4 years, is the supreme body of the Party which elects a Central Committee accountable to it. The Central Committee is the highest organ of the Party during the interval between two Congresses.
Once a decision is > arrived at we rely on centralism to see that it is carried out. What is > important is that decisions are not only widely discussed, but that they are > implemented as well. There's nothing more undemocratic than an organization > that decides nothing because it is always "discussing", and therefore never > implementing the will of the majority of its members.
Democratic centralism was redefined, placing a stronger emphasis on democracy. The leading role of the KSČ was reaffirmed but limited. In consequence, the National Assembly was promised increased legislative responsibility. The Slovak executive (Board of Commissioners) and legislature (Slovak National Council) were assured that they could assist the central government in program planning and assume responsibility for program implementation in Slovakia.
Rosa Luxemburg and the Spartacist League which had attempted to overturn capitalism during the 1919 German Revolution would become main targets of Lenin's attacks after World War I. Spontaneism remained a popular theory in opposition to the Third International's democratic centralism and influenced the autonomist movement in the 1970s. Its influences can be felt in some parts of today's alter- globalization movement.
Lenin's work What Is to Be Done? especially is criticized as dated and Lenin's critique of spontaneity is rejected. Lenin's idea of democratic centralism is supported as a way to organize a party, but a party must also have constant conflict inside of it to remain revolutionary. The revolutionary party discussed must also always be from a mass worker's movement.
The MKP was organised according to the principle of democratic centralism. The leadership was collective and political instead of individual and personal. The supreme body was the all-party Congress which was held every four years. It determined the party line and program of action and also elected the central council, which functioned as the highest authority of the party in between congresses.
In the place of provincial autonomy he established an unlimited centralism, which reduced Lombardy politically and economically to a fringe area of the Empire. As a reaction to these radical changes the middle class reformers shifted away from cooperation to strong resistance. From this basis appeared the beginnings of the later Lombard liberalism. By 1788 Joseph's health but not his determination was failing.
Ukrainization meant efforts to assert autonomy and counter ascendant Stalinism. Stalinist centralism and its partner Russian nationalism destroyed senses of equality between the republics. The Ukrainian communists and intelligentsia were annihilated. The Borotbist “co-founders of the Ukrainian SSR” were amongst the last remnants of opposition purged under the guise of the destruction of the fake “Borotbist Center” in 1936.
But if there is to be a proper representation for each revolutionary > class according to its status in the state, a proper expression of the > people's will, a proper direction for revolutionary struggles and a proper > manifestation of the spirit of New Democracy, then a system of really > universal and equal suffrage, irrespective of sex, creed, property or > education, must be introduced. Such is the system of democratic centralism. > Only a government based on democratic centralism can fully express the will > of all the revolutionary people and fight the enemies of the revolution most > effectively. There must be a spirit of refusal to be "privately owned by the > few" in the government and the army; without a genuinely democratic system > this cannot be attained and the system of government and the state system > will be out of harmony.
Although virtually every other group on the Republican side was involved in the anticlerical persecution, the Basques did not play a part.Stanley G. Payne, A History of Spain and Portugal Vol. 2 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1973), 649. The Vatican diplomacy tried to orient them to the National side, explicitly supported by Cardinal Isidro Goma y Tomas, but the BNP feared the centralism of the Nationals.
The Communist Party describes itself as a "disciplined and democratic organisation" and operates on a model of democratic centralism. The basic party body is the branch. These are normally localities (towns or counties, for example), although workplace branches also exist. In England, branches are grouped into coherent geographical areas and send delegates to a biennial District Congress which elects a District Committee for its area.
Laos elects a legislature nationally and the public also participates in the election of village heads. The National Assembly (Sapha Heng Xat) has 149 members, elected for five year terms. Laos is a one-party state. According to the constitution, elections are in accordance with the principles of Democratic Centralism and the Lao People's Revolutionary Party serves as the "Leading nucleus" of the political system.
A new central committee was elected, which included Nikos and Panaghis Dimitratos, Yannis Kordatos, G. Doumas and M. Sideris. At the Third Extraordinary Congress of the SEKE-K in November 1924, the party was renamed the Communist Party of Greece and adopted the principles of Marxism–Leninism. Pandelis Pouliopoulos was elected as general-secretary. Ever since, the party has functioned on the basis of democratic centralism.
It was outlawed entirely three months later on 6 November 1991 on Russian territory. The CPSU was a communist party based on democratic centralism. This principle, conceived by Lenin, entails democratic and open discussion of policy issues within the party, followed by the requirement of total unity in upholding the agreed policies. The highest body within the CPSU was the Party Congress, which convened every five years.
In Marxist–Leninist states, the party is seen as the vanguard of the people and from that legitimizes itself to lead the state. Essentially, the party officials in the Politburo informally lead the state. Officially, the Party Congress elects a Central Committee which, in turn, elects the Politburo and General Secretary in a process termed democratic centralism. The Politburo was theoretically answerable to the Central Committee.
It was proclaimed as a Cultural Monument of Exceptional Importance in 1979. The cathedral church is one of the few preserved monuments of Belgrade from the first half of the 19th century. During the times when new social and political structures were slowly emerging, the cathedral church became a central support in the independence fight from Turkish centralism to the final freedom from Ottoman rule.
The organizational principle that drives the political system of the PRC is "democratic centralism". Within the system, the democratic feature demands participation and expression of opinion on key policy issues from members at all levels of party organization. It depends on a constant process of consultation and investigation. At the same time, the centralist feature requires that subordinate organizational levels follow the dictates of superior levels.
The ambiguous precept of "democratic centralism" – power emanating from the people but bound by the authority of higher organs – was made a formal part of constitutional law. The President, the Cabinet, the Slovak National Council, and the local governments were made responsible to the National Assembly. The National Assembly, however, continued its rubber-stamp approval of KSČ policies. All private enterprises using hired labour were abolished.
In February 1948, the Communists took power in the 1948 Czechoslovak coup d'état, and Edvard Beneš inaugurated a new cabinet led by Klement Gottwald. Czechoslovakia was declared a "people's democracy" (until 1960) – a preliminary step towards socialism and, ultimately, communism. Bureaucratic centralism under the direction of KSČ leadership was introduced. Dissident elements were purged from all levels of society, including the Roman Catholic Church.
Its aim is to create "a strong, independent, prosperous and democratic country with an equitable and civilized society, to realise socialism and ultimately, communism." The Party's ideological foundation is Marxism–Leninism and Hồ Chí Minh Thoughts. These ideologies guide the activities of the Party, while promoting "the nation's traditions, and absorbing other nations' essential ideas." The CPV is organised on the principles of democratic centralism.
The Association for the Yugoslav Democratic Initiative () was a political party in SFR Yugoslavia. It is widely considered the first independent all- Yugoslav political movement. UJDI's basic tenets were the transformation of the state through democratization, freedom of thought and political activity, including free multi-party elections, as well as the support for Yugoslavia as a united federal state, as opposed to centralism and separatism.
During Lenin's rule, a resolution entitled About Party Unity had dissolved and banned any factions within the Party under the pretext that intra-Party discussions distract from "solving actual practical problems". This resolution radically shifted the balance in the notion "democratic centralism" from "democratic" to "centralism" and helped lay the groundwork for Joseph Stalin's future centrally planned economic policies. During the Great Purge, the distortion of interests, whereby unions fought for state production interests rather than workers' direct interests of compensation and safety, reached the point of absurdity, as no degree of unsafe working conditions or low pay could be countered by the unions if the party and state decided that the sacrifices must be made. The head of the trade union council during the 1920s, Mikhail Tomsky, first was deposed and some years later committed suicide to avoid the false persecution of the purges.
150px As repression to the calls against centralism, president Antonio Guzmán Blanco joined Falcón State and Zulia State into a combined state called Falcón-Zulia with the intent that Maracaibo had less autonomy. The capital was transferred to Casigua and later to Capatárida. Zulia became only a sub-region of the new state. In 1890 President Raimundo Andueza Palacio reestablished the autonomy of Zulia State with Maracaibo as its capital again.
The same year, a new logo for BARTA and paint scheme for buses was introduced. The agency also started investing in electric-diesel hybrid buses. In 2010, BARTA became a county authority, overseen by the County of Berks, reflecting its focus on regionalism instead of centralism on the city of Reading. The former Reading Railroad Franklin Street Station was refurbished and reopened to bus service on September 9, 2013.
Teja (2010) p.50 As a senator for the state of México, he participated in an 1834 uprising against President Santa Anna, who had changed his politics to centralism. Two months later, he was captured by centralist forces in Jalisco and sent into exile. He traveled to New Orleans, Louisiana, where he encouraged American filibusters to invade Mexico, recruiting Anglo settlers under the guise of brokering land for them.
The Communist Party of Vietnam is organized according to the Leninist principle of Democratic centralism. The supreme party organ is the National Congress, which has been held every five years since 1976. Due to war footing during the time of wars against France and the United States, the first four congresses were not fixed according to a common time schedule. Since the Foundation Conference, 12 national CPV congresses have been held.
Organizationally, PCM was built along the principles of democratic centralism, with the party congress as the highest organ of decision-making. The party congress elects a Central Committee and General Secretary. Plenum of the Central Committee elects a Politburo and the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the PCM, which directs the activities of the party in between party congresses. The party publishes Justice and a theoretical organ, Action.
Although such appointments required legislative confirmation, in practice the principles of democratic centralism made such confirmation merely a formality. He was also chairman of the Council of State, which acted for the Shengo when it was out of session. While he, like all other state officers, was nominally responsible to the Shengo, in practice he was effectively a dictator. The only president under this system was Mengistu Haile-Mariam.
Immediately after Santa Anna had taken office in April, he had handed over all decision-making authority to his vice president, Valentín Gómez Farías, and retired to the countryside. Farías enacted many federalist reforms, which angered citizens and army leaders.Davis (2006), pp. 107–108. Much of the country was clamoring for a return to centralism, yet Texians wanted to take further steps toward self-rule.Davis (2006), p. 109.
With her a new generation of younger, often female MPs entered politics. She was able to keep the three seats. The CPN tried to renew its political program, emphasizing New Left issues like feminism and gay rights. In reaction to this working class- oriented members founded the Horizontal Council of Communists (called so because they were members from different local branches, breaking the vertical organization of democratic centralism).
Seventy expelled 10–15 people, then 60 expelled another 15. All in line with majority and minority. ... Essentially, it happened that a minority of the composition of the TsK [CC] remained of this majority, but without formal violation [of democratic centralism]." According to J. Arch Getty and Oleg Naumov the CC "In the name of party unity and with a desperate feeling of corporate self- preservation, the nomenklatura committed suicide.
The political structure of the Marxist–Leninist state involves the rule of a communist vanguard party over a revolutionary socialist state that represents the will and rule of the proletariat. Through the policy of democratic centralism, the communist party is the supreme political institution of the Marxist–Leninist state. In Marxism–Leninism, elections are held for all positions within the legislative structure, municipal councils, national legislatures and presidencies.Pons, p. 306.
He was one of the founders of the movement Acción Gallega, linked to the Galician agrarianist movement. He was known for his criticism of the caciquismo as an agricultural agreement that dominated medieval Galicia known as "foro". After 1913 he began to closer his speech to the workers movement and around 1915 Basilio Álvarez proposed collaboration with socialists and republicans. Opposite to centralism, advocated a federal structure in Spain.
Betances then suggested an outright, island-wide rebellion, with a proclamation of independence as soon as possible. To Acosta's horror, many of the meeting's attendees sided with Betances. Frustrated by the lack of political and economic freedom, by the continuing repression on the island — all of this caused by the extreme centralism of the Spanish central government in Madrid — an armed rebellion was staged by the pro-independence movement soon after.
The other faction was the pro-Italian Autonomist faction (also known as the "Irredentist" faction), whose political goals varied from autonomy within the Austro-Hungarian Empire, to a political union with the Kingdom of Italy. The political alliances in Split shifted over time. At first, the Unionists and Autonomists were allied against the centralism of Vienna. After a while, when the national question came to prominence, they separated.
A statue to Joseph was even set up in Josephsplatz in 1807 to rally the populace. In this way the Archdukes' centralism contrasted with Stadion's decentralisation and attempt to give more say to the estates. Nevertheless, such nationalism was successful in rebuilding Austria throughout its various military and political setbacks of the French wars. Following Austria's resounding defeat in 1809, Francis blamed reform, and removed the Archdukes from their position.
In November 1918, the county was officially abolished and incorporated in the provisional administrative region of Julian March. With the treaties of Rapallo and Saint Germain-en-Laye of 1920, the whole territory of the county became an integral part of the Kingdom of Italy. The former Habsburg policy favouring local autonomies was replaced by a strict centralism. The Province of Gorizia was established, which had very little self-government compared to the old county.
In addition, those that may feel shy about voicing their opinions can speak freely on the platform without having to be worried about what others think of them. The Pirate Party has also been using the system of LiquidFeedback since 2010 and it has been extremely reliable thus far.Rosa, Rosanna De. “The Five Stars Movement in the Italian Political Scenario. A Case for Cybercratic Centralism?” JeDEM - EJournal of EDemocracy and Open Government, vol.
The Junta was disestablished soon afterwards, and the deputies from other cities removed from Buenos Aires. The triumvirate undid the creation of local juntas at the provinces, favoring instead the rule of governors appointed from Buenos Aires. It delayed as well the declaration of independence and the sanction of a constitution. The relation with the provinces shifted to a strong centralism, generating the resistance of José Gervasio Artigas at the Banda Oriental.
579 San Martín's support to the Latin American integration contradicted the strong centralism of the government party. As a result, the biography written by Mitre modified details about him. The Spanish American wars of independence are not treated as a continent-wide revolution, but merely as an Argentine revolution that extends freedom to Chile and Peru. Bolívar is portrayed instead as a conqueror, annexing the new free countries into an artificial unity.
Yucatán was in a turbulent era due its recent reunification to Mexico, issued on August 17, 1848. and the Caste War, the main reason for rejoining. At the same time, Mexico was economically and morally devastated by the recent war against the United States, the loss of nearly 55% of its territory and its eternal struggle between federalism and centralism. As a result of that, a new State Constitution was enacted on September 16, 1850.
It was used as evidence of the union's legality by the PȚB itself, against the claims stated by the Bolsheviks, the White émigrés, and the Ukrainian People's Republic, all of whom demanded a partition of Bessarabia.Suveică, pp. 14, 73–81 Nevertheless, the PȚB also expressed reserves toward Romanian centralism, and, for a while, its leaders contemplated forming a purely regionalistic alliance with other deputies from Bessarabia, Bukovina, Transylvania and the Banat.Suveică, pp.
After it achieved independence from Spain on November 28, 1821, Panama became a part of the Republic of Gran Colombia which consisted of today's Colombia, Venezuela, Panama, and most of Ecuador. The political struggle between federalists and centralists that followed independence from Spain resulted in a changing administrative and jurisdictional status for Panama. Under centralism Panama was established as the Department of the Isthmus and during federalism as the Sovereign State of Panama.
Bank of Spain building (foreground) and Palacio de Comunicaciones Contemporary Madrid came into its own after the death of general Francisco Franco. Reaction against the dictatorial bureaucracy centered in Madrid, and a history of centralism that predated Franco by centuries has resulted in the successful modern movement towards increased autonomy for the regions of Spain, considered autonomous regions under the umbrella of Spain. The modern metropolis is home to over three million people.
Stalin had no intention of circulating Trotsky's document. But by a strange accident of history, that is what happened. At that time, when the Stalinist regime had not yet been consolidated, the Communist International still had to observe certain norms of democratic centralism, which permitted the circulation of minority opinions. Although Trotsky had been expelled from the Russian party a year earlier, he took advantage of the Congress to appeal to the Communist International.
Still, their responsibilities were difficult, especially in any case involving a high party official. According to the new law, procuratorates at all levels had to establish procuratorial committees, practice democratic centralism, and make decisions through discussion. Ideally, a procuratorate at a lower level would be led, rather than dictated to, by one at the next higher level. Each procuratorate was responsible to the standing committee of the people's congress at the corresponding level.
The Community Movement was an Italian political organization founded by Piedmontese progressivist entrepreneur Adriano Olivetti in 1947. Olivetti had previously established a cultural group, which only subsequently began a political activity at local level, entering in municipal and provincial elections. The Community fought against particracy and Jacobin centralism, aiming to replace them with a federal union of local communities. The movement tried to merge both liberal and socialist ideas, opposing both conservatives and communists.
The flag of Yucatán is hoisted currently (unofficially) as a civil symbol. The flag was first flown on March 16, 1841 when it was hoisted on the Ayuntamiento municipal building in the "Plaza Grande" of Mérida, the capital city of the state of Yucatán. This action was a protest against the centralism of Mexican president Antonio López de Santa Anna. The flag was never officially used again by the authorities of Yucatan.
The administrative activities of the Central Committee are carried out by the Central Committee's General Office. The General Office forms the support staff of the central organs that work on the Central Committee's behalf in between plenums. The Committee usually convenes at least once a year at a plenary session ("plenum"), and functions as a top forum for discussion about relevant policy issues. The Committee operates, however, on the principle of democratic centralism; i.e.
The party was organized on the principle of democratic centralism. The party's board was the highest organ of the party, it decided the order of candidates on election lists for the Senate, House of Representatives and European Parliament, had the final say over the party program and had the ability to expel members. It was elected by the party's Congress. The party saw its political unity and strong discipline as conditions for its ideological zeal.
Proceeding from the inevitability of a "forced coup d'état", the revolutionaries considered agitation and organization of revolts, demonstrations and strikes to be very important. Land and Liberty represented a "rebellious" current of the revolutionary movement of the 1870s. Vladimir Lenin said that Land and Liberty’s merit was its desire to "...attract all of the discontent and direct the organization towards decisive struggle against autocracy". Discipline, mutual comradely control, centralism and conspiracy became this organization’s principles.
From the beginning, Suslov was a vocal critic of one-man rule such as that seen under Joseph Stalin and Khrushchev. While he condemned Stalin's one-man rule, he equally criticised the individualistic assertiveness of Khrushchev's de-Stalinisation policy. A strong supporter of democratic centralism, Suslov prevented Brezhnev from taking over Kosygin's post as head of government in 1970. Kirilenko, Brezhnev, and Suslov were members of an unofficial Troika within the Communist Party leadership.
For Mariátegui, the problem of regionalism versus centralism was already posed in new terms, leaving behind the old concepts of the 19th century. He recognized the existence, especially in southern Peru, of a regionalist sentiment, but noted that such regionalism seemed to be "a vague expression of discomfort and discontent." List the following propositions: 1\. The old controversy between federalists and centrists of the early days of the Republic was already overcome.
Nikolov, Centralism and Regionalism in Early Medieval Bulgaria, p. 146 In the vicinity of the city the Bulgarians were engaged by enemy forces under the governor of Thessaloniki Theophylactus Botaniates and his son Michail. The battle was bloody with heavy casualties for both sides but in the end the Byzantines emerged victorious and captured many soldiers and weapons. Soon after that followed the major defeat in the battle of KleidionJohn Skylitzes, Historia, "Selected sources", Vol.
Others reasons given for the split included questions over democratic centralism as well as a supposed tendency to focus too much on European events, but Sidney Lens stated that Stamm's motivation was more personal: he simply did not wish to relocate from New York to Chicago, where the RWL's headquarters was being transferred to become closer to the heart of America industry.Sidney Lens, Unrepentant Radical. Boston: Beacon Press, 1980; pp. 46-47.
Internal contradictions within the party exploded during the 1969 congress when Alain Guyader challenged the charter of the UDB and proposed a line inspired by Rosa Luxemburg's ideas. Moreover, he refused to condemn the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968. The conflict led to the exclusion of Jean- Yves Guiomar and Alain Guyader in 1970 for "rejection of democratic centralism, constant undervaluation of the adversary, impatience and the theory of active minorities, and the idolization of spontaneity".
However, ISO believed that the historical conditions in the United States were insufficient for the existence of such a vanguard party. For this reason, the organization saw itself as a preliminary group that could help to win reforms and raise consciousness until such time that a revolutionary party could be formed. Nonetheless, it aimed for a Leninist principle of democratic centralism in its internal deliberation process. The ISO emphasized the training of cadre, seasoned and educated militants.
In practice, "democratic centralism" was centralist, with decisions of higher organs binding on lower ones, and the composition of lower bodies largely determined by the members of higher ones. Over time, party cadres would grow increasingly careerist and professional. Party membership required exams, special courses, special camps, schools, and nominations by three existing members. In December 1917, the Cheka was founded as the Bolshevik's first internal security force following the failed assassination attempt on Lenin's life.
This transition, where Arato left his work to the gnawing criticism of mice (to repeat Marx's quip), paralleled similar shifts among East European critical intellectuals.Arato, “Marxism in Eastern Europe” But at the same time, this turn could be said to reflect intrinsic limits to his original project. Arato noted that abstract (ideal typical) models of social system dynamics often failed to incorporate considerations of national histories and cultural traditions, along with inherited social institutions.Arato, “Understanding Bureaucratic Centralism,” 76–77.
This provincialist movement centered at the University of Santiago de Compostela; its most prominent figure was Antolín Faraldo Asorey. The failed Solís Uprising of 1846, an uprising against centralism, ended with the summary execution of the so-called Martyrs of Carral. This political and military defeat nonetheless awoke Galician literary consciousness. Authors who shared the idea of Galicia as their fatherland published in magazines such as El Centinela de Galicia ("The Galician Sentinel") and La Aurora de Galicia.
The only major civic party in Croatia, the Croatian Republican Peasant Party, was active only a few years after the election, but as a satellite of the Communist Party. The clash with the civic anti-communist forces stimulated the Communist Party's centralism and authoritarianism. When he took power, Tito knew that the greatest threat to the development of communism in Yugoslavia was nationalism. Because of that, the communists would crush even the slightest form of nationalism by repression.
The emblem of the PDPA The PDPA constitution was written during the party's First Congress in 1965. The constitution regulated all party activities, and modelled itself after the Leninist party model; the party was based on the principles of democratic centralism. Marxism–Leninism was the party's official ideology. In theory, the Central Committee ruled Afghanistan by electing the members to the Revolutionary Council, Secretariat and the Politburo, the key decision-making bodies of state and party.
In its first two incarnations the office performed mostly secretarial work. The post of Responsible Secretary was then established in 1919 to perform administrative work. In 1922, the office of General Secretary followed as a purely administrative and disciplinary position, whose role was to do no more than determine party membership composition. Stalin, its first incumbent, used the principles of democratic centralism to transform his office into that of party leader, and later leader of the Soviet Union.
Many votes came from the rural areas and the middle class, who were worried by industrialization and the growth of socialism. Opposing centralism and the new proletarian ideologies, Arana founded the first Basque nationalist political program, which showed a striking resemblance to the Carlist movement. Arana's manifesto Bizkaya por su independencia ("Biscay for its independence") spoke specifically of Biscay, but pointed to a reality beyond the boundaries of each specific district: the Basque country as a whole.
DLI was a conservative-liberal expousing a vigorous patriotism and a strong support for economic liberalism. These two elements put together can lead to classification the party's ideology as national liberalism. As heirs of the right-wing liberal tradition of Italy, DLI members were keen on supporting national identity and centralism. Thus they strongly opposed any form of federalism and proposed the abolition of the Regions, including those with special statute, and the Provinces in Italy.
For example, In 1963, Party of Donkeys, a frivolous political party was founded in Iran. The ruc català or burro català (Catalan donkey) has become a symbol of Catalonia in Spain. In 2003 some friends in Catalonia made bumper stickers featuring the burro català as a reaction against a national advertising campaign for Toro d'Osborne, a brandy. The burro became popular as a nationalist symbol in Catalonia, whose residents wanted to assert their identity to resist Spanish centralism.
The principal political problem of the hetmans who followed the Pereyeslav Agreement was defending the autonomy of the Hetmanate from Russian/Muscovite centralism. The hetmans Ivan Vyhovsky, Petro Doroshenko and Ivan Mazepa attempted to resolve this by separating Ukraine from Russia. Relations between the Hetmanate and their new sovereign began to deteriorate after the autumn of 1656, when the Muscovites, going against the wishes of their Cossack partners, signed an armistice with the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in Vilnius.
Below the level of the republics (the national administrations), in the 1970s and 1980s, Communist Czechoslovakia was divided into regions kraje, districts okresy, and communities (i. e. towns, villages etc.). The principal organs of government at these levels, known as national committees, functioned in accordance with the principle of the so-called democratic centralism. The 1968 Constitutional Law of Federation specified that the national governments directed and controlled the activities of all national committees within their respective territories.
Nationalization of virtually all private enterprises followed. The KSC was a Communist party, based on democratic centralism, a principle conceived by Russian Marxist scholar Vladimir Lenin, entails democratic and open discussion of policy issues within the party, followed by the requirement of total unity in upholding the agreed policies. The highest body within the KSC was the Party Congress, which convened every five years. When the Congress was not in session, the Central Committee was the highest body.
The Croatian faction (later called Unionist faction or "Puntari"), led by the People's Party and, to a lesser extent, the Party of Rights, both of which advocated the union of Dalmatia with the Kingdom of Croatia-Slavonia which was under Hungarian administration. The political alliances in Dalmatia shifted over time. At the beginning, the Unionists and Autonomists were allied together, against the centralism of Vienna. After a while, when the national question came to prominence, they split.
Following the failure of the federal system, centralism gained ground and Congress amended the Constitution of 1824 to create a centralist republic, limiting the power of states and reducing the military. These events led to a rebellion in Zacatecas. The governor himself, Francisco García Salinas, led an army of about four thousand men against the government. To end the rebels, President Santa Anna in person went to fight, leaving the presidency in charge of General Miguel Barragán.
Democratic centralism was abandoned, the leadership structures revamped and renamed and public criticism of the party line was allowed with the formation of party factions. This move was intended to revitalize the PCF and attract non-affiliated leftists to the party. However, it largely failed to stop the party's decline. In the 1995 presidential election, Hue managed an acceptable 8.6%, a result superior to Lajoinie's 1988 result but inferior to Lajoinie and Juquin's combined support in 1988.
Rigas Network, 2002. The Bulgarian Communist Party, under the leadership of general secretary Todor Zhivkov, used the outbreak of the Prague Spring as a pretext to tighten control over all social organizations and heavily re-emphasize "democratic centralism" within the party. Zhivkov and his colleagues were determined to reassure the Soviets that there would not be a Bulgarian version of the Prague Spring. A major result of the events of 1968 was the decision to replace the Dimitrov Constitution of 1947.
Suveică, pp. 86–87. See also Iorga, p. 25 As noted in administrative reports of the era, the public itself was voting against centralism, for the party that promised them to disband the Gendarmerie.Suveică, p. 84 Despite its weakening splits and the violent incidents on the campaign trail, the PȚB was able to win 23 (or 25) mandates in the Assembly and 6 in the Senate, with a plurality of the regional vote (48%), just ahead of the PP (at 46%).
Nevertheless, localism can generally be described as related to regionalism, and in opposition to centralism. In pejorative use, the term parish pump politics is used to describe political activity that is more evidently concerned with addressing the immediate needs of the local electorate than with strategy that might affect their long-term well-being. It is more often applied with the term Gombeenism which refers to an underhanded shady individual who is interested in making a profit for him/herself.
"The principles behind how we run the Socialist Party", The Socialist, accessed 24 December 2018 At branch meetings and national conferences, all members have full democratic rights of discussion, debate, and voting rights. SP operates on the organising principle of democratic centralism, interpreted as: "the right of all members to discuss programme, policies, strategies and tactics inside the party, while agreeing to a united approach outside around the majority decision." SP keeps the majority of its branch meetings open to the public.
Government institutions practiced democratic centralism, where subordinate organs of the party and state unconditionally supported the decisions of senior party leaders. Decisions of consequence were made by the ruling communist parties, which were not political parties in the western sense, but apparatuses for totalitarian control of the state and society. They did not represent sectional interests, they imposed them. Parliaments were elected, but their meetings occurred only a few days per year and they served to only create legitimacy for politburo decisions.
After returning to the Slovene Lands, he taught history at Ljubljana's First Gymnasium, briefly serving as its director. He later served as the director of the National Museum of Slovenia, and, from 1920, as head of the Slovene Society publishing house (Slovenska matica). Before World War One, he joined the Yugoslav Social Democratic Party, where he belonged to its right wing led by Albin Prepeluh. He left the party after it merged with the so-called Centrists in 1921, who supported Yugoslav centralism.
There are also the cases of Madrid, an administrative autonomous community between the two Castiles; the two north African autonomous cities of Ceuta and Melilla, and the autonomous community of Murcia. Castile was the core kingdom under which Spain eventually unified after centuries of evolution and incorporations. Yet there are also strong movements in the provinces of the extinct region of Leon, pushing to separate from Castile and León. Spain has a long history of tension between centralism and nationalism.
According to the Australian constitution, education is the responsibility of the state and territory governments; although the federal government does partially fund private schools, vocational and higher education. Vocational education funding however was previously funnelled through the states and territories. These colleges' direct federal funding is thus unusual for this reason alone. Their appearance was part of the breakdown of cooperative federalism caused by the increasing centralism of the Howard government and party-political differences with the state and territory governments.
In general, the agreement put a renewed strain on Serb-Croat relations, which had overall improved during the united opposition of Croat and Serb liberals against the central government's authority. The major effect of the Banovina of Croatia's creation on the political views of most Serb policy makers was the end of the ideology of centralism (also called unitarism). By the end of the 1930s, most Serbian politicians favored a federal system and wished to emulate the Croatian autonomy rights for the Serbs.
Bulgarian Communist leader Georgi Dimitrov headed the Comintern in 1934 and presided until its dissolution. Geoff Eley summed up the change in attitude at this time as follows: > By the Fifth Comintern Congress in July 1924 [...] the collapse of Communist > support in Europe tightened the pressure for conformity. A new policy of > "Bolshevization" was adopted, which dragooned the CPs toward stricter > bureaucratic centralism. This flattened out the earlier diversity of > radicalisms, welding them into a single approved model of Communist > organization.
Things began to change in late 1960s with Tito allowing for reformist policies embodied of new generation of Communist leaders. This generation included SKH leaders Savka Dabčević-Kučar and Miko Tripalo who would start movement called the Croatian Spring, advocating for more autonomy of Croatia within Yugoslavia. They advocated against centralism which disproportionately benefited the eastern parts of Yugoslavia, especially Serbia and Macedonia. The movement, however, created a lot of ethnic tension and increasing opposition from the more conservative Party members.
The controversy around the Suvadive still endures and touches sensitive fibers of many Maldivians. The general blame for the secession is put on the scheming British and their fork-tonguedness. This is not only convenient, but it also has a ring of truth, for it would be not the first time that the British have played the role of villain behind the scenes. On one hand the British gave hopes to the trusting Suvadive islanders, legitimately afflicted by centralism and neglect.
However, while Kádár's regime was somewhat more humane than most of its counterparts, it was not a liberal one either. As in all Communist countries, the MSZMP retained a monopoly of power. Under the principles of democratic centralism, the National Assembly did little more than give legal sanction to decisions already made by the MSZMP and its Politburo. While having somewhat more latitude than in other Communist regimes, the media were still subjected to restrictions that were fairly onerous by Western standards.
The book analyses the political class that emerged from the democratic transition, reflecting on the institutional horizons of parliamentary democracy and its alternative, direct democracy. He describes terrorism as a feedback loop or vicious circle, in which the interests of the terrorist and the antiterrorists always coincide. He also provides an alternative virtuous circle by analysing when a group is able to claim the right of self-determination. He examines the Swiss model as well as centralism, federalism and confederation.
The conservatives' attempt to impose a unitary state produced armed resistance in regions that had most favored federalism. Centralism generated severe political instability, armed uprisings and secessions: The rebellions in Zacatecas, the Texas revolution, the separation of Tabasco, the independence of Coahuila, Nuevo León and Tamaulipas that formed the Republic of the Rio Grande, and finally the independence of the state of Yucatán. The Centralist Mexican Republic was governed by eleven presidents. None were to finish their term before the Republic's dissolution.
The first statutes of UMG, established democratic centralism as the main organizational principle. The organization is formed as a pyramidal organization, divided into zones and localities and defining cells as the basic fundamental core (called "Zone Assembly" since 1990). Local Committees and Area Committees are the intermediate direction bodies, while the Central Committee acts as the supreme body of the UMG between congresses and elected by (and in every) the National Congress. The Executive Committee is elected by the Central Committee.
This support includes voting for the government in the legislature. Some Communist political parties apply a similar convention of democratic centralism to their central committee. If a member of the Cabinet wishes to openly object to a Cabinet decision then they are obliged to resign from their position in the Cabinet. Cabinet collective responsibility is related to the fact that if a vote of no confidence is passed in parliament, the government is responsible collectively, and thus the entire government resigns.
García Salinas was defeated in the Battle of Zacatecas (1835). Santa Anna allowed his troops to loot the city, then, and as punishment for the rebellion, the state of Zacatecas lost part of its territory, which formed the state of Aguascalientes. This military action removed the final obstacles to centralism and led to the constitution of December 30, 1836, known as Siete Leyes, which limited the right to vote and removed the political and financial autonomy previously held by Mexican states.
Three days after Souchy departed Cuba, the entire print run was seized by the government, and destroyed. However, an Argentinian anarchist publisher republished the pamphlet the following December. Around the same time, the ALC, alarmed at the movement of the Castro government towards a Marxist–Leninist form of rule, issued a declaration, under the name Grupo de Sindicalistas Libertarios to prevent reaction against the ALC's membership. The document declared opposition to the centralism, authoritarian tendencies, and militarism of the new government.
It was considered one of the first materialist analyses of a Latin American society. Beginning with the country’s economic history, the book proceeds to a discussion of the "Indian problem", which Mariátegui locates firmly within the "land problem". Other essays are devoted to public education, religion, regionalism and centralism, and literature. Also in the same work, Mariátegui blamed the latifundistas, or large land- owners, for the stilted economy of the country and the miserable conditions of the indigenous peoples in the region.
" Salzman is drawing attention for his book Culture and Conflict in the Middle East.Scholar: Tribalism Rules in Iran, Iraq and Syria '' He applies his expertise in the study of tribal societies to contemporary conflicts. He demonstrates "how the dual pattern of tribal self-rule and tyrannical centralism continues to define life in the Middle East, and using it to explain the region's most characteristic features, such as autocracy, political mercilessness, and economic stagnancy. It accounts [...] for [...] Islam's 'bloody borders' - the widespread hostility toward non-Muslims.
Until the early 1960s, Ćosić was devoted to Marshal Tito and his vision of a harmonious Yugoslavia. In 1961, he joined Tito on a 72-day tour by presidential yacht (the Galeb) to visit eight African non-aligned countries. The trip aboard the Galeb highlighted the close, affirmative relationship that Ćosić had with the administration until the early 1960s. Between 1961 and 1962, Ćosić got involved in a lengthy polemic with the Slovenian intellectual Dušan Pirjevec regarding the relationship between autonomy, nationalism and centralism in Yugoslavia.
To ensure the absolute leadership of the Communist Party over the armed forces, every level of party committee in the military forces implements the principles of democratic centralism. In addition, division-level and higher units establish political commissars and political organisations, ensuring that the branch organisations are in line. These systems combined the party organisation with the military organisation to achieve the party's leadership and administrative leadership. This is seen as the key guarantee to the absolute leadership of the party over the military.
Bishop Zubiria was a supporter of centralism in the Mexican Republic, and in 1833 for a period was forced to go into hiding from opponents of this movement. In September 1834 he wrote to Colonel Blas de Hinojos, the military commander of New Mexico, praising him for his decision to support the centralist Plan of Cuernavaca. When there was a rebellion against governor Albino Pérez of New Mexico in 1837, he instructed all the priests to make every effort to support the established order.
Local People's Congresses are directly elected, and higher levels of People's Congresses up to the National People's Congress (NPC) are indirectly elected by the People's Congress of the level immediately below. The political system is decentralized, and provincial and sub-provincial leaders have a significant amount of autonomy. Another eight political parties, have representatives in the NPC and the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC). China supports the Leninist principle of "democratic centralism", but critics describe the elected National People's Congress as a "rubber stamp" body.
The Progressive Conservative Party was generally on the centre-right on the political spectrum. From 1867 on, the party was identified with Protestant and, in Quebec, Roman Catholic social values, British imperialism, Canadian nationalism, and constitutional centralism. This was highly successful until 1920, and to that point in history, the party was the most successful federal party in the Dominion. As such, Canadian conservatism historically initially more closely resembled that which was practised in the United Kingdom and, to an extent, Europe, than in the United States.
Socialist democracy is a form of democracy. It includes ideologies such as council communism, democratic socialism and social democracy as well as Marxist democracy like the dictatorship of the proletariat. It was embodied in the Soviet system (1917–1991). Socialist democracy can also be a political system as it was in the case of soviet democracy or a system of political party organization like democratic centralism, or a form of democracy espoused by political parties or groups that support Marxist–Leninist one-party states.
The division of jurisdiction existed between the union state, the member republics, the territorial administration and local administration. On the same level of authority existed the principle of authority union, and the vertical regulation was based on the principle of "democratic centralism", which was defined by the leading constitution maker of that time: Edvard Kardelj. That actually meant the introduction of the etatist social and centralist state regulation even side by side with the nominal federalism. Ideological, political and other forms of pluralism were excluded.
At a 1959 conference, the movement's leadership established the Kampuchean Labour Party, based on the Marxist–Leninist model of democratic centralism. Sâr, Tou Samouth and Nuon Chea were part of a four-man General Affair Committee leading the party. Its existence was to be kept secret from non-members. The Kampuchean Labour Party's conference, held clandestinely from September to October 1960 in Phnom Penh, saw Samouth become party secretary and Nuon Chea his deputy, while Sâr took the third senior position and Ieng Sary the fourth.
They attempted mergers with the SWP, Spark, the Socialist League (Democratic Centralist) and the Revolutionary Workers League all to no avail. Finally, in 1978, TOC was invited to join the Committee for a Revolutionary Socialist Party, an umbrella group of several Trotskyist organizations. It joined the group in November 1978. However, when the CSRP proclaimed its intention to form itself into a distinct political party adhering to democratic centralism in July 1980 the Turnerites left again, this time emerging as the Revolutionary Unity LeagueAlexander pp.
The Central Inspection Commission is the party organ responsible for combating corruption, disciplining members and wrongdoing in general. It is the only organ within the party which can sentence or condemn party members. The Commission, and its chairman and deputy chairmen, are elected by the first plenum of the Central Committee after a National Party Congress. Due to the party's policy of democratic centralism, a local inspection commission can only investigate a case if the inspection commission directly superior to it consents to the investigation.
In its broadest outline, his domestic policy worked to eliminate the heritage of the Alexandrine dictatorship's centralism, censorship, and military control and to pacify the country by solving the Serb-Croat problem.Hoptner, p. 26 The following year questioned Uzunović the Regent advice and refused rapprochement with the opposition, leading to a revolt of some ministers and the collapse of the government. Regent Prince Paul declared that the Kingdom of Yugoslavia would join the Tripartite Pact on 25 March 1941 to avoid the same fate as Poland.
The northern frontier developed separately from the Mexican interior, due in part to its distance from the capital in Mexico City and its relative proximity to the United States frontier and settlement by numerous English- speaking Americans. Its peoples also had to deal with dangers from increasingly hostile Indian tribes. Weber's work follows events chronologically, examining the effects of the country's frequent shifts between federalism and centralism. Although there were many similarities among the borderlands areas, they developed independently, and the book relies on analysis of individual communities.
On 14 September 1921, Hitler and a substantial number of SA members and other Nazi Party adherents disrupted a meeting at the Löwenbräukeller of the Bavarian League. This federalist organization objected to the centralism of the Weimar Constitution but accepted its social program. The League was led by Otto Ballerstedt, an engineer whom Hitler regarded as "my most dangerous opponent". One Nazi, Hermann Esser, climbed upon a chair and shouted that the Jews were to blame for the misfortunes of Bavaria and the Nazis shouted demands that Ballerstedt yield the floor to Hitler.
In 1989 the first deputy chairman of the Council of Ministers, Yuri Maslyukov, was promoted to full-member status on the Central Committee, and both he and deputy chairman Aleksandra P. Biriukova were candidate members of the Politburo. In early 1989, Viktor M. Chebrikov, the head of the KGB, and Eduard A. Shevardnadze, the minister of foreign affairs, were also Politburo members. In addition, most ministers and chairmen of state committees were either full or candidate members of the Central Committee. Thus, the norms of democratic centralism obliged council members to adhere to party policies.
Finally, in what is known as dual subordination, the staff of each ministry was required to respond to orders and directions from its primary party organization (PPO), as well as to the ministries' hierarchy. Party members on the staff of the ministry were bound by the norms of democratic centralism to obey the orders of the secretary of the PPO, who represented the CPSU hierarchy in the ministry. The secretary of the PPO ensured that CPSU policies were carried out in the day-to-day activities of the ministries.
While both sides agree that the thin concepts are more general and the thick more specific, centralists hold that the thin concepts are antecedent to the thick ones and that the latter are therefore dependent on the former. That is, centralists argue that one must understand words like "right" and "ought" before understanding words like "just" and "unkind." Non-centralism rejects this view, holding that thin and thick concepts are on par with one another and even that the thick concepts are a sufficient starting point for understanding the thin ones.
The conflict grew around the topic of the centralism of the Buenos Aires port, with Ferré supporting the creation of other port for international commerce, such as in Santa Fe, and the distribution among the provinces of customs taxes. Seeing Roxas y Patrón remained inflexible about those topics, he decided to quit the negotiations for the treaty. Thus the treaty was signed by the remaining three provinces on January 4, 1831 in the city of Santa Fe. Corrientes Province joined the treaty on August 19 of the same year.
The League exploited resentment against Rome's centralism (with the famous slogan Roma ladrona, which loosely means "Rome big thief") and the Italian government, common in northern Italy as many northerners felt that the government wasted resources collected mostly from northerners' taxes. Cultural influences from bordering countries in the North and resentment against illegal immigrants were also exploited. The party's electoral successes began roughly at a time when public disillusionment with the established political parties was at its height. The Tangentopoli corruption scandals, which invested most of the established parties, were unveiled from 1992 on.
The most important points of agreement between the two groups was their rejection of the National Liberal system consecrated by the centralism, and especially the resentment of the fact that the 1923 Constitution had been adopted through a regular vote in Parliament - and not by a Constituent Assembly; the common statement on the results of the vote claimed: "this abusive gesture to be a product of the absolutist perspective on executive powers (...). Today's Assemblies (...) have deliberated and voted a so-called fundamental pact under the threat of the brutal force of machine guns and bayonets".
At least in Western Europe the initial post-war era embraced pluralism and freedom of expression in areas that had been under control of authoritarian regimes. The memory of fascism and Nazism was denigrated. The new Federal Republic of Germany banned its expression. In reaction to the centralism of the Nazi state, the new constitution of West Germany (Federal Republic of Germany) exercised "separation of powers" and placed "law enforcement firmly in the hands" of the sixteen Länder or states of the republic, not with the federal German government, at least not at first.
In late 1920, after the Bolsheviks won the Civil War and before the Eighth and Ninth Congress of Soviets, the Communist Party had a heated and increasingly acrimonious debate over the role of trade unions in the Soviet Union. The discussion split the party into many "platforms" (factions), including Lenin's, Trotsky's and Bukharin's; Bukharin eventually merged his with Trotsky's. Smaller, more radical factions like the Workers' Opposition (headed by Alexander Shlyapnikov) and the Group of Democratic Centralism were particularly active. Trotsky's position formed while he led a special commission on the Soviet transportation system, Tsektran.
Chinese Workers' and Peasants' Red Army The near-destruction of the CCP's urban organizational apparatus led to institutional changes within the party. The party adopted democratic centralism, a way to organize revolutionary parties, and established a Politburo (to function as the standing committee of the Central Committee). The result was increased centralization of power within the party . At every level of the party this was duplicated, with standing committees now in effective control. After Chen Duxiu's dismissal, Li Lisan was able to assume de facto control of the party organization by 1929–30.
The highly decentralized and democratic nature of the proposed De Leonist government is in contrast to the democratic centralism of Marxism–Leninism and what they see as the dictatorial nature of the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China and other communist states. The success of the De Leonist plan depends on achieving majority support among the people both in the workplaces and at the polls in contrast to the Leninist notion that a small vanguard party should lead the working class to carry out the revolution.
However, the party was also a political organisation and as Aflaq's notes politics was "a means [...] is the most serious of matters at this present stage". Baathism was similar to Leninist thought in that a vanguard party would rule for an unspecified length to construct a "new society". Aflaq supported the idea of a committed activist revolutionary party based on the Leninist model, which in practice was based on democratic centralism. The revolutionary party would seize political power and from there on transform society for the greater good.
Although he supported the Bolshevik faction at the 2nd Congress of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party in 1903, Plekhanov soon rejected the idea of democratic centralism, and became one of Lenin and Trotsky's principal antagonists in the 1905 St. Petersburg Soviet. During World War I Plekhanov rallied to the cause of the Entente powers against Germany and he returned home to Russia following the 1917 February Revolution. Plekhanov was an opponent of the Soviet state which came to power in the autumn of 1917. He died the following year.
Bolshevik authoritarianism and the absence of freedoms or reforms reinforced the opposition and increased discontent among their own followers: in their eagerness and in their effort to secure Soviet power, the Bolsheviks predictably caused the growth of their own opposition. The centralism and bureaucracy of "war communism" added to the difficulties that had to be faced. With the end of the civil war, opposition groups emerged within the Bolshevik party itself. One of the more left wing opposition groups with a project very close to syndicalism aimed at the party leadership.
Social worker Nicholas Hervey, who has written the most extensive history of the Alleged Lunatics' Friend Society, suggested that a number of factors may have contributed to the lack of wider public support, namely: alignment with radical political circles; endorsement of localist views, rather than support of the Lunacy Commission's centralism; fearless exposure of upper-class sensibilities regarding privacy on matters concerning insanity, thus alienating wealthy potential supporters; attacks on the new forms of moral treatment in asylums (what John Perceval referred to as "repression by mildness and coaxing").
Without the existence of established political parties, three political tendencies are distinguished. The first still supported the empire of Iturbide, but was a minority. The second was influenced by the Yorkist Lodge of freemasonry, whose philosophy was radical Federalism and also encouraged an anti-Spanish sentiment largely promoted by the American plenipotentiary Joel Roberts Poinsett. And the third was influenced by the Scottish Lodge of freemasonry, which had been introduced to Mexico by the Spaniards themselves, favored Centralism, and yearned for the recognition of the new nation by Spain and the Holy See.
Seeing that the weaker provinces were heading for insolvency, he opted in favour of centralism – and promptly changed his electorate to stand for a northern seat. In an attempt to hold her place as a capital of some description, in 1865 Auckland joined forces with Otago to support a resolution in the General Assembly calling for independence for both islands. They lost by 31 votes to 17. In the same year the political concerns of the South Island provinces prompted the colonial government to move the capital south from Auckland to Wellington.
The Party of Rights cooperated with Stjepan Radić as part of the Croatian Bloc, composed of the Croatian Republican Peasant Party, Croatian Union and the Party of Rights. The Party of Rights alone was unable to influence the majority of Croats, as their main supporters were a small number of middle class citizens, the majority of whom lived in Zagreb, while Stjepan Radić dominated among Croats elsewhere. Within this bloc, Party of Rights opposed Serbian nationalist hegemony and centralism. Sometimes they objected to Radić's readiness to come to an understanding with the Serbian side.
After the 1969 election, he unsuccessfully challenged Prime Minister John Gorton for the leadership (along with William McMahon), and then resigned from the ministry, saying: "I have given deep thought and consideration to this decision. I have made it reluctantly. My sole concern in coming to it is the future of the Liberal Party, the Government and the Nation." According to Ian Sinclair, he was opposed to Gorton's centralism and in particular, his attempt to claim of sovereignty over Australia's territorial waters and continental shelf for the Commonwealth.
The PCR was a communist party, organised on the basis of democratic centralism, a principle conceived by Russian Marxist theoretician Vladimir Lenin which entails democratic and open discussion on policy on the condition of unity in upholding the agreed upon policies. The highest body within the PCR was the Party Congress, which convened every five years. When the Congress was not in session, the Central Committee was the highest body. Because the Central Committee met twice a year, most day-to-day duties and responsibilities were vested in the Politburo.
259-286, 329–359 Nevertheless, Social Democrats were excluded from most party posts and were forced to support Communist policies on the basis of democratic centralism;US Library of Congress: "The Communist Party"; Frunză, p.274, 350–354 it was also reported that only half of the PSD's 500,000 members joined the newly founded grouping.Deletant & Ionescu, p.2 Capitalizing on these gains, the Communist government shunted most of the remaining parties aside after the 1948 elections (the Ploughmen's Front and the Hungarian People's Union dissolved themselves in 1953).
Already as a teenager, he became a member of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, and became one of the leaders of the Communist Youth in Slovenia. During the 1920s, he worked as a journalist for left wing newspapers. He strongly opposed Yugoslav centralism, and advocated the establishment of a socialist and federal Yugoslavia. In 1924, he took part in the armed clash between the Communist-organized workers' units and members of the Yugoslav nationalist militiamen of the ORJUNA organization that took place in the industrial town of Trbovlje.
"The General Idea of the Revolution, Pluto Press, pp. 277, 281 Workers would no longer sell their labour to a capitalist but rather work for themselves in co- operatives. Anarcho-communism calls for a confederal form in relationships of mutual aid and free association between communes as an alternative to the centralism of the nation-state. Peter Kropotkin thus suggested that "Representative government has accomplished its historical mission; it has given a mortal blow to court-rule; and by its debates it has awakened public interest in public questions.
Lumumba became a leading figure and by the end of 1959, the party claimed to have 58,000 members. However, many found the MNC was too moderate. A number of other parties emerged, distinguished by their radicalism, support for federalism or centralism and affiliation to certain ethnic groupings. The MNC's main rival was the Alliance des Bakongo (ABAKO) led by Joseph Kasa-Vubu, a more radical party supported among the Kongo people in the north, and Moïse Tshombe's Confédération des Associations Tribales du Katanga (CONAKAT), a strongly federalist party in the southern Katanga Province.
These historical references are the base for the party's anti-monopolism and anti-centralism. Lega Nord has long maintained an anti-southern Italian stance. Party members have been known to oppose large-scale southern Italian migration to northern Italian cities, stereotyping southern Italians as welfare abusers, criminals and detrimental to Northern society. Party members have often attributed Italy's economic stagnation and the disparity of the North-South divide in the Italian economy to supposed negative characteristics of the southern Italians, such as lack of education, laziness, or criminality.
It was at this point that he took on the public pseudonym of "Pol Pot"; as no-one in the country knew who this was, a fictitious biography was presented. Pol Pot's key allies took the other two positions, with Nuon Chea as President of the Standing Committee of the National Assembly and Khieu Samphân as the head of state. In principle, the Khmer Rouge Standing Committee made decisions on the basis of the Leninist principle of democratic centralism. In reality it was more autocratic, with Pol Pot's decisions being implemented.
Martín Miguel de Güemes In Argentina historiography, the term montonera is often used in a derogatory sense, especially by historians identifying with the central governments. At one time, historians avoided using the term montoneras to describe the fighters who defended the north of the country during the war of independence. The strategy and tactics carried out by Martín Miguel de Güemes and his followers were identical to those later used by the Federalist leaders. Revisionist historians have sometimes praised the montaneras as authentic defenders of provincial federalism against the centralism of Buenos Aires Province.
In contemporary Romanian, his name was turned into a common noun, and often pluralized under the form mitici. During and after the 1990s, the terms surfaced in polemics surrounding Romania's centralism and the alternative projects for Transylvania's regional autonomy. In this context, it was used in reference to administrators from Bucharest or the Old Kingdom. In parallel, the term was adapted into a stereotype of modern Bucharesters and inhabitants of other regions over the Southern Carpathians, who are often portrayed as belonging to the Balkans, as opposed to the Central European traditions of Transylvania.
The Regeneration advocated for centralism, the restriction of civil liberties and an established accord with the Roman Catholic Church. The main promoters of this movement were President Rafael Nuñez (1880–1888) and Miguel Antonio Caro, (1892–1898). During these years Uribe also founded a newspaper called El Autonomista ("The Autonomist") managing a publicity campaign against the conservative government and attacked members of his own party, most notably Aquileo Parra. Due to these printings, Uribe gained significant prominence in Liberal Party, participating also in the uprising of October 20, 1899 which triggered the Thousand Days War.
Per the testimony of Sa'ad, the founding congress of Tasht elected a three-member Central Committee consisting of Sa'ad (Political Officer), Duwaik (Organizational Officer) and Mahmud al-Askari (Recruiting Officer). The founding congress defined two key strategic objectives; to elaborate an Egyptian path to socialism and to build unity with other revolutionary sectors. Organizationally Tasht adhered to democratic centralism and the activities of Tasht were divided into three cells, one for political activity, one for organizational questions and one for mass work and recruitment. Sa'ad served as the general secretary of Tasht 1946–1948.
The organization of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union was nominally based on the principles of democratic centralism. The governing body of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) was the Party Congress, which initially met annually but whose meetings became less frequent, particularly under Joseph Stalin (dominant from the late 1920s to 1953). Party Congresses would elect a Central Committee which, in turn, would elect a Politburo. Under Stalin, the most powerful position in the party became the General Secretary, who was elected by the Politburo.
UPyD has been assessed by the vast majority of political scientists and the media such as the European Social Survey, The Financial Times and The EconomistA paella coalition?, The Economist as a centrist party, even though it was considered as centre-left by the political scientist Donatella Maria Viola and centre-right by the Encyclopædia Britannica. Also, the self-proclaimed cross-sectionalism of UPyD has been linked to radical centrism. UPyD is a progressive party which combines social liberalism with centralism from the centre of the political spectrum.
When applied to an entire state, democratic centralism creates a one-party system. The constitutions of most communist states describe their political system as a form of democracy. They recognize the sovereignty of the people as embodied in a series of representative parliamentary institutions. Such states do not have a separation of powers and instead have one national legislative body (such as the Supreme Soviet in the Soviet Union) which is considered the highest organ of state power and which is legally superior to the executive and judicial branches of government.
SOBSI manifestationOn March 1, 1952, the PKI Central Committee adopted a resolution labelling the activities of SOBSI as 'sectarian'. The PKI instructed SOBSI to align with the national united front line of the party; that SOBSI should seek cooperation with non-communist trade unions and mobilize the broadest section of workers. SOBSI held a national conference between September 27 and October 12, 1952, which ratified the shift to the national united front line. The meeting adopted a new constitution for SOBSI, void of any mention of "socialism", "people's democracy", "class struggle" and "democratic centralism".
Lucian Boia describes the PNȚ as an "eclectic" group "lacking a unified doctrine". Early on, the more powerful component of this mix was the former Romanian National Party (PNR). It had been formed in Austria-Hungary, specifically Transylvania, with the goal of channeling the Romanian vote, and following the establishment of Greater Romania in 1918–1922, led the rebellion against PNL centralism. One element which impeded categorization was Maniu's notorious reserve about declaring himself for or against various issues or approaches—leading him to be nicknamed "The Sphinx".
The German liberals believed that centralism would guarantee a German majority and safeguard the liberal reforms that were introduced by this cabinet. Fischhof, however, stated that true liberalism would guarantee not just individual liberties for Austrian citizens but also national liberties for Austria's national minorities. He was convinced that only federalism could prevent a break-up of the Habsburg Monarchy along national lines. This, he believed, would ultimately lead to German or Russian domination over the small nationalities in Central Europe and end the relative freedom they enjoyed under Habsburg rule.
The party also controlled its armed forces, the Hungarian People's Army. Like all other Eastern Bloc parties, the MSzMP was organized on the basis of democratic centralism, a principle conceived by Vladimir Lenin that entails democratic and open discussion of issues within the party followed by the requirement of total unity in upholding the agreed policies. The highest body within the MSzMP was the party Congress, which convened every five years. When the Congress was not in session, the Central Committee of the MSzMP was the highest body.
There were only 4,000 core members in mid-1981. According to General Secretary Heng Samrin's political report, the KPRP had twenty-two regional committees and an undisclosed number of branches, circles and cells in government agencies, armed forces units, internal security organs, mass organizations, enterprises, factories and farms. The report expressed satisfaction with party reconstruction since 1981, especially with the removal of the "danger of authoritarianism" and the restoration of the principles of democratic centralism and of collective leadership. However, it pointed out "some weaknesses" that had to be overcome.
The 1978 Spanish Constitution anticipated the organisation of the State in Autonomous Communities. The different historic regions and nationalities could access to the autonomy through two ways; the so-called fast way (article 151) and the so-called slow or common way (article 143). During the process of achievement, the province or provinces could request to the Congress of Deputies the regime of preautonomy, as a transition period from the centralism to the self-government. On 13 June 1978 the Inter-island General Council (), preautonomous body for the Balearic Islands, was constituted by royal decree.
The RSL, the Militant Group, and the Revolutionary Socialist Party merged to form a new Revolutionary Socialist League, but the Workers International League (WIL) refused, claiming that agreement on perspectives was insufficient and that the new group represented a dilution of democratic centralism. The new RSL became the British affiliate of the newly formed Fourth International. It maintained the Militant Labour League for those members who were involved in Labour Party entryism, and published The Militant. The group adopted a defeatist policy during the Second World War, which it modelled on Lenin's revolutionary defeatist tactics of the 1914–1918 war.
For much of the time between the era of Joseph Stalin and the 1980s, the principle of democratic centralism meant that the Supreme Soviet, while nominally vested with great lawmaking powers, did little more than approve decisions already made at the highest levels of the Communist Party. When the Supreme Soviet was not in session, the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet performed its ordinary functions. Nominally, if such decrees were not ratified by the full Supreme Soviet, they were considered revoked. However, ratification was usually a mere formality, though occasionally even this formality was not observed.
The 6th Congress signified a move away from orthodox communism, with the Juche given primacy over Marxism–Leninism; in foreign relations, an independent national policy was given primacy over proletarian internationalism. According to political analyst Kim Nam-sik, "They [changes] represent a marked departure from the fundamental principles of communism, and a new orientation for the North Korean future in the 1980s." In contrast to other ruling communist parties in socialist states, democratic centralism in the WPK did not hold the leader (the WPK General Secretary) accountable. In many ways it functioned the other way around, with the WPK accountable to the leader.
Colonel James Fannin and his men had improved the fortifications at the old Presidio La Bahía and renamed it "Fort Defiance." News of the fate of Texians under Frank W. Johnson at the Battle of San Patricio and James Grant at the Battle of Agua Dulce (both captured in earlier fights) created confusion rather than stirring the volunteers gathered at Goliad into action. On March 7, Lewis Ayers brought Fannin news from Refugio, a town south of Goliad. The week before, the Victoriana Guardes, a group of Tejano (native Mexican residents) who supported centralism, had ransacked the town.
The provided shelters were quickly overcrowded, and in combination with the rough climate, heavy rainfalls in spring, hot and humid summers, and very cold winters, hunger and disease were the result. Many arrivals who could afford it, left after a very short time, leaving only the poorest behind.Kuchenbecker 2000 p128 Between 1936 and 1938, beginning in the same year in which “Seekers of Happiness” was released, purges in all national republics and provinces took place, wiping out the local party leaderships and administrative elites. With them the national policy shifted from a cultural integrative federal system to Russification and centralism.
Apart from any controversy about university policy, it was during the rector of José Antonio Chang Escobedo that the university of San Martin de Porres would achieve internal stability. Thanks to that, the university began a process that allowed it to improve its infrastructure and general equipment. In 2006 a whole campus was inaugurated in Chiclayo, with the objective of combating the educational centralism of Lima. The president of the republic, Alan García Pérez, attended the ceremony; the bishop of the diocese of Chiclayo, Jesús Molinel La Barca and the president of the Lambayeque region, Yehude Simon Munaro.
The party as led by Bordiga and Maffi soon started publishing Il Programma Comunista where the majority group held on to Prometeo and Battaglia Comunista. The party (publishing Il Programma Comunista) took the name International Communist Party soon after the split. In 1964, a new split gave its birth based on its opposition towards Bordiga's thesis presented in party meeting in Florence, which tried to define new criteria built on organic centralism. This new split got named as Rivoluzione Comunista (RC) and made its critique of party's programmatism and proposed to intervene more actively in the class.
While welcomed at first as liberators, the Austrians quickly disenchanted the inhabitants by imposing rigid administrative, fiscal, judicial and political reforms which were meant to centralize and integrate the territory (antagonizing both ends of the social spectrum: withdrawing privileges from the nobility and enforcing taxes for peasants). In 1761, the residence of Bans was moved to Bucharest, in a move towards centralism (a kaymakam represented the boyars in Craiova). It remained there until the death of the last Ban, Barbu Văcărescu, in 1832. In 1821, Oltenia and Gorj County were at the center of Tudor Vladimirescu's uprising (see Wallachian uprising of 1821).
The General Secretary, as a post, was a purely administrative and disciplinary position, whose role was to do no more than determine party membership composition. Stalin used the principles of democratic centralism to transform his office into that of party leader, and later leader of the Soviet Union. In 1934, the 17th Party Congress did not elect a General Secretary and Stalin was an ordinary secretary until his death in 1953, although he remained the de facto leader without diminishing his own authority. Nikita Khrushchev reestablished the office on 14 September 1953 under the name First Secretary.
President of the Granadine Confederation Mariano Ospina Rodríguez Even though the Constitution of 1858 had legalized federalism, the politics of the president Mariano Ospina Rodríguez favored centralism. This conservativism clashed with the wishes of the states which wanted more power and autonomy. This caused some leaders to consider the administrative base of the federation as a notion to underestimate the authority of the states, and led the national government to view the independent aspirations of the states as a threat to the overall nation. The political tension came to its pinnacle in 1859 when Congress passed two controversial laws.
The total of electoral votes were supposed to be 82, so the liberal-lead Congress declared the election void arguing that no candidate obtained a majority and appointed Arce as president, much to the outrage of Valle and his supporters. Arce tried to appease Valle by offering him the Vice-Presidency, but Valle declined. He did retired from Congress without calling for an uprising. Nevertheless, civil war would happen anyway as Arce’s centralism and authoritarian government would cause the uprising of the Liberals in El Salvador and Honduras that sprang after Arce dissolved the Parliament in Guatemala in 1826.
During the 1718–1739 Habsburg occupation of Oltenia, Craiova's status declined due to economic pressures and increased centralism, partly leading to an increase in hajduk actions, in parallel with protests of Craiovan boyars. In 1761, under Prince Constantine Mavrocordatos, the bans relocated to Bucharest, leaving behind kaymakams to represent them in Craiova. Under Prince Emanuel Giani Ruset, Wallachia's seat was moved to Craiova (1770–1771), viewed as a place of refuge during the Russo-Turkish War of 1768–1774. A large part of the city was burned down by the rebel pasha Osman Pazvantoğlu in 1800.
However, at the end of July Ugartechea expressed his opinion to his superior, Martín Perfecto de Cos, that reinforcements were still quite necessary. In this way Ugartechea both reflected and furthered the hardening of attitudes that brought about war. In dealing with the people of Texas, Ugartechea continued to issue reassurances about the potential for peace if his arrest orders were carried out. Those whom he ordered the Texas authorities to detain and hold included representatives to the Coahuila legislature, leaders of the Anahuac expedition or rebellion of June 1835, and other opponents of centralism such as Lorenzo de Zavala.
In 1979 the GST had about 530,000 members in over 9,000 local divisions, a number that had risen to 600,000 by 1988.Dirk Jurich, Staatssozialismus und gesellschaftliche Differenzierung: eine empirische Studie, p.32. LIT Verlag Münster, 2006, In addition to these divisions, which usually had their own areas of specialization, GST as an East German mass organization was organized according to the rules of what was called “democratic centralism” as to its basic organizations, county and district boards, and central governing board. The basic organizations existed in factories and workplaces, vocational schools, secondary schools, universities and colleges, administrative bodies and producers’ cooperatives.
During this period, Bučar started openly voicing his criticism to certain features of the Yugoslav Communist system, especially the excessive centralism and the not entirely successful economic integration of the different regions of Yugoslavia. In 1963, he was excluded from the Communist Party. He continued teaching at the university, where he grew increasingly popular among students; in an environment that was skeptical to non-Marxist social theories, Bučar expanded the curriculum by introducing system theory and the thought of Max Weber. Unlike other prominent faculty, Bučar assumed a skeptical attitude towards the student movement in the years 1968–1972.
Paul Chevré's Honoré Mercier sculpture in front of Parliament Building (Quebec) Seeing provincial autonomy as the political expression of Quebec nationalism, he collaborated with Ontario Premier Oliver Mowat to roll back federal centralism. Mercier initiated the idea of interprovincial conferences in 1887. He was the first Quebec premier to defend the principle of provincial autonomy within the confederation, campaigning to abolish the federal government's claimed right to veto provincial legislation. With his strong nationalist stance, Mercier was very much a precursor of later nationalist premiers in future decades who confronted the federal government and tried to win more power for Quebec.
"The world socialist movement cannot hope to survive without the USSR as a socialist power; therefore, the DWP must support the USSR and other socialist states." Dixon began traveling to Western Europe, Yugoslavia and Bulgaria with the eventual goal of receiving an invitation from the Soviet Union. At the same time, Dixon distanced herself from Marxism-Leninism and declared that it had been a failure in the United States. She soon went further, suggesting an end to the party's adherence to Marxism (while keeping Marx's influence) and getting rid of the party's Communist image (while retaining democratic centralism).
In the struggle between centralism and federalism, class struggle and economic solidarity got neglected, and the International perished in the process. In contrast, anarchists were not presently demanding anyone to renounce their program. They only asked for divisions to be left out of the economic struggle, where they had no reason to exists ('Should')". In other words, "the issue was no longer hegemony, but the contrast between an exclusive view of socialism, for which one political idea was to be hegemonic, and an inclusive one, for which multiple political views were to coexist, united in the economic struggle.
Article 6 and 7 states that these representatives are elected by the people based on universal, equal and direct suffrage, and are responsible to them. Article 5 states that government institutions are created and operated based on democratic centralism. Article 8 provides a "people- centered" social system for North Korea that turns "workers into masters of everything" and "everything in society serve the workers," and tasks the state to respect and defend the people's human rights. Article 9 provides North Korea with the task to achieve "the complete victory of socialism" in the northern half of Korea and the reunification of Korea.
John Ibbitson writes that by 1914: :Confederation had evolved into a creation beyond John A. Macdonald's worst nightmare. Powerful, independent provinces, sovereign within their own spheres, manipulated the rights of property, levied their own taxes—even income taxes, in a few cases—exploited their natural resources, and managed schools, hospitals, and relief for the poor, while a weak and ineffectual central government presided over not much of anything in the drab little capital on the banks of the Ottawa.Ibbitson, p. 49 Meanwhile, Ontario's Conservative Party leader William Ralph Meredith had difficulty balancing the province's particular interests with his national party's centralism.
He then oscillated between ethnic federalism within a nominal Hungarian realm and full centralism in Austria's custody, while failing in his bid to promote election boycott as a political weapon. He had noted political rivalries with Romanians who sided with Hungarian radicalism, in particular Eftimie Murgu. Serving one full term in the Diet of Hungary, Mocioni also turned to cooperation with the Romanians of Transylvania, and helped Andrei Șaguna to reestablish an independent Transylvanian Metropolis for Romanian Orthodox Christians. Alongside his brothers Gheorghe and Anton, and his lawyer Vincențiu Babeș, he founded the newspaper Albina of Vienna.
Flag of Rojava, a democratic confederalism experiment Communalists see as equally important the need for confederation—the interlinking of communities with one another through recallable delegates mandated by municipal citizens' assemblies and whose sole functions are coordinative and administrative. This is similar to the system of "nested councils" found in participatory politics. According to Bookchin, "Confederation has a long history of its own that dates back to antiquity and that surfaced as a major alternative to the nation- state. From the American Revolution through the French Revolution and the Spanish Revolution of 1936, confederalism constituted a major challenge to state centralism".
Vasile Cijevschi (also credited as Cijevski or Tchizhevsky; October 17, 1881 – July 14, 1931) Mihai Tașcă, "Deputați în Sfatul Țării înmormântați la Chișinău", in Timpul, April 10, 2010 was a Bessarabian and Romanian politician, administrator and writer. Originally a career officer in the Russian Empire, he was active within the ethnic Romanian political movement during the Russian Revolution, and later within the Moldavian Democratic Republic. Cijevschi helped organize the Republic's defense against leftist insurrection, and contributed to the Bessarabian–Romanian union of 1918. He is chiefly remembered as a supporter of Bessarabian identity within Romania and as an early critic of Romanian centralism.
Kalonji did not recognise this government as having any authority. The Kalonjists, who felt rejected and marginalised by the central government, began supporting alternative parties. Among them, the Kalonjists supported Tshombe's CONAKAT party in nearby Katanga which, because of its strongly federalist stance, opposed to Lumumba's conception of a strong central government based in the capital Léopoldville. As part of this, the Kalonjists supported CONAKAT against their main local rivals, the Association Générale des Baluba du Katanga (BALUBAKAT) party led by Jason Sendwe, which, although it represented the Baluba of Katanga Province, was in favour of centralism.
The event was again discussed, with much self-criticism, and the contemporary government called it a "serious [loss] to our country and people" and blamed the cult of personality of Mao. In particular, at the Seven Thousand Cadres Conference in January – February 1962, Mao made a self-criticism and re-affirmed his commitment to democratic centralism. In the years that followed, Mao mostly abstained from the operations of government, making policy largely the domain of Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping. Maoist ideology took a back seat in the Communist Party, until Mao launched the Cultural Revolution in 1966 which marked Mao's political comeback.
In 1148 the Sénanque Abbey was established under the patronage of Alfant, Bishop of Cavaillon, and Ramon Berenguer II, Count of Barcelona, Count of Provence, by Cistercian monks who came from Mazan Abbey in the Ardèche. After the death of King René of Provence, the territory of Provence was incorporated in 1481 into the kingdom of France as a "province royale française" (French royal province). An insurrection broke out in the former states of Agoult- Simiane and County of Forcalquier. Gordes is distinguished by a strong opposition to French centralism but will pay heavily for its claims of independence.
Delegates rejected the reformist policies instituted by the Hewison group and instead reaffirmed the CPC as a Marxist–Leninist organization. Since most of the old party's assets were now the property of the Hewison-led Cecil Ross Society, the CPC convention decided to launch a new newspaper, the People's Voice, to replace the old Canadian Tribune. The convention elected a new central committee with Figueroa as Party Leader. The convention also amended the party constitution to grant more membership control and lessen the arbitrary powers of the Central Committee, while maintaining democratic centralism as its organizational principle.
The Motor City Labor League or Motor City Labor Coalition was a labor organization based in Detroit, Michigan, U.S. It adhered to a form of Marxism–Leninism and operated under the principle of democratic centralism. It was the white counterpart of the League of Revolutionary Black Workers. Besides work in among Detroit's working class, it focused on organizing against the war in Vietnam, supporting radical organizing in local unions, opposition to STRESS, a Detroit police unit known for police brutality. Electorally, it successfully worked to get one of its members, lawyer Justin C. Ravitz, to Detroit's Recorder's Court.
After that the band evolved to a more Latin- American style leaving behind much of its Chilean lyrics, expression of this is the cumbia song "Macondo". The band had a profound impact on Valdivian society when, as one of the most known bands of Valdivia, they joined the efforts to establish a new region and withdrawing Valdivia Province from Los Lagos Region. In this spirit they created the song "Regionalización" which advocates against centralism and for the creation of a new region with Valdivia as capital. Finally, in 2007, when Los Ríos Region was created "Regionalización" had become the hymn of that movement.
The new provision was introduced that persons seeking admission should present recommendations from two Party members and that their admission should be subject to approval by the general meeting of the organisation concerned. The Rules stressed that all Party organisations should be based on the principles of democratic centralism. Party congresses were to be convened once a year and plenary meetings of the Central Committee, not less than once in two months. The congress reaffirmed the decision of the Seventh Conference of the RSDLP(b) on the need to revise the Party Programme in the sense indicated by the conference.
The Basque Country and Galicia each sought autonomy in 1936, but only the Statute of Autonomy of the first was approved before the Spanish Civil War erupted. After the war, Franco's regime (1939–1975) forcefully enforced centralism in an effort to establish and preserve the unity of the Spanish nation. His attempts to fight separatism with heavy-handed but sporadic repression and his oftentimes severe suppression of language and regional identities backfired: the demands for democracy became intertwined with demands for the recognition of a pluralistic vision of the Spanish nationhood. After Franco died, Spain entered into a phase of transition towards democracy.
As a fierce opponent of Yugoslav centralism and nationalism, Kozak was among the founders of the left liberal journal Sodobnost, which he edited together with Josip Vidmar, Fran Albreht and Stanko Leben. The journal supported Slovenian autonomy within a democratic and federal Yugoslavia. In the years before World War II, it started moving to positions sympathetic to the Communist Party. After the Axis invasion of Yugoslavia in April 1941, Kozak was among the founders of the Liberation Front of the Slovenian People, a communist-dominated left-wing coalition that eventually fought the Nazi German and Fascist Italian occupation of Slovenia.
The other provinces rejected its high centralism, and the president Bernardino Rivadavia was deposed shortly after. During the second government of Juan Manuel de Rosas, Confederación Argentina (Argentine Confederation) was the main name used for the young country, but others were also used, including República de la Confederación Argentina (Republic of the Argentine Confederation) and Federación Argentina (Argentine Federation). Justo José de Urquiza deposed Rosas in the battle of Caseros and called for a Constituent Assembly that would write the Constitution of Argentina of 1853. Buenos Aires did not accept it, and seceded from the Confederation as the State of Buenos Aires.
In 1929, Stalin ordered the State Political Directorate and Lavrentiy Beria to round up the leadership of the Georgian Communist Party, including Polikarp Budu Mdivani and others who had voiced strong criticism of the centralism imposed with the creation of the Soviet Union (see Georgian Affair). Other Georgian comrades of Stalin were also arrested, including Kote Tsintsadze. However, in a speech condemning Mdivani's associates as a "terrorist group", Beria left out Kavtaradze's name, which was seen as a sign that Stalin was going to be more lenient with him. He was nonetheless sentenced to three years in prison, which he served in Tobolsk.
The second feature to be met is the establishment of a revolutionary- democratic party which has to establish itself as the leading force and guide the state by using Marxist–Leninist ideology. While introduced in these states, democratic centralism is rarely upheld. Unlike capitalism which is ruled by the bourgeoisie class and socialism were the proletariat leads, the socialist-oriented state represents a broad and heterogeneous group of classes that seek to consolidate national independence. Since the peasantry were usually the largest class in socialist-oriented states, their role were emphasised—similar to the working class in other socialist states.
In the late 1960s, the CPA, under the leadership of National Secretary Laurie Aarons, became a strong supporter of "Eurocommunism", of abandoning Leninism and democratic centralism, and trying to form a "united front" of the various left-wing forces thrown up by the movement of opposition to the Vietnam War. The CPA leadership had become increasingly critical of the Soviet Union, particularly over the 1968 Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia. Dissidents took the view that the CPA should not become a left social-democratic party, and should continue as a Marxist–Leninist party. The group was described as pro-Soviet hardliners.
In the terminology of communism, the general line of the party or simply the general line refers to the directives of the governing bodies of a party (usually a communist party) which define the party's politics. The term (Russian: Генеральная линия партии general'naya liniya partii) was in common use by the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (since its early days under other names) and also adopted by many other communist parties around the world. The notion is rooted in the major principle of democratic centralism, which requires unconditional obedience to top level decisions at all party levels.
All of its programs had religious, national, social and constitutional values, its ideology was based on papal encyclicals Rerum novarum and Quadragesimo anno, and was oriented mostly towards its Catholic electorate. The party rejected economic liberalism and the theory of class struggle popular among socialists and communists, who were together with liberal atheists considered to be the party's main enemies. The constitutional part of its program was derived from the Pittsburgh Agreement, which promised an autonomous status of Slovakia within Czechoslovakia. The HSĽS opposed centralism and ethnic Czechoslovakism, which did not consider Slovaks as a separate and distinctive ethnic group from the Czechs.
KSČ organization was based on the Leninist concept of democratic centralism, which provided for the election of party leaders at all levels but required that each level be fully subject to the control of the next higher unit. Accordingly, party programs and policies were directed from the top, and resolutions of higher organs were unconditionally binding on all lower organs and individual party members. In theory, policy matters were freely and openly discussed at congresses, conferences, membership meetings, and in the party press. In practice, however, these discussions merely reflected decisions made by a small contingent of top party officials.
The party operated on the basis of democratic centralism, which meant that dissident members had no way to advance their opinions within the party, and were regularly expelled. In 1980, a faction close to Eurocommunist and alternative left positions surfaced (often referred to as the faction after the paper they published), but the leadership managed to suppress dissidence within the party by purging the leading oppositionists from the SEW. The party leader Schmitt explained to the leadership that expelling "30 or 35 bandits is a necessary process of cleaning up.""Die SEW ist sich, viel zu gesund‘", Frankfurter Rundschau, 7.6.1980.
The party had its origins in the collapse of the First United Front when they first met in November 1927. Its original members were left-wing Nationalists and expelled Communists which called themselves the "Provisional Action Committee of the Chinese Nationalist Party" or "Third Party" (despite the name, the Young China Party was third largest in the late 1920s–40s). After August 1930, the party became a cohesive entity under Deng Yanda, who organized it under democratic centralism like both the Nationalists and Communists. Deng was secretly executed by Chiang Kai-shek in 1931 and the party went underground.
The Battle of Ayacucho signified the end of the Spanish Empire on the American mainland. Although Mexico had been in revolt in 1811 under Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla, resistance to Spanish rule had largely been confined to small guerrilla bands in the countryside. The coup in Spain did not change the centralized policies of the government of Trieno Liberal in Madrid and many Mexicans were disappointed. In 1821, Mexico led by Agustin de Iturbide and Vincente Guerrero presented the Plan de Iguala, calling for an independent Mexican monarchy, in response to the centralism and fears of the liberalism and anticlericalism in Spain.
Democratic Left was formed after a split in the Workers' Party, which in turn had its origins in the 1970 split in Sinn Féin. Although never formally styled as a communist party, the Workers' Party had an internal organisation based on democratic centralism, strong links with the Soviet Union, and campaigned for socialist policies. The party gained support during the 1980s - a decade of cutbacks and hardship in Ireland - winning 7 TDs in the 1989 general election and 24 councillors in the 1991 local elections. However between 1989 and 1992 the Workers' Party was beset by a number of problems.
As a political-science term, Leninism entered common usage in 1922 after infirmity ended Lenin's participation in governing the Russian Communist Party. At the Fifth Congress of the Communist International in July 1924, Grigory Zinoviev popularized the term Leninism to denote "vanguard-party revolution". Within Leninism, democratic centralism is a practice in which political decisions reached by voting processes are binding upon all members of the communist party. The party's political vanguard is composed of professional revolutionaries that elect leaders and officers as well as to determine policy through free discussion, then this is decisively realized through united action.
In contrast to Marxist–Leninist communist parties, they do not subscribe to the theories of imperialism, vanguardism and democratic centralism, believing such practices to be antithetical to the realisation of socialism. The WSM defines socialism as a moneyless society based on common ownership of the means of production, production for use and social relations based on cooperative and democratic associations as opposed to bureaucratic hierarchies. Additionally, the WSM includes statelessness, classlessness and the abolition of wage labor as characteristics of a socialist society—characteristics that are usually reserved to describe a communist society, but that both Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels used to describe interchangeable with the words socialism and communism.
The National Assembly asserted its legal presence in French government by establishing its permanence in the Constitution and forming a system for recurring elections. The Assembly's belief in a sovereign nation and in equal representation can be seen in the constitutional separation of powers. The National Assembly was the legislative body, the king and royal ministers made up the executive branch and the judiciary was independent of the other two branches. On a local level, the previous feudal geographic divisions were formally abolished, and the territory of the French state was divided into several administrative units, Departments (Départements), but with the principle of centralism.
Despite the failure, Stalin's policy of mixed-ideology political alliances nonetheless became Comintern policy. Until exiled from Russia in 1929, Trotsky developed and led the Left Opposition (and the later Joint Opposition) with members of the Workers' Opposition, the Decembrists and (later) the Zinovievists. Trotskyism predominated the politics of the Left Opposition, which demanded the restoration of soviet democracy, the expansion of democratic centralism in the Communist Party, national industrialisation, international permanent revolution and socialist internationalism. The Trotskyist demands countered Stalin's political dominance of the Communist Party, which was officially characterised by the "cult of Lenin", the rejection of permanent revolution, and advocated the doctrine of socialism in one country.
Maoism is an adapted Sino-centric version of Marxism–Leninism. While believing in democratic centralism, where party decisions are brought about by scrutiny and debate and then are binding upon all members of the party once implemented, Mao did not accept dissenters to the party's decisions. Through the Cultural Revolution and the Campaign to Suppress Counterrevolutionaries, Mao attempted to purge any subversive idea—especially capitalist or Western threat—with heavy force, justifying his actions as the necessary way for the central authority to keep power. At the same time, Mao emphasized the importance of cultural heritage and individual choice as a way of creating this national unity.
He described his ideal system as "a political situation in which there is both centralism and democracy, both discipline and freedom, both unity of purpose and personal ease of mind and liveliness to facilitate the socialist revolution". While the system advocates contradiction, Mao believed the state above all could provide the masses with the tools for their own expression, but his own brand of self-expression was wholly manufactured, built largely on replacing traditional practices and artifacts of Chinese culture with his own. Through this, transformation of the people towards an internal party collectiveness was possible. Notably, Mao's authoritarianism was rooted in a collective bottom-up style of empowerment.
In the early 1920s, the party operated under the principle of democratic centralism, whereby the leading body of the party was the Congress, meeting at least once a year.Broue, P. (2006) The German Revolution: 1917–1923, Chicago: Haymarket Books, pg.635 Between Congresses, leadership of the party resided in the Central Committee, which was elected at the Congress, of one group of people who had to live where the leadership was resident and formed the Zentrale and others nominated from the districts they represented (but also elected at the Congress) who represented the wider party.Broue, P. (2006) The German Revolution: 1917–1923, Chicago: Haymarket Books, pg.
The DerzhPlan of the Ukrainian SSR (, ) or State Planning Committee of the Ukrainian SSR was a union-republican authority that conducted state planning of economical and social development of the Ukrainian SSR and controlled execution of national economical plans. The committee was created on September 28, 1921 as the Ukrainian Commonly-planned Economic Commission as part of the Ukrainian Economical Conference. Later it was subordinated to the Council of People's Commissars (since 1946 - Council of Ministers) of the Ukrainian SSR and the Gosplan (until 1922 - of the Russian SFSR) of the USSR. The base of its organization and activities was the principle of democratic centralism.
The emergence of two distinct ideological currents among the patriots (federalism and centralism) gave rise to a period of instability. Shortly after the Napoleonic Wars ended, Ferdinand VII, recently restored to the throne in Spain, unexpectedly decided to send military forces to retake most of northern South America. The viceroyalty was restored under the command of Juan Sámano, whose regime punished those who participated in the patriotic movements, ignoring the political nuances of the juntas. The retribution stoked renewed rebellion, which, combined with a weakened Spain, made possible a successful rebellion led by the Venezuelan- born Simón Bolívar, who finally proclaimed independence in 1819.
Ingeborg worked to install the so-called vårfrupenningen to a regular fee, a goal she succeeded with by permission of Charles VIII of Sweden in 1450, and again from Christian I of Denmark in 1461. In 1462, she received the papal legate Marinus de Fregeno in Vadstena. Upon the request of Christian I, she wrote the (C 50, UUB), Fjorton råd om ett gudeligt leverne (Fourteen Advises to live goodly), likely before his visit in 1461. Ingeborg is believed to have supported the Roman side against Conciliarism and the new Papal policy of Concords and diplomacy, and opposed the national centralism of Charles VIII of Sweden.
The numbers are substantially lower in comparison to Catalonia and Basque country, but these nationalisms are still present in Navarre (Nabai) and Galicia (Galician National Bloc) too. The Canary Islands (Coalición Canaria), Andalusia (Partido Andalucista) and other autonomous communities also have less obvious nationalism and are often grouped as regionalisms, based on linguistic or historical differential facts no less distinct than the previous ones. In comparison to other nationalisms, "Spanish nationalism" is often referred to as"El Parlament rechaza el «nacionalismo español»", El Mundo, June 1, 2001 españolismo,Francesc de Carreras, criterio/archivos/000620.html "Catalanismo y españolismo", La Vanguardia, July 14, 2005 an equivalent to centralism.
While president he was regarded as a mediator between the Marxist-Leninist wing headed by Sean Garland and the social democratic wing of Prionsias De Rossa. At the 1992 special Ard Fheis he voted for the motion to abandon democratic centralism and to re-constitute the party much as the Italian Communist Party became the Democratic Party of the Left. However the motion failed to reach the required two-thirds majority and after the departure of six Workers' Party TDs led by De Rossa to form the new Democratic Left party in 1992, Mac Giolla was the sole member of the Workers' Party in the Dáil.
By 1876, the two factions forged a tactical alliance against Austrian centralism and German nationalism, and both supported the Taaffe government. This tactical alliance between conservatives and liberals, which also included a substantial group of radicals, was known as "The Concord" (). In the mid-1880s, the Concord came under sharp criticism of the new generation of Catholic activists, led by the theologian Anton Mahnič, and sponsored by part of the Roman Catholic establishment (especially the Cardinal Jakob Missia). The Old Slovenes opposed this new trend of political Catholicism, which was able to mobilize the peasant masses, and continued to support a more traditional understanding of politics.
As the economic crisis of 1917 expanded and the country became more radical, Vikzhel likewise shifted to the left, with Left SR A.L. Malitskii assuming the chairmanship of the organization on September 15 (O.S.). Vikzhel remained far from lockstep with the waxing Bolshevik forces, however, with the union remaining committed to the essentially syndicalist principles of decentralization and workers' control in contrast to the hard centralism touted by the Bolsheviks. Vikzhel rapidly developed amidst the chaos into which the country had descended, establishing itself as the largest and best organized union in Russia by the fall of 1917.E.H. Carr, History of Soviet Russia: The Bolshevik Revolution, 1917-23: Volume 2.
Sapronov was born in Mostaushka, Tula Governorate in a family of Russian ethnicity. Whilst working as a house painter Sapronov joined the Bolshevik faction of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party in 1912. He was active during the Russian Revolution and Russian Civil War in the Moscow Provincial Soviet. Sapronov was a left communist of the Bukharin group in 1918. Shortly afterwards, with other Moscow Communist Party left-wingers Vladimir Smirnov and Valerian Obolensky-Ossinsky, he initiated the inner-party grouping known as the Group of Democratic Centralism which presented its case at the Eighth Party Congress in 1919 that 'the party should not impose its will on the soviets’.
Convoked in this atmosphere, the 4th party congress, held at Dresden in November 1928, saw sharp criticism of the factions, and especially of Marković, who submitted to party discipline and called upon to the Belgrade party to return to party discipline. The congress reaffirmed the centralism principles and demanded that the leadership must be composed of industrial workers educated in the spirit of Leninism. Jovan Mališić was elected political secretary and Đuro Đaković organizational secretary. The congress also predicted an imminent bourgeois revolution, adopted the Comintern's theory of Social fascism, which regarded social democracy as a form of fascism, and reaffirmed the policy of breaking up Yugoslavia.
The Secretary of State for the Environment was a UK cabinet position, responsible for the Department of the Environment (DoE). This was created by Edward Heath as a combination of the Ministry of Housing and Local Government, the Ministry of Transport and the Ministry of Public Building and Works on 15 October 1970. Thus it managed a mixed portfolio of issues: housing and planning, local government, public buildings, environmental protection and, initially, transport – James Callaghan gave transport its own department again in 1976. It has been asserted that during the Thatcher government the DoE led the drive towards centralism, and the undermining of local government.
The youth organization of PCP is the Portuguese Communist Youth (), and was founded on 10 November 1979, after the unification of the Communist Students League and the Young Communist League. The Portuguese Communist Youth is a member of the World Federation of Democratic Youth, a youth non-governmental organization that congregates several left- wing youth organizations from all the continents. The WFDY holds an international event, named World Festival of Youth and Students, in which the Portuguese Communist Youth uses to participate. The youth wing follows a structure similar to the Party's, also based on the Leninist principle of democratic centralism, and both organizations maintain a cooperative relationship.
During the First Republic, the KPÖ had little influence and failed to gain a single mandate in parliament, in part because of the ability of the Social Democratic Party (SPÖ) to unite the workers as an opposition movement. The party was also seriously weakened by internal factional struggles. In parallel with the ascent of Joseph Stalin to General Secretary in the Soviet Union in the early 1920s, the KPÖ was also refashioned in accordance with the principles of democratic centralism, and party discipline was more strictly enforced. Due to these reforms, the party was able to overcome its factional struggles by the late-1920s.
The Statute (also referred to as the Rules, Charter and Constitution) was the party's by-laws and controlled life within the CPSU. The 1st Statute was adopted at the 2nd Congress of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Partythe forerunner of the CPSU. How the Statute was to be structured and organized led to a schism within the party, leading to the establishment of two competing factions; Bolsheviks (literally majority) and Mensheviks (literally minority). The 1st Statute was based upon Lenin's idea of a centralized vanguard party. The 4th Congress, despite a majority of Menshevik delegates, added the concept of democratic centralism to Article 2 of the Statute.
While an émigré, Hrushevsky began to become pro-Bolshevik. Along with other members of the Ukrainian Party of Socialist Revolutionaries, he formed the Foreign Delegation of the Ukrainian Party of Socialist Revolutionaries, which advocated reconciliation with the Bolshevik regime. Though the group was critical of the Bolsheviks, especially because if their centralism and repressive activities in Ukraine, it felt that the criticisms had to be put aside because the Bolsheviks were the leaders of the international revolution. Hrushevsky and his group petitioned the Ukrainian SSR government to legalise the Ukrainian Party of Socialist Revolutionaries and to allow the members of the Foreign Delegation to return.
The Argentine Civil Wars were a series of internecine wars that took place in Argentina from 1814 to 1876. These conflicts were separate from the Argentine War of Independence (1810 — 1820), though they first arose during this period. The main antagonists were, on a geographical level, Buenos Aires Province against the other provinces of modern Argentina, and on a political level, the Federal Party against the Unitarian Party. The central cause of the conflict was the excessive centralism advanced by Buenos Aires leaders and, for a long period, the monopoly on the use of the Port of Buenos Aires as the sole means for international commerce.
Special attention was devoted by the congress to a single economic plan for the restoration, in the first place, of the railways, the fuel industry and the iron and steel industry. The major item in this plan was a project for the electrification of the country, which Lenin advanced as 'a great program for the next ten or twenty years'. This formed the basis of the plan of the State Commission for the Electrification of Russia (GOELRO). The congress rejected the views of a group which called itself the Group of Democratic Centralism and was opposed to one- man management and the undivided responsibility of industrial directors.
It was flagrantly violated by the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (KSČ), the government and many individuals throughout the period of its being in force, especially regarding the provisions on private ownership and human rights. Since the country's liberation, there had been many disputes concerning nationalization, the relation of Czechs and Slovaks and other crucial issues. After the Communist take-over in February 1948, the Communist concept was largely applied. The constitution did not organize government administration under the Leninist principle of democratic centralism (a provision only incorporated in the following "socialist" 1960 Constitution of Czechoslovakia); indeed, it made no references to Communism or the KSČ.
The Pole of Communist Revival in France (, PRCF) is a French political party founded in January 2004. It was an internal tendency of the French Communist Party (PCF) that left the party, rejecting the PCF's "mutation" beginning in the early 1990s. The president-delegate of the PRCF is Leon Landini, the president of the National Political Committee (CPN) is Jean-Pierre Hemmen, the national, directing political spokesman of Communist Initiative is George Gastaud, and George Hage, a member of parliament for the Nord departement and senior of the National Assembly, is the honorary president. The PRCF is organized in associations in the French départements, sections and cells (democratic centralism).
Mason Wade, The French Canadians; 1760-1967 (1968) 2:417-33 Seeing provincial autonomy as the political expression of Quebec nationalism, he collaborated with Ontario premier Oliver Mowat to roll back federal centralism. With his strong nationalist stance, Mercier was very much a precursor of later nationalist premiers in future decades who confronted the federal government and tried to win more power for Quebec. He promoted contacts with francophones in other parts of North America outside of Quebec including Western Canada and New England. Those francophones had not yet been assimilated into the English- Canadian or American culture to the extent they would be in the future.
In contrast to reformist social democracy and to Leninism, the central argument of council communism is that democratic workers councils arising in factories and municipalities are the natural form of working class organisation and governmental power. This view is also opposed to the social democratic and Marxist–Leninist ideologies, with their stress on parliaments and institutional government (i.e. by applying social reforms) on the one hand and vanguard parties and participative democratic centralism on the other. The core principle of council communism is that the government and the economy should be managed by workers' councils composed of delegates elected at workplaces and recallable at any moment.
A number of other parties emerged, distinguished by their radicalism, support for federalism or centralism and affiliation to certain ethnic groupings. The MNC's main rival was the Alliance des Bakongo (ABAKO) led by Joseph Kasa-Vubu, a more radical party supported among the Kongo people in the north, and Moise Tshombe's Confédération des Associations Tribales du Katanga (CONAKAT), a strongly federalist party in the southern Katanga Province. Although it was the largest of the African nationalist parties, the MNC had many different factions within it that took differing stances on a number of issues. It was increasingly polarised between moderate évolués and the more radical mass membership.
Leninism and its vanguard party idea took shape after the 1902 publication of Lenin's What Is To Be Done?. The highly decentralized and democratic nature of the proposed De Leonist government is in contrast to the democratic centralism of Marxism–Leninism and what they see as the dictatorial nature of the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China and other "communist" states. The success of the De Leonist plan depends on achieving majority support among the people both in the workplaces and at the polls, in contrast to the Leninist notion that a small vanguard party should lead the working class to carry out the revolution.
Upon the achievement of independence in 1821, Mexican politics, had been largely divided between those seeking a federal government, and those seeking a more centralist government. The Constitution of 1824 arranged the national government upon federal lines, while the debate over federalism and centralism continued. President Bustamante himself had gained power in a military coup in 1830 against his immediate predecessor Vicente Guerrero, who, in turn, had gained power in a coup against president-elect Gomez Pedraza in 1828. Once in power, the Bustamante administration began to pursue conservative, autocratic, and centralist policies orchestrated primarily by Minister of Interior and Exterior Relations Lucas Alaman.
The oath of the Thirty-Three Orientals in 1825 prior to the beginning of the Cisplatine War, in which Uruguay gained independence from Brazil. In 1811, José Gervasio Artigas, who became Uruguay's national hero, launched a successful revolt against the Spanish authorities, defeating them on 18 May at the Battle of Las Piedras. In 1813, the new government in Buenos Aires convened a constituent assembly where Artigas emerged as a champion of federalism, demanding political and economic autonomy for each area, and for the Banda Oriental in particular. The assembly refused to seat the delegates from the Banda Oriental, however, and Buenos Aires pursued a system based on unitary centralism.
The Argentine Civil Wars were a series of civil wars that took place in Argentina from 1814 to 1880. These conflicts were separate from the Argentine War of Independence (1810–1820), though they first arose during this period. The main belligerents were, on a geographical level, Buenos Aires Province against the other provinces of modern Argentina, and on a political level, the Federal Party versus the Unitarian Party. The central cause of the conflict was the excessive centralism advanced by Buenos Aires leaders and, for a long period, the monopoly on the use of the Port of Buenos Aires as the sole means for international commerce.
Ting Gong argues that democratic centralism under Mao "was used to justify the extraordinary authority of its leading officials over ordinary members without subjecting the former to any institutionalized supervision." These problems, the strength of individual politicians and the weaknesses of internal party institutions, may have led to the Cultural Revolution and what the CPC considers as excessive leftism of the 1960s and 1970s. The modern idea of inner-party supervision came with the reestablishment of the CCDI in 1978. Deng was in the forefront already in 1980 to institutionalise the discipline inspection system;"it is most important to get supervision and inspection institutionalized within the Party".
The location of Eastern Andalusia in Spain There is a regionalist movement in the eastern part of Andalusia – mainly Granada, Almería and Jaén provinces, but with some support also in Málaga province – which seeks to create an Autonomous Community separated from western Andalusia. Historically, Granada was the last Arab kingdom in the Iberian Peninsula, and had its own administrative region until 1833 when the Andalusian provinces were combined into a single "historical region". The Platform for Eastern Andalusia has contributed to expand the movement. Among the motivations for the movement, the most important are economic, seeking to benefit from Spanish decentralization as opposed to Sevilian centralism, but also historical.
According to economics professor and historian Jozo Tomasevich, the Kingdom of Yugoslavia was politically weak from the moment of its creation in December 1918, and remained so during the interwar period mainly due to rigid centralism combined with strong ethno-religious identities. In particular, the religious primacy of the Serbian Orthodox Church in national affairs and discrimination against Roman Catholics and Muslims compounded the dissatisfaction of the non-Serb population. The kingdom's internal politics became ethnically polarised, a phenomenon that has been referred to as the "national question" in Yugoslavia. Until 1929, this state of affairs was maintained by subverting the democratic system of government.
After World War I, he and politician Ljubomir Davidović founded the Democratic Association, which later became the Democratic Party. Grol was again named director of the National Theatre in 1918, and held this position until 1924. In 1922, he and Kosta Jovanović founded the Nedeljni glasnik (Sunday Herald), which called for constitutional reform, the lessening of centralism, and more political agreement between Croatia and Serbia. Following the outbreak of a political crisis with the Democratic Party, Grol began editing Odjek again and split with Davidović following Svetozar Pribićević's departure from the party. Grol was twice elected to the parliament of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, in 1925 and 1927.
Second, while some Finiani (Bocchino, Granata, etc.) see FLI as the embryo of a modern and innovative right-wing, others (Menia, Urso, etc.) have joined FLI in order to re-create the political community of the late MSI. In this sense the word "future" in the party's name was a reference to futurism, which was a cultural inspiration for Italian Fascism. Both progressive and reactionary forces thus hail from FLI, but almost none identifies with the political centre. Third, on the economy, the predominant strain in FLI was highly influenced by dirigisme, statism, corporatism and centralism (all well represented in the ideology of the former MSI).
Vladimir Lenin developed the idea of the communist party as the revolutionary vanguard, when social democracy in Imperial Russia was divided into ideologically opposed factions, the Bolshevik faction ("of the majority") and the Menshevik faction ("of the minority"). To be politically effective, Lenin proposed a small vanguard party managed with democratic centralism which allowed centralized command of a disciplined cadre of professional revolutionaries. Once the policy was agreed upon, realizing political goals required every Bolshevik's total commitment to the agreed-upon policy. In contrast, the Menshevik faction included Leon Trotsky, who emphasized that the party should not neglect the importance of mass populations in realizing a communist revolution.
Its origins lay in the 1971 split of United Secretariat of the Fourth International (USFI) supporters from the League for a Workers Republic. Many of the initial group had formerly been in the Young Socialists, along with some others who attended discussion meetings (such as Charlie Bird and Butch Roche) but who tended to drop off later when the RMG name was adopted and democratic centralism set in. In 1972, they joined with a loose grouping in Belfast to form the Revolutionary Marxist Group, mainly under the influence of D.R. O'Connor Lysaght (known as Rayner Lysaght)Bob Purdie and Austen Morgan, Ireland: Divided Nation, Divided Class. Ink Links, 1980, , (p.12).
At the SFIO's Tours Congress in December 1920, this opinion was supported by the left-wing faction (Boris Souvarine, Fernand Loriot) and the 'centrist' faction (Ludovic-Oscar Frossard, Marcel Cachin), but opposed by the right-wing faction (Léon Blum). This majority option won three quarters of the votes from party members at the congress. The pro-Comintern majority founded a new party, known as the French Section of the Communist International (Section française de l'Internationale communiste, SFIC), which accepted the strict conditions for membership. A majority of socialist parliamentarians and local officeholders were opposed to membership, particularly because of the Communist International's strict democratic centralism and its denunciation of parliamentarianism.
Communist Action was influenced by the English-speaking New Left, specially by the American Studies on the Left and the British New Left Review. AC didn't practice democratic centralism and was influenced by Situationism, Council communism and Luxemburgism. Among the most relevant authors for AC there were: Clara Zetkin, Rosa Luxemburg, Otto Rühle, Andreu Nin, Alexandra Kollontai, Trotsky, Joaquim Maurín, Karl Korsch, Paul Mattick, Anton Pannekoek, Claude Lefort, Cornelius Castoriadis, Guy Debord, etc. AC was a rather eclectic party, that did not aspire to be the vanguard party of the working class, nor its "point of reference", but was a supporter of ideas like "workers' democracy" and "self- management socialism".
The decentralised nature of the proposed De Leonist government is in contrast to the democratic centralism of Marxism–Leninism and what they see as the dictatorial nature of the Soviet Union. The success of the De Leonist plan depends on achieving majority support among the people both in the workplaces and at the polls, in contrast to the Leninist notion that a small vanguard party should lead the working class to carry out the revolution. De Leonism's stance against reformism means that it is referred to by the label "impossibilist", along with the Socialist Party of Great Britain. De Leonist political parties have also been criticised for being allegedly overly dogmatic and sectarian.
Jing took part in democratic life meetings of the provincial party leadership. Jing said he "did not pay enough attention to detail," and did not "uphold democratic centralism" because he didn't speak too often during standing committee meetings. In September 2013, Jing attended a democratic life meeting presided over by Xi Jinping himself, during which Jing said he had become "too pretentious and too prideful" over the years and often forgot that he was still a civil servant. In April 2014, Jing became the head of the provincial reform office, overseeing major reform initiatives, ostensibly a position of high responsibility, as "deepening reform" was high on the agenda of the Xi-Li Administration.
Leon Trotsky was exiled from Russia after losing to Stalin in the factional politics of the Bolsheviks After Lenin's death (21 January 1924), Trotsky ideologically battled the influence of Stalin, who formed ruling blocs within the Russian Communist Party (with Grigory Zinoviev and Lev Kamenev, then with Nikolai Bukharin and then by himself) and so determined soviet government policy from 1924 onwards. The ruling blocs continually denied Stalin's opponents the right to organise as an opposition faction within the party—thus the reinstatement of democratic centralism and free speech within the Communist Party were key arguments of Trotsky's Left Opposition and the later Joint Opposition.Trotsky, Leon 1927. Platform of the Joint Opposition.
After taking power in 1978, one of the goals of Deng Xiaoping was to strengthen the power of the party and institutionalize bodies such as the Politburo and its Standing Committee. For much of the 1980s, the PSC was restored as the party's supreme decision making body. The Committee was again organized on the basis of democratic centralism, that is, decisions were to be made based on consensus, and, failing that, decisions are taken by majority vote; once a decision is taken the entire body speaks with one voice. However, the PSC competed with retired party elders (organized as the Central Advisory Commission, though they made most of their decisions informally) for influence.
The party was rebuilt during the congress of Guidel and adopted democratic centralism. It also adopted a Marxist line and demanded in a modified version of its charter the abolition of capitalism and the collective appropriation of the means of production. At the same time, a UDB list won 11.5% of the votes in a local by-election in Auray, primarily thanks to the personality of its candidate Sten Kidna. In the 1971 local elections the UDB took part in the lists of the Union of the Left, except in Brest where it polled 4.8% running independently. The number of party members – 243 in 1971 – grew throughout the 1970s, thanks to the involvement of the party in social conflicts.
While the brought economic progress and helped to keep the bourgeoisie at bay for a while, it increased the ranks of the middle class swiftly—the very social base for the nationalism and liberalism that the Prussian state sought to stem. The was a move toward economic integration, modern industrial capitalism, and the victory of centralism over localism, quickly bringing to an end the era of guilds in the small German princely states. This led to the 1844 revolt of the Silesian Weavers, who saw their livelihood destroyed by the flood of new manufactures. The also weakened Austrian domination of the Confederation as economic unity increased the desire for political unity and nationalism.
It controls the country's armed forces, the People's Liberation Army (PLA). The CCP is officially organized on the basis of democratic centralism, a principle conceived by Russian Marxist theoretician Vladimir Lenin which entails a democratic and open discussion on policy on the condition of unity in upholding the agreed- upon policies. Theoretically, the highest body of the CCP is the National Congress, convened every fifth year. When the National Congress is not in session, the Central Committee is the highest body, but since the body meets normally only once a year most duties and responsibilities are vested in the Politburo and its Standing Committee, members of the latter seen as the top leadership of the Party and the State.
The base of active and experienced members would be the recruiting ground for this professional core. Sympathizers would be left outside and the party would be organised based on the concept of democratic centralism. Martov, until then a close friend of Lenin, agreed with him that the core of the party should consist of professional revolutionaries, but he argued that party membership should be open to sympathizers, revolutionary workers, and other fellow travellers. The two had disagreed on the issue as early as March–May 1903, but it was not until the Congress that their differences became irreconcilable and split the party.. At first, the disagreement appeared to be minor and inspired by personal conflicts.
Most representatives at the conference considered the recently publicised State Duma election law to be a "travesty of parliamentarianism", and urged a boycott of the elections. Lenin, along with Gorev, dissented, suggesting that the election law could be exploited to the Bolsheviks' advantage, and that it was necessary to be flexible in efforts to constrain the power of the Tsar. In the face of intense opposition, Lenin abandoned this position, and endorsed the majority's call for an electoral boycott and an endorsement of the ongoing armed uprising in Moscow, which was then adopted. Another decision made at the conference was to reorganise the party into a more centralised framework, in line with Lenin's principles of democratic centralism.
In line with the policy of Korenizatsiya based on the concept of titular nations, the government of the Soviet Union adopted a strategy of national delimitation, while at the same time enforcing the Leninist principle of democratic centralism. According to Dorzha Arbakov, decentralized governing bodies were a tool the Bolsheviks used to control the Kalmyk people: After establishing control, the Soviet authorities did not overtly enforce an anti-religion policy, other than through passive means, because it sought to bring MongoliaBawden, C.R. The Modern History of Mongolia, Frederick A. Praeger, Publishers, New York, (1968). and TibetMeyer, Karl E. and Brysac, Shareen Blair. Tournament of Shadows, Counterpoint, Washington, DC, (1999) into its sphere of influence.
The PS's pattern of support has evolved significantly since its creation and since the days of the French Section of the Workers' International (SFIO). However, certain strongholds remain remarkably stable and the PS dominates the rural areas of the south-west of France (notably the Midi-Pyrénées), an old SFIO base. These rural regions voted Socialist as a protest against Parisian centralism, though they were amongst the first republican and laïc regions of France. While the PS used to be weak in the major wealthy urban centres of the southwest, such as Toulouse, the PS has made gains with middle class urban voters nationwide and is the largest party in almost all major French cities.
The first socialist state was the Russian Socialist Federative Soviet Republic, established in 1917. In 1922, it merged with the Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic, the Transcaucasian Soviet Federal Socialist Republic and the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic into a single federal union called the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR). The Soviet Union proclaimed itself a socialist state and proclaimed its commitment to building a socialist economy in its 1936 constitution and a subsequent 1977 constitution. It was governed by the Communist Party of the Soviet Union as a single-party state ostensibly with a democratic centralism organization, with Marxism–Leninism remaining its official guiding ideology until Soviet Union's dissolution on 26 December 1991.
The political systems of these Marxist–Leninist socialist states revolve around the central role of the party which holds ultimate authority. Internally, the communist party practices a form of democracy called democratic centralism. During the 22nd Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in 1961, Nikita Khrushchev announced the completion of socialist construction and declared the optimistic goal of achieving communism in twenty years. The Eastern Bloc was a political and economic bloc of Soviet- aligned socialist states in Eastern and Central Europe which adhered to Marxism–Leninism, Soviet-style governance and command economy. The People's Republic of China was founded on 1 October 1949 and proclaims itself to be a socialist state in its 1982 constitution.
The assembly also adopted the projected 1883 Federal Constitution for Andalusia—the Constitution of Antequera—as a Magna Carta for Andalusia, and espoused a political program of putting it into practical effect, taking on the mantle of the Andalusianist movement of the late 19th century. The most immediate antecedent to the Assembly of Ronda was the foundation in 1916 of the first Centro Andaluz in Seville, presided over by Infante, and of the Andalusianist magazine Andalucía. The assembly discussed such topics as centralism, caciquismo, hunger, and bread and put forth a claim for "la Patria Andaluza" to the League of Nations. In that document, Andalusia was described as a país ("country") and a nacionalidad ("nationality").
234 He gave a positive review to Jászi's renewed campaigning in favor of a Danubian Confederation to replace competing nation states, but argued that there was little prospect of "today's generation", in both Romania and Hungary, to endorse the project. Answering to this objection, Jászi himself suggested that Isac take into consideration the creation of a Danubian cultural Alliance, with "civilized" representatives from Hungary, Romania, the Czechoslovak Republic and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. Isac, György Litván notes, remained evasive, and, even as Jászi was facing much criticism from partisans of Hungarian ethnic nationalism, as well as from Romanian advocates of centralism, refused to help Jászi and his associate Pál Szende tour the Transylvanian conference circuit.
Viaţa Basarabiei (Romanian for "Bessarabia's Life", ) is a Romanian-language periodical from Chişinău, Moldova. Originally a literary and political magazine, published at a time when the Bessarabia region was part of Romania, it was founded in 1932 by political activist Pan Halippa and writer Nicolai Costenco. At the time, Viaţa Basarabiei was primarily noted for rejecting the centralism of Greater Romanian governments, to which they opposed more or less vocal Bessarabian regionalist demands and a nativist ethos. Declaring itself to be a traditionalist venue, interested in preserving local specificity in the cultural field, Viaţa Basarabiei was in effect a voice for cultural innovation and a host to modernist writers such as Vladimir Cavarnali, Bogdan Istru or George Meniuc.
It was elevated to the rank of city in 1432 by king John II. After a flourishing period, the conquest of Granada in 1492 stripped Alcalá of its strategical importance. The population started to move from the upper hill to the now safer slopes, thus gradually creating the current settlement. The city remained under the marquisses of Villena until the early 16th century, when the centralism introduced by the Catholic Monarchs started to reduce the power of the barons, although the marquisate remained in existence until the 19th century. The depopulation of the La Mota hill ended after the Peninsular War against the Napoleonic troops who occupied the fortress from 1810 and 1812.
The provincial delegates considered that moving the congress to Buenos Aires was oriented to put pressure on the congressmen to secure benefit for the Buenos Aires porteño in the concluding constitutional text. In 1819, these fears became true in the project of the Argentine Constitution of 1819, characterised by a strong centralism around Buenos Aires. The text didn't even aboard the subject of the method of election of the Director of State, but guaranteed him wide competences, including the designation of the provincial governments and the heads of the national administration. The congress also ordered San Martín and Manuel Belgrano to return to the capital with their armies, to defend the authority of the Directory.
The economy of the SFR Yugoslavia and thus of the Socialist Republic of Croatia was initially influenced by the Soviet Union. As the Communist Party of Yugoslavia was a member of the Communist International, Yugoslav communists thought that the Soviet way to the socialism was the only option to create a socialist state. In the early years of the SFR Yugoslavia, Communist members suppressed critics towards the Soviet Union and harbored sympathies towards it. In the CPY, it was generally thought that state ownership and centralism were the only ways to avoid economic breakdown and that without the state ownership and administrative control it would be impossible to accumulate vast resources, material and human, for economic development.
Some of the nationalist movements in Spain consider the former kingdoms of the Crown of Aragon to be the foundation of their nations, the Catalan nationalist movement being the most prominent. Spanish nationalism, on the other hand, tends to place more importance on the later dynastic union with the Crown of Castile, considering it the origin of one Spanish nation. The reprisals inflicted on the territories that had fought against Philip V in the War of Succession is given by some Valencian nationalists and Catalan nationalists as an argument against the centralism of Spanish nationalism and in favor of federalism, confederation, or even independence. Some Catalans associated their ancient privileges with their Generalitat and resistance to Castile.
Hévizi, p. 20; Marczali, pp. 167–168, 246 Nevertheless, their social decline led them to join other Kuruc rebels during Rákóczi's War of Independence (1703–1711).Hévizi, p. 20 This new uprising was finally ended by the Treaty of Szatmár, which stipulated that the suppression of all autonomy for the Cumans and Jazyges; the decision was then upheld by the Hungarian Diet.Hévizi, p. 20 Medievalists Nora Berend and Kyra Lyublyanovics both argue that dissatisfaction with Habsburg centralism reinforced ethnic separatism and contributed to the brief reemergence of a Cuman ethnos; a forged version of the "Cuman laws" of 1279 was produced in the 18th century to justify ancient liberties against normative pressures.
These continue to exist as "national sections" of the federal party, which presents itself in regional and local contests as Lega Lombarda–Lega Nord, Liga Veneta–Lega Nord, Lega Nord–Piemont and so on. The League exploited resentment against Rome's centralism (with the famous slogan Roma ladrona, which loosely means "Rome big thief") and the Italian government, common in northern Italy as many Northerners felt that the government wasted resources collected mostly from Northerners' taxes. Cultural influences from bordering countries in the North and resentment against illegal immigrants were also exploited. The party's electoral successes began roughly at a time when public disillusionment with the established political parties was at its height.
In 1835, it replaced the 1824 constitution with the new constitutional document known as the "Siete Leyes" ("The Seven Laws"). Santa Anna did not involve himself with the conservative centralists as they moved to replace the federal constitution that dispersed power to the states with a unitary power in the hands of the central government, seemingly uneasy with their political path. "Although he has been blamed for the change to centralism, he was not actually present during any of the deliberations that led to the abolition of the federalist charter or the elaboration of the 1836 Constitution."Fowler, Santa Anna of Mexico, p. 158Costeloe, The Central Republic, 1835-1846, pp. 46-65.
In May 1915, when his colleague Bogumil Vošnjak fled to the west in order to join the Yugoslav Committee, Žerjav was again arrested and put into custody in the town of Gmund and later in Graz, where he spent most of the war. After the breakup of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Žerjav was part of the delegation of Austro-Hungarian South Slavs which in December 1918 signed the declaration establishing the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. After 1918, Žerjav became a fervent supporter of Yugoslav centralism and unitarism. In June 1918, he was among the co-founders of the Yugoslav Democratic Party, which in 1919 merged into the State Party of Serbian, Croatian and Slovene Democrats.
Explored and settled by the Spanish in the 16th century, Panama broke from the Spanish Empire in 1821. As the independent Panama State, it chose to exist as part of the Republic of Gran Colombia, which had been created in 1819 as a union of Nueva Granada with the precursor of today's Ecuador and with the precursor of today's Venezuela. Over the next 90 years, political differences between supporters of federalism and centralism, as well as regional tensions and the occasional civil war, would steadily change the geo-political landscape of the region. Gran Colombia dissolved in 1831, with Panama and Nueva Granada choosing to remain joined, as the Republic of New Granada.
Apartment Complex Pino Suárez, in the wake of the 1985 Mexico City earthquake. From the days of the Aztecs, Mexico City has been the center of power for much of Mesoamerica and the Mexican nation. This centralism simply changed hands when the Spanish arrived, The Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), which came to power after the Mexican Revolution, again consolidated political power to the city, which benefited to the detriment of other parts of the country. The rapid expansion of Mexico City is related to the country's economic development in the period after World War II, the widening of the manufacturing sector, the success of the oil industry, and the country's proximity to U.S. markets.
The Marxist–Leninist governing party organises itself around the principle of democratic centralism and through it the state too. It means that all directing bodies of the party, from top to bottom, shall be elected; that party bodies shall give periodical accounts of their activities to their respective party organizations; that there shall be strict party discipline and the subordination of the minority to the majority; and that all decisions of higher bodies shall be absolutely binding on lower bodies and on all party members. The highest organ of a Marxist–Leninist governing party is the party congress. The congress elects the central committee and either an auditing commission and a control commission, or both, although not always.
2014, 111–112 He also criticized the Italian Communist Party (PCI) for its opposition to devolution and its preference for Italian centralism. Pasolini founded the party Movimento Popolare Friulano, but ended up quitting upon realizing that it was being used by the Christian Democratic Party to counter the Yugoslavs, who in turn were attempting to annex large swaths of the Friuli region. On 26 January 1947, Pasolini wrote a declaration that was published on the front page of the newspaper Libertà: "In our opinion, we think that currently only Communism is able to provide a new culture." It generated controversy, partly due to the fact he was still not a member of the PCI.
With the end of the dictatorship, it was the only significant part of the Brazilian left to remain within the PMDB, the continuation of the MDB. Most other groups joined the PT while the Brazilian Communist Party and the Communist Party of Brazil relaunched themselves as independent political parties. The MR8 is a bit of an oddity in Brazilian politics, as it considers itself "Marxist- Leninist" but is not organized under democratic centralism and operates within a bourgeois centre-to-left political party, in direct contradiction to the Marxist-Leninist tenets of independence from bourgeois organizations. In the late 1990s, MR8 became somewhat reformist like other leftist movements and a more moderate socialist group.
Bajamonti became Mayor of Split on 9January 1860History of Dalmatia by Giuseppe Praga & Franco Luxardo for the Autonomist Party (succeeding Šimun de Michieli-Vitturi) and stayed in office until 1864, when he was relieved because of his opposition to Austrian centralism. He was replaced by Frano Lanza, but in 1865 he united with the People's Party into the Liberal Union and won the elections again. He would go on to hold the post for over two decades, until 1880, when he retired from office and was succeeded by Aleksandar Nallini, another Autonomist. After democratic reforms allowed for a greater part of the populace to vote, Bajamonti's Autonomist Party lost the 1882 elections.
The PLP's primary party unit was the "club", organized either on a shop, territorial, or functional basis. All party members were required to be active members of a club and bound by the principles of democratic centralism, in which decisions of higher bodies were considered binding on participants in lower bodies. During the 1960s, new members were additionally required to undergo three months of ideological training, usually in small group settings in individual houses. Owing in part to the significant economic and extensive time requirements expected of its members, the PLP has since its inception been a small cadre organization, with an "estimated hard-core membership" of about 350 in 1970, supplemented by numerous sympathizers.
They also oppose the idea of a revolutionary party since council communists believe that a revolution led by a party will necessarily produce a party dictatorship. Council communists support a workers' democracy, produced through a federation of workers' councils. Accordingly, the central argument of council communism in contrast to those of social democracy and Leninist communism is that democratic workers' councils arising in the factories and municipalities are the natural form of working-class organization and governmental power. This view is opposed to both the reformist and the Leninism ideologies which respectively stress parliamentary and institutional government by applying social reforms on the one hand and vanguard parties and participative democratic centralism on the other.
Statute of the Polish United Workers' Party, 1956 edition Until 1989, the PZPR held dictatorial powers (the amendment to the constitution of 1976 mentioned "a leading national force"), and controlled an unwieldy bureaucracy, the military, the secret police, and the economy. Its main goal was to create a Communist society and help to propagate Communism all over the world. On paper, the party was organised on the basis of democratic centralism, which assumed a democratic appointment of authorities, making decisions, and managing its activity. Yet in fact, the key roles were played by the Central Committee, its Politburo and Secretariat, which were subject to the strict control of the authorities of the Soviet Union.
The initiative could be demonstrated - in accordance with the principle of democratic centralism - only in the implementation of resolutions and orders of instances supreme.Z Problemow Powstania i Rozwoju Organizacyjnego ppr na Terenie Wojewodztwa Bialystockiego (1944-1948), pp 7-10 The dependence of the Voivodeship party organization and its authorities was also determined by that its activity was financed almost entirely from a subsidy received from the Central Committee of PZPR. Membership fees constituted no more than 10% of revenues.Z Problemow Powstania i Rozwoju Organizacyjnego ppr na Terenie Wojewodztwa Bialystockiego (1944-1948), pp 14-16 The activities of the Voivodeship Committee between PZPR Voivodeship conferences were formally controlled by the Audit Committee (elected during these conferences).
In 1820, governors Francisco Ramírez and Estanislao López, of Entre Ríos and Santa Fe provinces respectively, both members of the Federal League, managed to end victorious the struggle against the centralism of Buenos Aires, defeating a diminished Supreme Directorship army at the Battle of Cepeda and signing a federal agreement with Buenos Aires Province. As these Provinces, and Corrientes Province, rejoined the United Provinces of the Río de la Plata, the Federal League effectively came to an end as a separate political entity. The Treaty of Pilar resulted unacceptable to Artigas so he ordered Ramírez and López to renounce it, but they disobeyed. Because of this, Artigas entered into conflict with his former ally governor Francisco Ramírez, who defeated the remnants of Artigas' army.
Despite their ill-discipline raising the prospect of anarchy, without pemuda confronting foreign and Indonesian colonial forces, Republican diplomatic efforts would have been futile. The revolution is the turning point of modern Indonesian history, and it has provided the reference point and validation for the country's major political trends that continue to the present day. It gave impetus to communism in the country, to militant nationalism, to Sukarno's 'guided democracy', to political Islam, the origins of the Indonesian army and its role in Indonesian power, the country's constitutional arrangements, and the centralism of power in Indonesia. The revolution destroyed a colonial administration ruled from the other side of the world, and dismantled with it the raja, seen by many as obsolete and powerless.
The Franco regime considered Biscay and Gipuzkoa as "traitor provinces" and cancelled their fueros. However, the pro-Franco provinces of Álava and Navarre maintained a degree of autonomy unknown in the rest of Spain, with local telephone companies, provincial limited-bailiwick police forces (miñones in Alava, and Foral Police in Navarre), road works and some taxes to support local government. The post-Franco Spanish Constitution of 1978 acknowledged "historical rights" and attempted to compromise in the old conflict between centralism and federalism by establishing a constitutional provision catering to historic Catalan and Basque political demands, and leaving open the possibility of establishing their own autonomous communities. The Spanish Constitution speaks of "nationalities" and "historic territories", but does not define them.
Central committee is the common designation of a standing administrative body of communist parties, analogous to a board of directors, whether ruling or non-ruling in the 20th century and of the surviving communist states in the 21st century. In such party organizations the committee would typically be made up of delegates elected at a party congress. In those states where it constituted the state power, the central committee made decisions for the party between congresses, and usually was (at least nominally) responsible for electing the Politburo. In non-ruling communist parties, the central committee is usually understood by the party membership to be the ultimate decision- making authority between Congresses once the process of democratic centralism has led to an agreed-upon position.
The Communist Party of Cuba is the ruling political party in the Republic of Cuba. The Cuban constitution ascribes the role of the party to be the "leading force of society and of the state". It was founded on 3 October 1965 through as a successor of the United Party of the Cuban Socialist Revolution which was in turn made up of the 26th of July Movement and Popular Socialist Party that seized power in Cuba after the 1959 Cuban Revolution. The PCC is a communist party based on democratic centralism, a principle conceived by Russian Marxist Vladimir Lenin, entails democratic and open discussion of policy issues within the party, followed by the requirement of total unity in upholding the agreed policies.
During the second half of the 19th century Colombia went through many political changes and struggles to define itself as a nation. Tensions between the two main political parties; Liberals and Conservatives escalated to numerous civil wars trying to establish a political system between federalism or centralism and other major differences. The Colombian National Police was established by Law 90 of 1888 to be under government orders and as a dependency of the then Ministry of Government with the intention to function as a Gendarmerie force for Bogotá. The new institution was planned to be a force of 300 Gendarmeries divided into three companies; commanded by a Captain, two lieutenants and a second lieutenant, all commanded by two high-ranking officers.
It marked a turn to more of a focus on work in the trade unions, and a key part of this process was the pamphlet published in 1966: Incomes policy, legislation and shop stewards, which opposed the Labour Party's incomes policy and discussed how it could be fought.Tony Cliff & Colin Barker, Incomes policy, legislation and shop stewards, London 1966. In 1968, the group adopted Leninist democratic centralism as an organisational practice, returning to Cliff's original position after leaving aside brief flirtations with Luxemburgian critiques of party vanguardism. This period saw the IS heavily involved in the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign (in support of the Viet Cong) and local variations of the student protests of 1968, where it was able to recruit from this pool of youngsters.
The brothers' actions to the south detained many Byzantine troops and eased Samuel's liberation of northeastern Bulgaria; the Byzantine commander was defeated and retreated to Crimea.Nikolov, G., Centralism and regionalism in Bulgaria during the early Middle ages (end of the 7th beginning of the 11th century (Tsentralizam i regionalizam v rannosrednovekovna Balgariya (kraya na VII nachaloto na XI v.), Централизъм и регионализъм в ранносредновековна България (края на VII началото на ХІ в.)), София 2005, p. 195. Any Bulgarian nobles and officials who had not opposed the Byzantine conquest of the region were executed, and the war continued north of the Danube until the enemy was scattered and Bulgarian rule was restored. After suffering these defeats in the Balkans, the Byzantine Empire descended into civil war.
Standard of the Prince Regent On 9 October 1934 Vlado Chernozemski assassinated Paul's first-cousin, King Alexander I of Yugoslavia, in Marseille in France, and Prince Paul took the regency, as Alexander had stipulated in his Will that on his death a council of regents chaired by Paul should govern until Alexander's son Peter II came of age.Hoptner, J.B, , Columbia University Press, 1962, p. 25 Prince Paul, far more than Alexander, was Yugoslav rather than Serb in outlook, and unlike Alexander, he was inclined much more toward democracy. In its broadest outline, his domestic policy worked to eliminate the heritage of the Alexandrine dictatorship's centralism, censorship, and military control, and to pacify the country by solving the Serb-Croat problem.
Once authoritarian rule was established, non-Catholic translations of the Bible were confiscated by the police and Protestant schools were closed. Although the 1945 Spanish Bill of Rights granted freedom of private worship, Protestants suffered legal discrimination and non-Catholic religious services were forbidden in public, to the extent that they could not be in buildings which had exterior signs indicating it was a house of worship and that public activities were prohibited.Wood, James Edward Church and State in the Modern World, p. 3, 2005 Greenwood Publishing While the Catholic Church was declared official and enjoyed a close relation to the state, ethnically Basque clergymen harboured nationalist ideas opposed to Spanish centralism and were persecuted and imprisoned in a "Concordate jail" reserved for criminal clergy.
According to its Constitution, The BLF operates under the Leninist party organisational structure known as democratic centralism. There are 4 chief organs of the party, arranged in the following hierarchy: # The National Imbizo which elects the National Coordinating Committee # The Provincial Imbizo which elects the Provincial Coordinating Committee # The Regional Imbizo which elects the Regional Coordinating Committee # The Branch Biennial General Imbizo which elects the Branch Coordinating Committee The National Imbizo, as the supreme ruling body, will convene at least once every 5 years. It is responsible for electing the members of the National Coordinating Committee (NCC) including the Secretary General. This is very similar to the relationship between the Party Congress and the Central Committee in Marxist-Leninist parties.
The first conflict was known as the Watermelon War of 1856, where US soldiers mistreated locals, causing massive race riots that US Marines eventually put down. Under a federalist constitution that was later brought up in 1858 (and another one in 1863), Panama and other constituent states gained almost complete autonomy on many levels of their administration, which led to an often anarchic national state of affairs that lasted roughly until Colombia's return to centralism in 1886 with the establishment of a new Republic of Colombia. As was often the case in the New World after independence, administration and politics were controlled by the remnants of colonial aristocracy. In Panama, this elite was a group of under ten extended families.
The PC-SBIC was ideologically grounded in the writings of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, and in the actions of Vladimir Lenin in the aftermath of the October Revolution, advocating democratic centralism and Marxism–Leninism. It was launched on 25 March 1922 in Niterói, Rio de Janeiro, when members of the Brazilian working class took their first big step towards arranging themselves under a class organization; nine delegates, representing 50 workers, held a Congress and founded the PC-SBIC. On 4 April 1922, it was recognized as a political party by the federal government, with its manifesto being published in the Official Gazette. Following the international guidance, the party was given the name of Communist Party - Brazilian Section of the Communist International.
The dichotomous principle of separation of powers was abandoned, and the Federal National Assembly was proclaimed the supreme representative of people's sovereignty and the highest authority of the federation. Until then, the highest existing executive body, the Presidium of the National Assembly of FNRJ and the Government of FNRJ were replaced with two executive authorities of the Federal People's Assembly - the President of the Republic and the Federal Executive Council (known as FEC), who were responsible for the assembly work, at least on paper. President of the Republic was also the president of the Federal Executive Council. Democratic centralism was also abandoned, the rights of the republics and autonomous regions were increased, and in the municipality, the city and the county self-management was introduced.
In Croatia, the regional branch of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, the League of Communists of Croatia, had lost its ideological potency. Slovenia and Croatia wanted to move towards decentralization. SR Serbia, headed by Slobodan Milošević, adhered to centralism and single-party rule, and in turn effectively ended the autonomy of the autonomous provinces of Kosovo and Vojvodina by March 1989, taking command of their votes in the Yugoslav federal presidency. Nationalist ideas started to gain influence within the ranks of the still-ruling League of Communists, while Milošević's speeches, notably the 1989 Gazimestan speech in which he talked of "battles of quarrels", favored continuation of a unified Yugoslav state — one in which all power would continue to be centralized in Belgrade.
It was a fraternal party of the Progressive Labor Party in the United States until about 1979 when the two organizations disagreed over the question of self-determination for Québec. The group was in existence from the late 1960s to the early 1990s and was most active in British Columbia Québec and Ontario where a number of its members achieved office in the United Steel Workers of America and the Canadian Union of Postal Workers. The party described its decision-making process as "democratic centralism":Canadian Party of Labour Handbook, Toronto, 1975 (no pagination), Section 7 > Decisions are reached through broad discussion within the party. The clubs, > city executives and national committee of the party are all involved in > democratic discussion to develop and modify the lines.
Principles of the "socialist economic system, in which the means of production are socialised and the entire national economy directed by plan" and the rules of democratic centralism, are also laid out. "Socialist ownership" takes two forms: state ownership especially of natural resources, the means of industrial production, public transportation and communications, banks and insurance companies, mass media and health, educational, and scientific facilities; and cooperative ownership, which is the property of people's cooperatives (Art. 8). Small private enterprises "based on [owner's] personal labour and excluding exploitation of others' workforce" are permitted within limits (9) formally; this in practice concerned agriculture. Personal ownership of consumer goods, "family homes, and savings earned through labour" is guaranteed, as is inheritance of such property (10).
The Marxist- Leninist concept (see General line of the party) of democratic centralism involves strict adherence to, and defense of, a communist party's positions in public. According to American educator Herbert Kohl, writing about debates in New York in the late 1940s and early 1950s: > The term "politically correct" was used disparagingly, to refer to someone > whose loyalty to the CP line overrode compassion, and led to bad politics. > It was used by Socialists against Communists, and was meant to separate out > Socialists who believed in egalitarian moral ideas from dogmatic Communists > who would advocate and defend party positions regardless of their moral > substance. On the other hand, in inner-party debate sessions, the line can be questioned, criticized, and changed if necessary.
Among them, the Kalonjists supported Tshombe's CONAKAT party in nearby Katanga which, because of its strongly federalist stance, opposed to Lumumba's conception of a strong central government based in the capital Léopoldville. As part of this, the Kalonjists supported CONAKAT against their main local rivals, the Association Générale des Baluba du Katanga (BALUBAKAT) party led by Jason Sendwe, which, although it represented the Baluba of Katanga Province, was in favour of centralism. The Kalonjists, who believed themselves to be acting on behalf of all the Luba-Kasai, created an animosity between the Luba-Kasai and the Luba-Katanga but also failed to gain the full support of CONAKAT, much of which had racial prejudice against the Baluba and supported only the "authentic Katangese".
Lenin was suspicious of this aid, and had it closely monitored. Within the Communist Party itself there was dissent from both the Group of Democratic Centralism and the Workers' Opposition, both of whom criticised the Russian state for being too centralised and bureaucratic. The Workers' Opposition, who had connections to the state's official trade unions, also expressed the concern that the government had lost the trust of Russia's working class. The 'trade union discussion' preoccupied much of the party's focus in this period; Trotsky angered the Workers' Opposition by suggesting that the trade unions be eliminated, seeing them as superfluous in a "workers' state", but Lenin disagreed, believing it best to allow their continued existence, and most of the Bolsheviks eventually embraced this latter view.
After the split between Leon Trotsky and Stalin, Trotskyists have argued that Stalin transformed the Soviet Union into a bureaucratic and repressive one-party state and that all subsequent Communist states ultimately followed a similar path because they copied Stalinism. There are various terms used by Trotskyists to define such states, such as "degenerated workers' state" and "deformed workers' state", "state capitalist" or "bureaucratic collectivist". While Trotskyists are Leninists, there are other Marxists who reject Leninism entirely, arguing, for example, that the Leninist principle of democratic centralism was the source of the Soviet Union's slide away from communism. Maoists view the Soviet Union and most of its satellites as "state capitalist" as a result of destalinization and some of them also view modern China in this light.
Subsequently, Mordrel became co-president of the Breton Autonomist Party (Parti Autonomiste Breton, or PAB), and then its secretary for propaganda. During the same year, he started mixing his political and aesthetical ideals, adapting Art Deco to Breton themes, and aligning himself with the Breton art movement Seiz Breur. In 1932, he created the Breton National Party (PNB), a nationalist and separatist Breton movement that would be outlawed by Prime Minister Édouard Daladier in October 1939, for its connections with Nazi Germany. In an article he contributed to the 11 December 1932 Breiz Atao, Mordrel launched an anti-semitic attack, one aiming to add National-socialist rhetoric to his discourse against French centralism: "Jacobin rime avec Youppin" - translatable as "Jacobin rhymes with Yid".
In modern Chinese politics, a leadership core or core leader () refers to a person who is recognized as central to the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party. Four individuals so far have been given this designation: Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin, and Xi Jinping. The designation is not a formal title and does not hold legal weight, but its use in official party documentation gives its holder a precisely defined place in party theory on their relative standing to the rest of the Communist Party leadership. The leadership core operates as part of the Leninist-inspired framework of democratic centralism, and is intended to represent a vital center rather than a hierarchical peak, which differentiates it from the role of paramount leader.
When the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes was created, its Prime Minister became Nikola Pašić, who enforced centralism and hegemonist rule, often accompanied by terror. Radić and Košutić travel aboard to inform the world public about the violent policy of Belgrade. Even though Košutić had immunity as member of parliament, authorities took his passport and forbade him to travel aboard, so he crossed the border illegally; in 1923 he was with Radić in London, later he went from Vienna to Zagreb where he was sent by Radić to inform the Croatian public about the image which was created about Croatia in the world. From Vienna, Košutić accompanied Radić on his way to Moscow to meet Georgy Chicherin, the Soviet foreign minister who wanted to meet Radić.
General Guadalupe Victoria, federalist liberal and first president of Mexico Lucas Alamán, Conservative politician and intellectual The lack of political experience of Mexican elites prior to independence and their sharply held opposing views meant that political life was both highly polarized and chaotic. Two leaders emerged, articulating the views of the two main political views. Lucas Alamán from the time he was a young man representing New Spain at the Cortes of Cádiz in 1812 until his death in 1853 was the voice of Mexican conservatism. Conservatives did not repudiate colonial-era institutions and sought a way to recreate what they considered the order and stability of that era, and were proponents of centralism, that is, a strong central government.
Guillot was appointed to the confederal Bureau of the CGTU after the withdrawal of her colleague Louis Bouët. This was the first time a woman was part of the Confederation Office, according to the L'Humanité.2 August 1922, Compte-rendu du Congrès The cohabitation of revolutionary syndicalists with supporters of unconditional international centralism did not last long, and Guillot resigned from her responsibilities within the CGTU in July 1923. In November 1922 Monmousseau represented the CGTU at the second congress of the Red International of Trade Unions (Profintern) in Moscow. Pierre Semard, a leader in the PCF, played an important role in the debate between Communists and Anarcho-Syndicalists over the role of the CGTU at its Bourges Congress in September 1923.
The Liberals had maintained the strong centralism of the absolutist era (with the exception of Galicia in 1867) while the Conservatives attempted a more federalist state that ultimately led to the fall of the Taaffe government in 1893, including a second attempt at Bohemian Ausgleich (Tripartite monarchy) in 1890 (Grandner 1997).Hugo Hantsch, Die Nationalitaetenfrage im alten Oesterreich. Das Problem der konstruktiven Reichsgestaltung (in Wiener Historische Studien 1, Vienna 1953) On the left the spread of anarchical ideas and oppressive government saw the emergence of a Marxist Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei Österreichs, SDAPÖ) in 1889 which succeeded in winning seats in the 1897 elections which followed further extension of suffrage in 1896 to include peasants and the working classes, establishing universal male suffrage, though not equal.
Late in his life, together with his brother who in the meantime had become a noted psychiatrist, he coauthored a book on their family members' history and lifelong commitment to Communism, first published in German as Unbeirrbar Rot: Zeugen und Zeugnisse einer Familie (2002, ) and then in Polish as Czerwona nić: Ze wspomnień i prac rodziny Lederów (2005, ). As he put it in one of that book's essays, he never gave up on the possibility of a revived Communist ideal. In 1980-81 he was involved in what became known as the "horizontal movement", an attempt at reforming the Polish United Workers' Party from within, whose name hinted at alternative structures to democratic centralism. This is also why he did not join Solidarity despite being personally close to many of its founders and key activists.
During Franco's regime, however, the blaugrana team was granted profit due to its good relationship with the dictator at management level, even giving two awards to him. On the other hand, Real Madrid was widely seen as the embodiment of the sovereign oppressive centralism and the fascist regime at management level and beyond: Santiago Bernabéu, the former club president for whom their stadium is named, fought on the Nationalist side during the Spanish Civil War. During the Spanish Civil War, however, members of both clubs such as Josep Sunyol and Rafael Sánchez Guerra suffered at the hands of Franco supporters. During the 1950s, the rivalry was exacerbated further when there was a controversy surrounding the transfer of Alfredo Di Stéfano, who finally played for Real Madrid and was key to their subsequent success.
121 The Democrats campaigned on the theme of "retrenchment and reform" and attacked the "corrupt centralism" of the Grant administration. Tilden blamed high taxes and the Grant administration for the economic downturn, and, like Hayes, promised civil service reform and hard money policies.White (2017), pp. 328–330 Republicans, meanwhile, focused on their party's identification with Lincoln and the Union cause in the Civil War; many Republicans still associated the Democratic Party with slavery and disunion.Morris (2003), pp. 118–120 Rebutting Republican charges, Tilden categorically denied that he had any intention of compensating the South for any slaves emancipated or losses suffered during the Civil War.Morris (2003), pp. 161–162 For their part, many Democrats cared little for Tilden's emphasis on reform, and were instead focused on ending sixteen years of Republican leadership.
It has been stated that "The Leninist principle of democratic centralism even received explicit endorsement in the AD's party statutes."Coppedge (1994:42) Elected representatives of the parties strayed from the party line so infrequently that Congressional leaders did not tally votes, relying solely on the relative sizes of the parties. "Labor leaders usually refrained from calling strikes when their party was in power and the politicized officers of professional associations, student governments, peasant federations, state enterprises, foundations, and most other organizations used their positions to further the interests of their party." Key to the maintenance of the partyarchy was a system of "concertacion" (consultation), in which the two parties would consult with each other, and with other actors (notably business and the military), seeking consensus on controversial issues.
Although they agreed and discharged him as a "security risk", they also declared him a "Lifelong Friend of the People" in recognition of his many years of service. Hay's relationship with Gernreich ended not long after, with Hay entering a relationship with Danish hat-maker Jorn Kamgren in 1952; it would last for eleven years, during which Hay helped him establish a hat shop, attempting to use his contacts within the fashion and entertainment industries to get exposure for Kamgren's work and meeting with moderate success. Mattachine's structure was based partly on that of the Communist Party and partly on fraternal brotherhoods like Freemasonry. Operating on the Leninist basis of democratic centralism, it had cells, oaths of secrecy and five different levels of membership, each of which required greater levels of involvement and commitment.
However, others such as Michael Harrington argue that the term democratic socialism is necessary to distinguish it from that of the Soviet Union and other self-declared socialist states. For Harrington, the major reason for this was due to the perspective that viewed the Stalinist-era Soviet Union as having succeeded in propaganda in usurping the legacy of Marxism and distorting it in propaganda to justify its politics. Both Leninism and Marxism–Leninism have emphasised democracy, endorsing some form of democratic organisation of society and the economy whilst supporting democratic centralism, with Marxist–Leninists and others arguing that socialist states such as the Soviet Union were democratic. Marxist–Leninists also tended to distinguish what they termed socialist democracy from democratic socialism, a term which they associated pejoratively to "reformism" and "social democracy".
Julia Schucht with sons The failure of the workers' councils to develop into a national movement convinced Gramsci that a Communist Party in the Leninist sense was needed. The group around L'Ordine Nuovo declaimed incessantly against the Italian Socialist Party's centrist leadership and ultimately allied with Bordiga's far larger "abstentionist" faction. On 21 January 1921, in the town of Livorno (Leghorn), the Communist Party of Italy (Partito Comunista d'Italia – PCI) was founded. In opposition to Bordiga, Gramsci supported the Arditi del Popolo, a militant anti-fascist group which struggled against the Blackshirts. Gramsci would be a leader of the party from its inception but was subordinate to Bordiga, whose emphasis on discipline, centralism and purity of principles dominated the party's programme until the latter lost the leadership in 1924.
After 1919, the Soviets had ceased to function as organs of democratic rule as the famine induced by forced grain requisitions led to the Soviets emptying out of ordinary people. Half the population of Moscow and a third of Petrograd had by this stage fled to the countryside to find food and political life ground to a halt. The Bolsheviks became concerned that under these conditions—the absence of mass participation in political life and the banning of opposition parties—counter-revolutionary forces would express themselves within the Bolshevik Party itself (some evidence existed for this in the mass of ex opposition party members who signed up for Bolshevik membership immediately after the end of the Civil War). Despite the principle of democratic centralism in the Bolshevik Party, internal factions were banned.
Vladimir Lenin, who led the Bolshevik faction within the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party Although Marxism–Leninism was created after Vladimir Lenin's death during the regime of Josef Stalin in the Soviet Union, continuing to be the official state ideology after de-Stalinisation and of other Marxist–Leninist states, the basis for elements of Marxism–Leninism predate this. The philosophy of Marxism–Leninism originated as the pro-active, political praxis of the Bolshevik faction of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party in realising political change in Tsarist Russia.Bottomore, pp. 53–54. Lenin's leadership transformed the Bolsheviks into the party's political vanguard which was composed of professional revolutionaries who practised democratic centralism to elect leaders and officers as well as to determine policy through free discussion, then decisively realised through united action.
In the 20th century there has been a selection of fifty fables in the Condroz dialect by Joseph Houziaux (1946), to mention only the most prolific in an ongoing surge of adaptation. The motive behind the later activity across these areas was to assert regional specificity against a growing centralism and the encroachment of the language of the capital on what had until then been predominantly monoglot areas. Surveying its literary manifestations, commentators have noted that the point of departure of the individual tales is not as important as what they become in the process. Even in the hands of less skilled dialect adaptations, La Fontaine's polished versions of the fables are returned to the folkloristic roots by which they often came to him in the first places.
"La nacionalitat catalana" (, in English "The Catalan nationality") is an essay and political manifesto written by the Conservative politician Enric Prat de la Riba in 1906. Article at the Enciclopèdia Catalana website. Focusing on the will for the restoration of self-government in the region, it is one of the foundational text of Noucentisme and modern political Catalanism and a philosophical justification of Catalan nationalism. The author portrays the years spannings between the abolition of the privileges and traditional institutions of Catalonia as part of the introduction of French centralism by the first Bourbon king of Spain, Philip V, and the present moment, as a period of cultural renaissance among those who struggled against the unification and centralisation of Spain (as exemplified by the Romanticist movement La Renaixença) and were aware of its nationality.
The roots of the Appeal Group went back to the early 1950s, when the Bexley branch of the CPGB, led by Eddie Jackson, challenged the introduction of the British Road to Socialism and Rule 2(b) in the party’s rule book. The British Road replaced the former party programme, For a Soviet Britain, and was a programme for achieving socialism in Britain through the election of a socialist government to Parliament without a revolution. Rule 2(b) set this aim as a rule and outlawed any promotion of other perspectives by party members. Some older CPGB members who opposed these revisionist changes found themselves in a minority and isolated. The party’s strict democratic centralism forbade them to communicate their concerns about the direction the party was taking except through the district and central congresses.
His mission at the Convention was to ensure that any modifications made to the Australian Constitution towards a Republic maintained the present checks and balances against Centralism and the power of the Executive and the Judiciary. He argued, "We have had a Constitution, rightly or wrongly, that has been significantly destabilised, a generation of young people ... who believe we have a bad Constitution, paradoxically, when it is in fact the best in the world.""Inspired by Machiavelli and Mac the Mouth", The Australian, 5 February 1998 Wilcox was a keen sportsman. He played cricket as a wicket-keeper at university and later for Richmond Cricket Club, and in later life would be a trustee of the Melbourne Cricket Ground and maintained a long association with the Camberwell Magpies Cricket Club.
Veiga, p.98 With new backing, Averescu attempted to break out of the unequal partnership with the PNL, implying that it was an "unhealthy" solution. Mihail Manoilescu, his Minister of the Economy, adopted radical fiscal policies for the redistribution of wealth,Pușcaș & Sălăgean, p.327 and undermined the PNL's big finance with calls for cooperative banking.Veiga, p.91, 98 At a time, a movement directed by the PP's own Teodor Neaga sought to bring back the old Bessarabian zemstvos; Averescu welcomed it with speeches about decentralization, describing zemstvos as a compromise between centralism and regional autonomy.Suveică, p.196, 199-200, 228-229 Moreover, the PP strayed from the traditional course of Romania's European policies, by obtaining a recognition of the Bessarabian union from the (nominally hostile) Kingdom of Italy, and turning Romania away from her Little Entente alliance.
Arato, From Neo- Marxism to Democratic Theory: Essays on the Critical Theory of Soviet-Type Societies (M. E. Sharpe, 1993). Intro. Further, Arato argued that Marxian writers were typically trapped by the problematic of Marx's philosophy of history, which could only conceive of two possible modern industrialized social formations – either capitalism or a progressive socialist society. Instead, Arato, along with a number of East European theorists, sought to analyze state socialist societies as a new, hierarchical, exploitative social formation “sui generis”; he understood the communist societies as a unique social formation with its own particular mechanisms of control, exploitation and crisis.See Arato, “Understanding Bureaucratic Centralism,” Telos 35 (Spring 1978) Arato argued that this type of society could not be understood by focusing on market or economic relations, instead it rested on a type of prerogative political control operating through the bureaucratic state.
A dissident tendency had begun to crystallize within the SWPs Michigan/Ohio District around 1948-1949 led by Bert Cochran. It included the SWP fractions within the UAW locals in Flint and Detroit, Michigan, as well as Toledo and Cleveland, Ohio; the fractions in the United Rubber Workers in Akron, led by Jules Geller; and a group around Harry Braverman within the United Steelworkers in Youngstown. This tendency was beginning to have grave doubts about the sectarian nature of the SWP, and felt that the concepts of democratic centralism and the vanguard party were out of place in the context of the United States in the 1950s. They did not believe that capitalism was heading for a revolutionary crisis, and felt that a socialist educational group for propaganda among the workers was more appropriate at that point than a vanguard party.
France also exerted pressure for Denard to leave, and in late September—temporarily, as it developed—he departed the islands. Abdallah consolidated power, beginning with the writing of a new constitution. The document combined federalism and centralism. It granted each island its own legislature and control over taxes levied on individuals and businesses resident on the island (perhaps with an eye to rapprochement with Mahoré), while reserving strong executive powers for the president. It also restored Islam as the state religion, while acknowledging the rights of those who did not observe the Muslim faith.. The new constitution was approved by over 99% of Comoran voters in a referendum held on 1 October 1978.. Later in the month Abdallah was elected to a six-year term as president of what was now known as the Federal Islamic Republic of the Comoros.
The primary trade union centre is the Confederation of Trade Unions of Armenia (CTUA), which is the reconstituted remains of the former Soviet trade union structure. The 18-th Congress of trade unions of Armenia (1992) which was attended by 335 delegates, especially mentioned the fact that the principles of democratic centralism as well as command methods of governing no longer correspond to the changed conditions, new labour relations and the democracy development. On the assumption of these facts 24 branch republican trade unions signed the Declaration on the foundation of the Confederation of trade unions of Armenia. The Congress came to the decision to preserve the delegates and working bodies of the 18-th Congress in the same position as they had been – the delegates and the working bodies of the 1-st Congress of the Confederation of trade unions of Armenia.
Brizola with architect Oscar Niemeyer in 2002 After the 1989 election there were still chances Brizola could achieve his dream of winning the Presidency if he could overcome his party's lack of national penetration. Some of his advisers proposed him a candidacy to the Senate in the ensuing 1990 elections, which could offer him national highlights. Brizola refused, preferring to present himself as a candidate to the gubernatorial elections in the same year, winning a second term as Governor of Rio de Janeiro by a first-round majority of 60.88% of all valid ballots.Sento Sé, Brizolismo, 232 Brizola's second term as Rio's governor was a political failure, marked by instances of disorganized management caused by Brizola's ultra-centralism and distaste for proper bureaucratic procedure and the support Brizola eventually offered to the Collor administration in exchange for funds for public works.
The clinic was founded by Jean Oury, a psychiatrist who previously worked in experimental therapy at Saint-Alban Psychiatric Hospital. The psychiatric practice borrowed the idea of Hermann Simon that it is necessary to look after the establishment and to look after each citizen, while returning initiative and responsibility to them by developing situations in which they can work and express their creativity. According to its constitution written by Oury, La Borde was founded on three principles: democratic centralism, a rotating basis for the division of labor, and anti-bureaucracy. From the mid-50s Félix Guattari worked at La Borde, developing its practice and organization and producing alongside Oury a body of theoretical work on the practice and theory of schizoanalysis, set in practice at La Borde, and included in his 1972 collaboration with the philosopher Gilles Deleuze, Anti-Œdipus.
According to Salzman, tribes conceptualized as the descendants of a common ancestor on the male line, will combine their resources with other closely related relatives against more distant ones, and the whole tribe will then stand together against outsiders. This tribal framework renders it nearly impossible to have a constitution or a regime of law and order, thereby "generating a society where all groups are on an equal basis." Tribal members "are loyal only to their groups." Scholar: Tribalism Rules in Iran, Iraq and Syria, by Michelle Mostovy-Eisenberg, Jewish Exponent, February 7, 2008 Tribal loyalties are said by one commentator drawing on Salzman’s work to “ create a complex pattern of tribal autonomy and tyrannical centralism that obstructs the development of constitutionalism, the rule of law, citizenship, gender equality, and the other prerequisites of a democratic state.
"Objectivity and Disagreement." in Morality and Objectivity, Ted Honderich (ed.). London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, pp. 54-97. Non-centralism has been of particular importance to ethical naturalists in the late 20th and early 21st centuries as part of their argument that normativity is a non-excisable aspect of language and that there is no way of analyzing thick moral concepts into a purely descriptive element attached to a thin moral evaluation, thus undermining any fundamental division between facts and norms. Allan Gibbard, R. M. Hare, and Simon Blackburn have argued in favor of the fact/norm distinction, meanwhile, with Gibbard going so far as to argue that, even if conventional English has only mixed normative terms (that is, terms that are neither purely descriptive nor purely normative), we could develop a nominally English metalanguage that still allowed us to maintain the division between factual descriptions and normative evaluations.
On efforts of some other communists who did not join the Socialist Party, in 1993 in Donetsk was re-established the Communist Party of Ukraine soon after the Union of Communist Parties – Communist Party of the Soviet Union in Moscow. Some members who joined Socialist Party, after re-establishing of the Communist Party, joined the new political entity among which the most notable was Adam Martyniuk. Following sanctions against the party in 1991, the party fell apart in similar way as its parent organization (the Communist Party of the Soviet Union) having members of such main deviations like Democratic Platform and Interregional Deputy group reorganized into separate political entities. The CPU was organized on the basis of democratic centralism, a principle conceived by Vladimir Lenin that entails democratic and open discussion of policy issues within the party followed by the requirement of total unity in upholding the agreed policies.
The Chinese constitution states that The People's Republic of China "is a socialist state under the people's democratic dictatorship led by the working class and based on the alliance of workers and peasants," and that the state organs "apply the principle of democratic centralism." The PRC is one of the world's only socialist states explicitly aiming to build communism. The Chinese government has been variously described as communist and socialist, but also as authoritarian and corporatist, with heavy restrictions in many areas, most notably against free access to the Internet, freedom of the press, freedom of assembly, the right to have children, free formation of social organizations and freedom of religion. Its current political, ideological and economic system has been termed by its leaders as a "consultative democracy" "people's democratic dictatorship", "socialism with Chinese characteristics" (which is Marxism adapted to Chinese circumstances) and the "socialist market economy" respectively.
As the Soviet Union was being created, Rakovsky became opposed to the new central leadership over the issue of self-determination for the Soviet republics and autonomous republics. This followed the dispute between, on one side, Joseph Stalin, Zinoviev, Totsky and Kamenev, and, on the other, the leadership of the Georgian SSR (see Georgian Affair). At the time, he evidenced a "permanent struggle which the so-called independent and autonomous republics had to carry out to safeguard not only their prerogatives but their very own existence". Arguing in favor of extending the revolution from Ukraine to the Balkans, and indicating his belief that the peasantry was being alienated by internationalist messages, Rakovsky cited concerns that centralism was placing Soviet influence in peril, and called for "carrying out a correct theoretical and practical solution to the national question within the boundaries of the Soviet Union".
It claims that within the international proletariat emerges a section of labour aristocracy from the powerful imperialist nations, which is granted some economic and political power over the superexploited proletariat of the colonial and neo-colonial countries. Marxists–Leninists advocate the most class conscious members of the proletariat form vanguard parties based around the principle of democratic centralism which will lead revolutionary movements towards the creation of single-party states which will gradually progress to socialism and finally global communism. Anti-revisionism is a position within Marxism–Leninism based on its interpretation by Stalin, who supported the dictatorship of the proletariat, drastic and fast-paced economic transformation in the short-term, and violent confrontation with capitalist powers. The emergence of the Khrushchevist interpretation lead to a reaction from pro-Stalin Marxist–Leninists, who formed the anti-revisionist movement and opposed Khruscevists de-Stalinization policies.
In March 2007 the Young Communist League of Canada held a small three-day convention in Toronto, the 24th Central Convention of the YCL and the first since the 1991 dissolution. The convention heard from international guests representing the Portuguese Communist Youth, the Young Communist League, USA, the KNE (Greek YCL), the Unión de Jóvenes Comunistas (Communist Youth Union of Cuba), as well as the President of the World Federation of Democratic Youth. The convention adopted the framework for the re-establishment of the YCL especially a Constitution continuing the principles of democratic centralism. A Declaration of Unity and Resistance recognized among other things the dynamic and militant contribution of youth in the movement; the urgency of united action against war, environmental and ecological crisis; the multi-national character of Canada; the necessity for socialism; and the relationship of the YCL with the CPC.
In 1924 Pribićević's faction made their break with the Democratic Party final by founding a new party, the Independent Democratic Party, with 14 parliamentary representatives. When Nikola Pašić and Stjepan Radić came to an agreement in 1925 which would temporarily pacify the Croatian Peasant Party, Pribićević switched to the opposition, and started thinking that his prior support for the Radicals had only helped fortify the Serbian domination. After the election of 1927, the Independent Democrats and Croatian Peasant Party both became the opposition, and then decided to form the Peasant-Democrat coalition (Seljačko-demokratska koalicija, SDK). In the coalition with Radić, Pribićević converted from an advocate of centralism to its adversary, and in the spring of 1928, Pribićević and Radić waged a bitter parliamentary battle against the ratification of the Treaty of Nettuno with Italy, having actually secured a majority in the parliament, but not being able to lead the government.
It also confirmed decisions that were already made by the Presidium. The Presidium was of special importance because of its responsibility for handling the affairs of the council when the full body was not in session. Specific functional responsibilities of the Council of Ministers included directing and planning the national economy; solving problems growing out of membership in the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (Comecon—see Appendix B); coordinating and implementing social policy decisions that have been agreed upon with the support and concurrence of the Free German Trade Union Federation (Freier Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund—FDGB); instructing and controlling subordinate levels of government, i.e., the councils at district, county, and community levels that implemented the laws and decisions of the central government; improving the functioning of the system of "democratic centralism" within the state apparatus; and carrying out the basic foreign policy principles of the socialist state.
One of his concerns throughout his career, both military and political, was the return of lands to the Indigenous peoples of Mexico, and combating the oligarchic centralism that divided and caused huge losses to the country in favour of a liberal, republican and federal system. Urban life was disliked by Álvarez and he did not like the ways of the members of the high class of Mexico City, because of their centralist ideology and the affiliation of many of them to the conservative party, and because they sympathised with monarchic aspirations, oligarchic tendencies, snobbism, or have expressed antipathy and contempt towards the lower social classes, which nevertheless encompassed most of the Mexican citizens. Thus, because of Álvarez regionalism, liberalism, federalism and his leadership of indigenous soldiers, Mexico City was not very hospitable to him. And there was conflict in his cabinet between supporters of Comonfort and Manuel Doblado.
Castro's text is typical of a widespread view that sees the unity of language as the guardian of national unity, and the upper classes as the guardians of language orthodoxy. Much of Menéndez Pidal's work is aimed at pursuing that goal, recommending greater zeal in the persecution of "incorrect" usage through "the teaching of grammar, doctrinal studies, dictionaries, the dissemination of good models, [and] commentary on the classical authors, or, unconsciously, through the effective example that is propagated through social interaction and literary creation"."[L]a enseñanza de la gramática, los estudios doctrinales, los diccionarios, la difusión de buenos modelos, el comentario de los autores clásicos, o bien inconscientemente, mediante el eficaz ejemplo que se difunde en el trato social o en la creación literaria". This kind of classist centralism—common to other colonial languages, especially French—has had lasting influence on the use and teaching of the language.
The purpose of Marxism–Leninism is the revolutionary transformation of a capitalist state into a socialist state by way of two-stage revolution led by a vanguard party of professional revolutionaries, drawn from the proletariat. To realise the two-stage transformation of the state, the vanguard party establishes the dictatorship of the proletariat and determines policy through democratic centralism. The Marxist–Leninist communist party is the vanguard for the political, economic and social transformation of a capitalist society into a socialist society which is the lower stage of socio-economic development and progress towards the upper-stage communist society which is stateless and classless, yet it features public ownership of the means of production, accelerated industrialisation, pro-active development of society's productive forces (research and development) and nationalized natural resources. As the official ideology of the Soviet Union, Marxism–Leninism was adopted by communist parties worldwide with variation in local application.
"Draft theses for the 3rd Congress of the Communist Party of Italy presented by the Left 1926 This text then argues that fractionism would have a positive basis, where it arises in response to the relapse of the party into opportunism, as particularly illustrated by Social Democracy. It is further argued that bourgeois tendencies are not manifested in fractionism, but "as a shrewd penetration stoking up unitary demagoguery and operating as a dictatorship from above". The concept was put forward as against bolshevisation. :"One negative effect of so-called bolshevisation has been the replacing of conscious and thoroughgoing political elaboration inside the party, corresponding to significant progress towards a really compact centralism, with superficial and noisy agitation for mechanical formulas of unity for unity's sake, and discipline for discipline's sake. :This method causes damage to both the party and the proletariat in that it holds back the realisation of the «true» communist party.
The SSk was founded in 1962 with the merger of several Slovene anti-communist political organizations that had functioned since 1945 in the Italian part of the Julian March (Venezia Giulia), that is in the provinces Gorizia and Trieste (until 1954 Zone A of the Free Territory of Trieste). These organizations included the Slovene Christian Social Union (Slovenska krščansko socialna zveza, SKSZ), led by Engelbert Besednjak and Avgust Sfiligoj; the liberal Slovene Democratic Union (Slovenska demokratska zveza, SDZ), led by Josip Agneletto and Andrej Uršič; and the social-democratic Group of Independent Slovenes (Skupina neodvisnih Slovencev, SNS), led by Josip Ferfolja, Frane Tončič and Dušan Rybář. All these groups shared an anti-fascist ideology, they were opposed to Italian nationalism and centralism, as well as to the Communist regime of the nearby Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Coming from different ideological background, but sharing similar programs, these groups soon established a close collaboration, creating many joint lists in municipal and provincial elections.
His father had been a delegate to the Wheeling Convention, which had created the state of West Virginia, but he had also opposed the abolitionists, Radical Republicans, and opposed ratification of the Fifteenth Amendment. Davis acquired much of his father's southern Democratic politics, opposing women's suffrage, Federal child-labor laws and anti-lynching legislation, Harry S. Truman's civil rights program, and defended the State's rights to establish the poll tax by questioning whether uneducated non-taxpayers should be allowed to vote. He was as much opposed to centralism in politics as he was to the concentration of capital by large corporations, supporting a number of early progressive laws regulating interstate commerce and limiting the power of corporations. Consequently, he felt distinctly out of place in the Republican Party, which supported free-association and free markets and maintained his father's staunch allegiance to the Democratic Party, even as he later represented the interests of business opposed to the New Deal.
The government maintained that the AETU's purpose was to educate workers about the need to contribute their share to national development by increasing productivity and building socialism. In 1978 the Derg replaced the AETU executive committee after charging it with political sabotage, abuse of authority, and failure to abide by the rules of democratic centralism. In 1982 a further restructuring of the AETU occurred when Addis Ababa issued the Trade Unions' Organization Proclamation. An uncompromising Marxist–Leninist document, this proclamation emphasized the need "to enable workers to discharge their historical responsibility in building the national economy by handling with care the instruments of production as their produce, and by enhancing the production and proper distribution of goods and services." A series of meetings and elections culminated in a national congress in June 1982, at which the government replaced the leadership of the AETU. In 1986 the government renamed the AETU the Ethiopia Trade Union (ETU).
Under the Carolingians, Burgundian separatism lessened and Burgundy became a purely geographical term, referring only to the area of the counties of the former Burgundy. Both the Duchy of Burgundy and the County of Burgundy emerged from these counties, aided by the collapse of Carolingian centralism and the division of the Frankish domains brought about by the Partition of Verdun in 843. In the midst of this confusion, Guerin of Provence attached himself to Charles the Bald, youngest son of King Louis the Pious of the Franks, and aided him in the Battle of Fontenay against Charles's eldest brother, the Emperor Lothar. When the Frankish kingdom in the west was divided along the boundary of the Saône and Meuse (dividing geographical Burgundy in the process), Guerin was rewarded for his services by the king by being granted the administration of the counties of Chalon and Nevers, in which he was by custom expected to appoint viscounts to rule as his deputies.
Related to revanchism, the belligerent will to take revenge against Germany and retake control of Alsace-Lorraine, nationalism could then be sometimes opposed to imperialism. In practice, motivated by the dual idea of liberating areas from conservative rule and that those liberated peoples could be absorbed into the civic nation, French left-wing nationalism often ended up justifying or rationalising imperialism, notably in the case of Alsace. France's centralist left-wing nationalism was at times resisted by provincial left-wing groups who saw its Paris-focussed cultural and administrative centralism as little different in practice to right-wing French nationalism. From the late 19th century, several of the many ethnic groups that made up France developed a movement for separatism and regionalism, becoming a significant political factor in Alsace, Brittany, Corsica, French Flanders and the French portions of the Basque and Catalan countries, with smaller movements in other parts of the country and eventually equivalent movements in overseas territories (Algeria and New Caledonia, among others).
In 1700, Charles II of Habsburg died without an heir. This caused a war between those who supported the French Philip V of Bourbon as the successor (mainly the crown of Castile and France) and those who supported the Austrian Archduke Charles VI of Habsburg (the Crown of Aragon, England and Holland among others). In fact the struggle between these two suitors was also basically a struggle between two political conceptions: on the one hand the absolutist centralism of Philip V, and on the other the federalism of Charles VI of Habsburg. In the ensuing war (1701–1714) between the crown of Castile and the Crown of Aragon, the kingdom of Galicia could not avail itself of an independent policy due to being controlled strongly since 1486 by Castile, and Galicia was forced to provide military support to the suitor supported by the Castilian Crown, Philip V of Bourbon, who eventually won the war.
The Thousand Days' War () was a civil war fought in Colombia from 17 October 1899 to 21 November 1902, at first between the Liberal Party and the government led by the National Party, and later – after the Conservative Party had ousted the National Party – between the liberals and the conservative government. Caused by the longstanding ideological tug-of-war of federalism versus centralism between the liberals, conservatives, and nationalists of Colombia following the implementation of the Constitution of 1886 and the political process known as the Regeneración (es), tensions reached a fever pitch after the presidential election of 1898, and in 17 October 1899, official insurrection against the National government was announced by members of the Liberal Party in the Department of Santander. Hostilities didn't begin until the 11th of November, when liberal factions attempted to take over the city of Bucaramanga, giving way to active warfare. It would end three years later with the signing of the Treaty of Neerlandia and the Treaty of Wisconsin.
Subsequently, PSD entered talks with PCR representative Lucrețiu Pătrășcanu, leading to the creation of the National Democratic Front(Frontul Naţional Democrat, FND) in February 1945 (which grouped the two parties together with Petru Groza's Ploughmen's Front, Mihai Ralea's Socialist Peasants' Party, and Mitiță Constantinescu's Union of Patriots). Meant as an electoral alliance of the Left, the FND faced accusations from the PSD that it was becoming a tool for the PCR (especially after it had passed resolutions reflecting democratic centralism). An internal struggle ensued between the pro-communist wing and Titel Petrescu's supporters; Petrescu's faction (including Lazăr Măglaşu) left the PSD in March 1946 to found the Independent Social Democratic Party (Partidul Social Democrat Independent, PSDI), which presented itself as an independent faction in the November 1946 general election - these were won by the FND after a large-scale electoral fraud engineered by the Groza government. The PCR seized full power in December 1947, beginning 42 years of undisguised Communist rule in Romania.
Occitan Republican Left () is an Occitanist political party in Val d'Aran comarca of Catalonia, Spain. Founded in 2008 to contest Unity of Aran (PSC section) and Aranese Democratic Convergence (CDC section) at 2011 elections for the Aranese General Council, the party acts practically as the local section of the Republican Left of Catalonia and is chaired by Jusèp Loís Sans Socasau.Esquerra Republicana Occitana irromp en el panorama polític aranès, 28 August 2008Aran e era vegueria , 17 February 2010 Efforts to establish ERO began in 2005 when it was announced that a new political party in Val d'Aran shall be launched in order to challenge the ongoing UA-CDA hegemony in the comarca.Esquerra crearà aquest mes un nou partit a la Vall d'Aran, 12 July 2005 ERO targets to reinforce the Occitan identity of Val d'Aran within Catalonia and opposes centralism, a stance backed by the statute of the Republican Left of Catalonia.
After gaining 11 seats in the City Council in 1990 election, for the first time the newborn separatist Lega Nord presented its own mayoral candidate: the partisan and lawyer Marco Formentini. Formentini was a former socialist, politically a left-wing, and for this reason a strong candidate in a city like Milan, historically close to leftist ideas but at the same time attracted by the new proposals of the Lega Nord party. The resentment against Rome's centralism (with the famous slogan Roma ladrona, which loosely means "Rome big thief") and the Italian government, common in northern Italy as many northerners felt that the government wasted resources collected mostly from northerners' taxes, was very strong and resentment against illegal immigrants was widespread. Finally, the Tangentopoli corruption scandals, which started right in Milan and invested most of the established parties, were unveiled from 1992 on and broke the traditional link between the city and the powerful milanese Socialist Party.
The main goal of the party is as follows: "On the principle of the right of self- determination of the Moravian nation, Moravané advocates for the independence of Moravia via restoration of the Moravian legislative parliament within the territorial scope of the Moravian ecclesiastical province."Modern Czech regions don't follow Moravané's claimed boundaries of the Moravian state The party strongly disfavours state centralism, and expresses anti-Czech (Bohemian) sentiment; "Prague" (both the city and Czech government) is blamed for "suppressing Moravian culture, traditions and language" and for "pauperising of Moravia".Some examples of such statements can be seen in the party's election spots: Vote No. 16 (elections 2009) or The Moravian Truth and Czech/Bohemian Lie (both in Czech) According to Moravané, the future of the Europe lies in dismantling the modern European nation-states and establishing new states on historical territorial boundaries. Moreover, the party supports the codification and recognition of the Moravian language, traditionally considered a dialect of Czech by linguists and the public.
It wasn't that gaining from Western countries was impossible because they were formerly aggressive states (therefore requiring cognitive dissonance to even entertain the notion that democratic reform was desirable), but rather that it was due to ongoing aggression at the time that China was trying to modernize, thereby sapping the resources China needed in order to enact democratic reform and dissuading Chinese people from enacting similar forms of government. Mao then talks passionately about the early years of the Chinese communist revolution against Chiang Kai-shek, the leader of the Kuomintang (the government of the Republic of China which ultimately relocated to Taiwan), and of destroyed and crumbling imperialist empires. He claims victory for Chinese communism, and welcomes former intellectual adversaries to "learn anew" and to warm to Marxism–Leninism, a brand of communism that focuses on centralism and expanding communism first to undeveloped countries. Mao credits the CPC for raising the standards of the working class in China and for its strong alliance with the USSR.
Serbs and Montenegrins made up 38.8 per cent of the population, Croats contributed 23.9 per cent, Slovenes 8.5 per cent, Bosnian Muslims 6.3 per cent, Macedonians 5.3 per cent, and Albanians 4 per cent. According to economics professor and historian Jozo Tomasevich, Yugoslavia was politically weak from the moment of its creation and remained so during the interwar period mainly due to a "rigid system of centralism" imposed by the Serbian-friendly Vidovdan Constitution, the aforementioned strong association between each national group and its dominant religion, and uneven economic development. In particular, the religious primacy of the Serbian Orthodox Church in national affairs and discrimination against Catholics and Muslims compounded the dissatisfaction of the non-Serbian population with the Serbian-dominated ruling groups that controlled patronage and government appointments, and treated non-Serbs as second-class citizens. This centralised system arose from Serbian military strength and Croatian intransigence, and was sustained by Croatian disengagement, Serbian overrepresentation, corruption and a lack of discipline within political parties.
Gen Chansamone Chanyalath (Minister of National Defence) #Khamphanh Phommathat (Head of Office of the Party Central Committee) #Sinlavong Khoutphaythoune (Secretary of the Party Committee, Mayor of Vientiane) #Sonesay Siphandone (Deputy Prime Minister) ;Secretariat of the Central Committee (elected at the 10th Party Congress): #Bounnhang Vorachith (Secretary General) #Bounthong Chitmany (President of the Party Central Inspection Committee, Deputy Prime Minister) #Phankham Viphavan (Standing Member of the Party CC Secretariat, Vice President of Laos) #Chansy Phosikham (Head of the Party's Central Organisation Commission) #Khamphanh Phommathat (Head of Office of the Party Central Committee) #Lt Gen Sengnouane Xayalath (Vice President of the National Assembly) #Kikeo Khaykhamphithoune (Head of the Party's Commission for Propaganda and Training) #Maj Gen Somkeo Silavong (Minister of Public Security) #Maj Gen Vilay Lakhamfong (Deputy Minister of National Defence) The party operates according to the principles of democratic centralism. Due to the covert nature of the party in its first two decades it remains semi-secret in its operations though it is becoming more open as a new generation takes control.
Seventeen months later he would be condemned to twenty-five years forced labour by a Soviet military tribunal. Herbert Täschner enjoyed relatively good relations with the SED (party) and with the recently created Ministry for State Security: this left him as the "strong man" of the LDPD. The Liberal Democrats held a party conference at the end of September 1952 at which they formally accepted the "Creation of Socialism" in the German Democratic Republic, and Täschner was mandated with exceptional powers to transform the party towards "democratic centralism". This in effect was the point at which the Liberal Democratic Party accepted its diminished status as an element within the National Front, and it was also the point at which Herbert Täschner became the party's General Secretary, On 20 November 1950 Täschner wrote from Berlin to of the regional party in Saxony, resigning from his position as regional party General Secretary, explaining that the heavy burden of his national party responsibilities made it impossible to continue also with the job in Saxony.
Map of territories that became independent during those wars (blue) Independence also did not result in stable political regimes, save in a few countries. First, the new nations did not have well-defined identities, but rather the process of creating identities was only beginning. This would be carried out through newspapers and the creation of national symbols, including new names for the countries ("Mexico", "Colombia", "Ecuador", "Bolivia", "Argentina"), that broke with the past. In addition, the borders were not firmly established, and the struggle between federalism and centralism, which began in independence, continued throughout the rest of the century. Two large states that emerged from the wars—Gran Colombia and the Federal Republic of Central America—collapsed after a decade or two, and Argentina would not consolidate politically until the 1860s.Lynch, Spanish American Revolutions, 342–343. Kinsbruner, Independence in Spanish America, 146–152. The wars destroyed the old civilian bureaucracy that had governed the region for centuries, as institutions such as the audiencias were eliminated and many Peninsular officials fled to Spain.
Radical newspaper publisher Dr. Hermon Titus, a former Baptist preacher, was a key factional leader in the SPW in the first decade of the 20th century. The Socialist Party of America (SPA) was established in August 1901 at a "Socialist Unity Convention" which brought together the Chicago-based Social Democratic Party headed by railroad union organizer Eugene V. Debs and socialist newspaper publisher Victor L. Berger with a similarly named East Coast organization of expatriates from the Socialist Labor Party, featuring prominently Henry Slobodin and Morris Hillquit. United by a distaste for the centralism and enforced uniformity of the Socialist Labor Party of Daniel DeLeon, the new SPA was founded on the principle of "state autonomy" – a federation of state organizations each conducting their own electoral and educational affairs as they best saw fit, while combining under a national umbrella for presidential campaigns and major political projects. The foundation of the new SPA in 1901 "rebranded" the already-existing socialist movement in Washington state as the Socialist Party of Washington (SPW).
While these committees criticized past policies or well-known deficiencies, none of them criticized the policies of the central party leadership. General Secretary Trường Chinh in a speech to the Hồ Chí Minh City Party Organization admitted to "serious shortcomings and mistakes" by the central party leaders in economic leadership, and criticized the imposition of a superstructure on Vietnam's current conditions. Trường Chinh endorsed the program of the 8th plenum of the 5th Central Committee and "new economic concepts", but told the attendees that the 5th Politburo had undertaken a systematic assessment of economic policies, which included the continuation of a mixed economy, the acceptance of private ownership for the foreseeable future, the need to end bureaucratic centralism, and the need for decentralization in economic decision-making. In his speech to the 4th Congress of the Hồ Chí Minh City Party Organization, Nguyễn Văn Linh, a member of the 5th Politburo and 5th Secretariat, endorsed the platforms of 6th, 7th and 8th plenums of the 5th Central Committee while supporting the conclusion reached at the 10th plenum of the 5th Central Committee.
Faced with rampant corruption, anti-Bolshevik feeling in parts of the KMT, and the ever-present threat of the warlords and the Beijing-based Beiyang government, Borodin was tasked with reforming the Kuomintang into a potent revolutionary force. Borodin in Nanchang, 1926 He negotiated the First United Front between Sun's KMT and the nascent Communist Party of China (CPC), convincing that party, which consisted of only about 300 members at that time, that the alliance was in its long-term interest, as it would facilitate the organisation of both urban and rural workers. Under Borodin's tutelage, both parties were reorganised on the Leninist principle of democratic centralism, and training institutes for mass organisation were established, such as the Peasant Training Institute, where the young Mao Zedong served, and the Whampoa Military Academy, which trained officers for the National Revolutionary Army (NRA) under the leadership of Chiang Kai-shek. He arranged shipments of Soviet arms and shrewdly kept a balance between the middle-class elements of the KMT and the more radical CPC.
The terms anti-independence and loyalty are generally synonymous, the second term being used mostly in New Caledonia. The separatist movements generally describe their opponents as neo-colonialists, whereas it is not uncommon for anti- independenceists to still defend the theses autonomists, regionalist or federalists. In the provinces of the Federal States which have secessionist movements, such as Quebec in Canada, opponents of independence are called " federalists" in the sense that they defend the maintenance of the federal constitution, and that they are autonomists (for strengthening powers at the local level to the detriment of the federal level ) or not. In a unitary state, anti-independence movements, also called republicans or monarchists depending on the nature of the central state, can be distinguished between centralism centralist (also called Jacobins in France or Unionists in United Kingdom, they fight to give none or very little specific political, economic or cultural territory), "departmental" (movement especially present in the French overseas collectivity of Mayotte, aiming to make this territory a Department and thus lose some of its autonomy) or autonomists.
A Communist Party Central Committee memo of 1921 noted that the All-Russian Section of Anarchist-Universalists was "one of the most peaceful in the Anarchist movement," as it "recognizes 'workers' parliamentarism' as represented by the Soviet government" and "finds [it] necessary to participate in the work of the Soviet apparatus, to uphold the Red Army, the civil war and the dictatorship of the proletariat as the transitional form toward Anarchy." Nonetheless, both Gordin and the Anarchist- Universalists faced increasing government persecution. Observers attributed this persecution to Gordin's relative popularity among Russia's radical working class. In Seventy Days In Russia: What I Saw (1924), Angel Pestaña, recounting his visit to Moscow in 1920, notes that Abba Gordin, the "most visible spokesperson" among those anarchists who were "inclined to accept centralism and the dictatorship of the proletariat," had been imprisoned for three months in the notorious Butyrka prison "for the crime of having been elected to the Moscow Soviet by the workers of the factory where he worked": > Gordin was a worker in a munitions factory.
Whereas Marx, Engels and classical Marxist thinkers had little to say about the organization of the state in a socialist society, presuming the modern state to be specific to the capitalist mode of production, Vladimir Lenin pioneered the idea of a revolutionary state based on his theory of the revolutionary vanguard party and organizational principles of democratic centralism. Adapted to the conditions of semi-feudal Russia, Lenin's concept of the dictatorship of the proletariat involved a revolutionary vanguard party acting as representatives of the proletariat and its interests. According to Lenin's April Theses, the goal of the revolution and vanguard party is not the introduction of socialism (it could only be established on a worldwide scale), but to bring production and the state under the control of the soviets of workers' deputies. Following the October Revolution in Russia, the Bolsheviks consolidated their power and sought to control and direct the social and economic affairs of the state and broader Russian society in order to safeguard against counterrevolutionary insurrection, foreign invasion and to promote socialist consciousness among the Russian population while simultaneously promoting economic development.
Though he painted a fairly sympathetic portrait of Rosas, described as the only "possible synthesis" of the problems facing his time, Jauretche was fairly critical of the federal caudillos of the interior; in this analysis, Jauretche distinguished himself from the position of Jorge Abelardo Ramos, Rodolfo Puiggrós, and Rodolfo Ortega Peña, who were at the time critical of Rosas's ideology, which they understood as an attenuated version of Porteño centralism, and deeply fearful of the atavistic foundations of traditional nationalism, in which they perceived no small similarities with Fascism. In the struggle between revisionism and anti- revisionism, which in a large part was a division between left and right, Jauretche left no doubt as to his allegiance with the former. Meanwhile, in pursuit of whatever means would most quickly bring about the end of the Revolución Libertadora, Jauretche broke with Perón one last time and endorsed the candidacy of Arturo Frondizi, whereas Peronists adopted abstentionism, the technique traditionally used by the Radical Civic Union. Nevertheless, after Frondizi's election, Jauretche was severely critical of his development program and his pursuit of foreign investment, particularly with respect to petroleum.
At the end of 1873, Pavía occupied again the charge of Captain general of "Castilla la Nueva", with the headquarters in Madrid, function that performed when the president Castelar, (during the first days of 1874), asked the "Congreso de los Diputados" for a vote of confidence which was rejected. On 3 January Pavía, (which political posture was favourable to the united centralism) presented himself in the Congress and ordered to evacuate the building at the moment that it would proceed to a new presidential election ruled by a federalist. With the coup d'état finished, it started like this the named "Fase Pretoriana" of the First Republic, led by Francisco Serrano (Duque de la Torre), which rapidly would give way to the return of the monarchy of the House of Bourbon with Alfonso XII, son of Isabella II. During the Restoration, Pavía was the captain general of Catalonia from 1880 until 1881 and again captain general of "Castilla la Nueva" in 1885, under the regency of María Cristina de Habsburgo-Lorena. In 1886, applying this charge, he defeated in Madrid the popular anti-dynastic Manuel Villacampa.
The main principle that guides the party's internal structure, being a Leninist party, is democratic centralism, which implies that all party organs, from top to bottom, are elected and may be dismissed by those who elected them, if needed; the members who have tasks in any structure of the party are responsible to both lower and upper levels, being obliged to report the activities to both and to give consideration to their opinions and criticisms; lower-level structures must respect the decisions of the upper structures; every member is free to give his opinion during the discussion, and the structures must take in account the contribution of every member; every member must obey the decisions achieved by consensus or by a majority; every member must work along with his own structure; the party does not recognize the existence of organized factions inside it. The structure and internal organization of the PCP are defined by its statutes. The most recent statutes were approved in the seventeenth congress, held in 2004. The upper organs of the PCP at the national level are the congress, the central committee, and the central commission of control.
In 1990, Joachim Gauck (who is a former German President, centrist politician and activist without party affiliation) took part in the Alliance 90, having become an independent after its merger with The Greens Zentrismus is a term only known to experts, as it is easily confused with Zentralismus ("centralism", the opposite to decentralisation/federalism), so the usual term in German for the political centre/centrism is politische Mitte (literally "political middle", or "political centre"). Historically, the German party with the most purely centrist nature among German parties to have had current or historical parliamentary representations was most likely the social-liberal German Democratic Party of the Weimar Republic (1918–1933). There existed during the Weimar Republic (and again after the Nazi period) a Zentrum, a party of German Catholics founded in 1870. It was called Centre Party not for being a proper centrist party, but because it united left-wing and right-wing Catholics, because it was the first German party to be a Volkspartei (catch- all party) and because his elected representatives sat between the liberals (the left of the time) and the conservatives (the right of the time).
He called for the end of bureaucracy, centralisation of power as well as patriarchy, proposing term limits to the leading positions in China and advocating the "democratic centralism" as well as the "collective leadership". In addition, Deng proposed to the National People's Congress a systematic revision of China's constitution (the 1978 Constitution), and emphasized that the Constitution must be able to protect the civil rights of Chinese citizens and must reflect the principle of separation of powers; he also described the idea of "collective leadership" and championed the principle of "one man, one vote" among leaders to avoid the dictatorship of the General Secretary of CPC. In December 1982, the fourth Constitution of China, known as the "1982 Constitution", was passed by the 5th National People's Congress, embodying Chinese-style constitutionalism with most of its content still being effective as of today. In the first half of 1986, Deng repeatedly called for the revival of political reforms, as further economic reforms were hindered by the original political system while the country had seen an increasing trend of corruption and economic inequality, aggravated by the many social privileges enjoyed by governmental officials and their relatives.
The Laurak Bat coat of arms used by the Basque Government until 1985 After the end of home rule in 1839-1841, the Basque governments started a mutual approach out of common concerns in face of their exposure to Spanish centralism. The movement intensified after 1866, and a motto was coined, the "Laurac bat", 'the four make one', echoing the "Irurac bat" of the Royal Basque Company, which in turn crystallized in a coat of arms including the four historic Basque districts in Spain (called variously the Sister Provinces, the Chartered Territories, the Basque Country, the Basque-Navarrese Country, etc.), to represent their common bonds, as claimed during that period by the chartered provincial governments, or the 1931 draft Statute of the Basque Country. In 1936, the Provisional Government of Euzkadi, presided over by the first president, José Antonio Aguirre, adopted the shield with the arms of the three provinces of Álava, Gipuzkoa, Biscay comprised in the 1936 Statute (the Basque Provinces, as established in the 1833 administrative design), and Navarre. The president of the government affirmed in the preamble to the Decree of 19 October 1936, and thereby approved, the emblem and flag that was to be used by the Basque Country.

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